VOLUME II NUMBER 1

AN N ALS OF MEDICAL HISTORY

ml

Entered as second class matter June 2, 1917, at the post office at New York, N. Y ., under the Act of March 3, 1879. Yearly Subscription $6.00. Single numbers $2.00 Hi . ANNALS OF MEDICAL HISTORY

V o l u m e i i S p r i n g i q i q - N u m b e r i 4 f

ANATOMISTS IN SEARCH OF THE SOUL

B y GEORGE W. CORNER, M.D. University of California

BERKELEY, CAL. EA V EN lay about us pendently of the flesh, and oftentimes in the infancy of our must be confined by bonds of linen to race. When the mind’s prevent its imminent escape through the eye of the tribesman gash of a desperate wound, or be held first opened upon a down with weights of iron upon the head. world of mystery, to But even here, as into the jungle, the him the h au n ts o f explorer came, and began an unending good and evil spirits search for an ever-receding goal, a search than the jungle just which like that other led at first through beyond his hut. The jungle explored, the regions nearest home; for two thousand river followed to its head, mountain sum­ years the pious hands of anatomists sought mits still remained untrodden, and here for the springs of life in the tissues of animals, a while dwelt the gods. Olympus at last and even attempted to find in the bodies ascended and found to be a vacant peak, of the dead the organic seat of man’s the mountain-climber came down, his immortality. N disappointment forgotten, to tell of gazing The first civilized dissectors were those ^ across a vast ocean and of the Blessed Isles Sumerian priests and haruspices who drew v- which seemed to lie therein, beyond the auguries from the viscera of sacrificial setting sun; and when mariners returned animals. In this widespread rite it was the without news of such far shores, there were liver especially in which the omens were still the stars and the sun-god’s chariot of sought; while in the earlier thought of the fire, beyond the reach of any mortal traveler. races which practiced it, Assyrians, He­ So with the inward mystery of man’s brews, and Greeks, the liver was also life; at first a mere wraith of fancy or of considered the seat of life, of heat, and of fear, a vague image of the body it in­ whatever higher faculties distinguished man habited, the spirit could wander inde­ from the animals, and animals from lower 2 Annals oj Medical History nature. The Psalmist literally said “The seat of understanding. Other early Greek liver of the righteous man shall be made investigators, as Alkmaion of Croton, began fat.” . . . “My liver shall sing praise to to have glimmerings of the importance of Thee and not be silent.” The learned the brain; but even these new organs studies of Professor Jastrow suggest, indeed, could not entirely dispossess the liver from that it was because of the importance its old place of honor. New philosophies, attached to this organ as of sacred function, like new religions, build upon the old. that the rite of liver-searching became so There were metaphysicians as well as general and finally led, its original signifi­ anatomists at work upon the problem of cance forgotten, to the immolation of ani­ flesh and spirit; and there soon grew up mals with the more elevated conception of that half-shrewd, half-false doctrine which vicarious sacrifice. How in the first place is so clearly expressed by Aristotle, a doc­ the liver earned such important rank among trine which was still taught as fact in the the tissues, takes us perhaps into too dark Middle Ages, and survives in the etymology, a region of primitive symbolism, but where though lost to the thought, of the present the philologist did not tread, a casual day. Life is of triple nature (says Aristotle); wanderer in this field may rashly enter. the plants of the field are nourished and Primitive man, opening the abdomen grow; beasts feel and move; man reasons of a beast, saw much that explained itself. and remembers, and knows that he exists. The stomach, the intestines, the kidneys, Possessors of threefold faculties, we live bespoke their own functions by their very and move and have our being, and for each contents or their connections, and being faculty an organ is set apart. As the ancients understood, were no cause for wonder. knew, the liver is the place of the vegetative But the liver—largest and heaviest mass soul, drawing nourishment from the stom­ of all, blood-hued, and as it seemed, the ach, and sending it through the hepatic source of all the veins; with spreading vein to the heart, where its more subtle lobes and the strangely colored vessel of portions are refined to form the sensitive gall—offered an inviting mystery, and soul, whose outward motions are felt in could not fail to be the seat of faculties less all the pulses. Over these lesser organs ignobly comprehensible than mere emunc- presides the brain, seat of the intellectual tion or digestion. Was it not, then, the faculties, the “animal soul.” A blow upon source of the blood, of bodily warmth, of the head, injury of the brain, may abolish life itself? for a time all consciousness, but the vital Centuries later, with the practice of dis­ spark remains alight until the last beat section as a scientific method, other regions of the heart. of the animal body were laid bare, and The anatomical theories upon which all heart and brain began to present new this was based were hardly modified until mystery and new opportunity for the seeker the Renaissance, except that discovery of of souls. In the Hippocratic writing “De the bile-forming function of the liver made corde,” the right cavities of the heart are that organ more or less cpmprehensible and represented as receiving the blood from so deprived it of its remaining share of the the liver and driving it out again through soul. The heart, needless to say, retains the veins; but the left ventricle (found its old place of honor, if not in the scientific empty after death) contains the vital prin­ sense, at least in the speech of romance ciple or pneuma, which is to be sent through­ and of worship. Buried in our language out the body by the arteries. The heart are curious traces of this and even older is thus the central organ of life and the philosophies; thus we say “frenzy” of an

4 A nato m ists in S earch of th e S oul 3

ailment of the mind, but the phrenic Plato, it freed the soul from the trammels nerves and vessels are those of the dia­ of body for eternity, yet it bound the spirit phragm—a relic of a pre-Aristotelian view subject to the flesh during the span of that the diaphragm, placed between liver earthly existence; and herein it raised a and heart, was itself the seat of the intellect. strange new problem for the anatomists The higher functions once established in of the soul. the brain, the search was narrowed, and The Christian Fathers did not seek new every recess of the cranium was invaded. organs for the new soul; anatomy was At Alexandria, in the third century before stagnant, and they went to pagan Galen Christ, Erasistratus and Herophilus added for physicians’ lore as trustingly as to to other great achievements an exact study their sacred codices for texts. To many, of the human brain. The first was the dis­ indeed, the intellectual or animal soul, coverer of the meningeal coverings, and already firmly seated in the brain, was placed in them the intellectual faculty, itself the immortal essence, though others but later transferred it to the cerebellum, imagined this a fourth entity for which partly, we may suppose, because of its Galen could have given them no new organ marvelous structure still called arbor vitae, had they sought one; wherefore, with but also because he had seen the grave Augustine, they let it be diffused through­ results of damage done to the cerebellum out the body. Thus it was not toward the in animals. Herophilus went deeper, dis­ science of completed form the Latin Fathers covered the ventricles of the cerebral hemi­ turned, but to embryology, for they were spheres, and gave to them the same inter­ greatly troubled to know in what manner pretation, whence perhaps arose the quaint the soul comes at first to join the body. mediaeval division of the brain-cavities into Whether created anew by God, or having cells of imagination, reason, and memory. waited from the beginning among a great But most striking guess of all was Strato’s throng of the other unborn; whether in­ of Lampsacus, who found, so Plutarch tells, herited from the parents, or given to the the pars princeps animx in the middle of child at the moment of its first breath, or the forehead, between the eyebrows. We infused into the unborn embryo, were need no flight of fancy to imagine his joy questions of vast argument. and awe, who must have been the first In the debate TertuIIian and Augustine to drive chisel into the frontal sinuses. were foremost; but it is curious that with In the very substance of the skull, between all their insistence upon spiritualities, the brain and eye, where thought and vision only evidence they had to prove the pres­ meet, those dark caverns might well have ence of the soul in the embryo before birth seemed to him the abiding place of man’s was based upon such purely corporeal inner self. grounds as the early development of brain But the inner self of these Greeks was and heart and the existence of muscular in general no more than what we vaguely movements in utero. There is a quaint mean by the word life, without clear account of the formation of the embryo implication of anything immaterial. When which appears in a long series of books, lay the coming of Christianity, on the other and ecclesiastical. Aquinas took it from hand, brought back in a nobler form that Augustine, who knew it perhaps from some conception of the soul as an immortal forgotten physician of the third century; entity, as a temporary dweller in the house Dante from Aquinas, and versified it in of flesh, which is found alike in the thought his Purgatory. Henri de Mondeville put it of the savage and in the speculations of in a book of surgery, and from him Thomas

\ 4 Annals of Medical History

Vicary gave it English words: “Thus is renewal of the old search than the middle of the childe bred foorth in four degrees . . . the seventeenth century, nor would any the thirde degree is, when the principals man seem less likely to pursue it than one be shapen, as the Hart, Iyver, and Brayne: whose very methods of reasoning were the fourth and Iaste, as when al the other founded upon an attempt to abandon older members be perfectly shapen, then it re- ground. In 1543 Vesalius’ “Fabrica” had ceyveth the soule wyth life and breath; broken anatomy’s age-old chains of tra­ and then it beginneth to moue it-selfe dition, and eighty-five years later Harvey’s alone: so is ther xlvj. dayes from the daye discovery of the circulation threw her of conception vnto the daye of ful perfection shackles to the ground. After this the and receyving of the soule, as God best pulse-beat was not mysterious, and no more knoweth.” is heard of a soul in the heart or the arteries. It is obvious that the embryology of It was otherwise with the nervous system, Augustine finds a practical application in however, for not even the genius of Vesal the question of infant damnation; the could fathom the problem of muscles moving spirit is almost eight months a prisoner at the command of the will, nor tell how liable to the penalties of unchristened a pin-prick gets into consciousness. More­ death, but without opportunity of rescue over, there was nothing, as yet, in the by baptism. Here is no place for the tender­ new anatomy to replaoe or even to discredit hearted—or for the anatomist. Yet to the Galenic doctrine of the animal spirits, this day, when birth is impending in any which taught that in the brain the more household of the Church, the physician volatile parts of the blood are filtered out must be prepared to utter the hallowed and sent ebbing and flowing through the formula, and in times of emergency, when nerves (believed to be hollow) to carry two lives are committed to the hands of the sensation and volition back and forth. It surgeon, there takes place a dramatic was in the minds of many that somewhere repetition of the immemorial battle for in the brain, at the starting-place of this souls. The unorthodox physician who has living tide, must be the central point of witnessed or taken part in one of these existence; for all his originality, Rene sudden tragedies will be driven to marvel Descartes too was moving in the well- at the power of an ancient dogma in the trodden path when he made his famous modern hospital; the basin of sterile salt assumption that the pineal gland is the solution becomes, by miracles of faith, a seat of the soul. His reasons are hardly baptismal font, and solemn adjuration of more than Erasistratus or Strato might Father, Son, and Holy Spirit issues from the have given: there must be some point at swathed figure of a nursing Sister. But those which body and soul are joined; it must who believe must almost have heard din be a single structure, and in the middle of warfare and have seen the glitter of plane of the body, in order that impressions archangels’ panoplies. coming from double organs, like the eyes or We have had more than a hint that in all ears, may be combined into a single thought; times past the search for the soul has followed the pineal gland is the only organ in the the same path, every new seeker passing brain which his dissections had shown to over the familiar ground traversed by his be so placed; it lies in the third ventricle, predecessors, thinking the object of his in the very spot where the spirits of the hope lay in some place beyond, still mys­ anterior cavities meet those of the posterior, terious and unexplored. Yet at first thought and it is well protected from outward no time would seem less likely to witness a harm. A nato m ists in S earch of th e S oul 5

That Descartes’ emphasis upon the mid­ was locating the soul in a place of excre­ dle of the head was in accord with the ments. Other anatomists discovered the notions of the times we might bring many frequent presence of small gritty concretions things to show. The most amusing illustra­ in the pineal body, which somehow made tion which comes to mind is in a book on that structure more sordid, less fit to be hermetics and astrology by Robert Fludd, the seat of a great function. Doctor of Medicine at Oxford, “ De super- These criticisms did not invalidate the naturali, naturali, prseternaturali, et con- methods, but only the results of the great tranaturali microcosmi historia,” 1619. In philosopher’s anatomy; and there seems to a full-page engraving is shown a man’s have been something fascinating about the head and hand in profile, with dotted lines Cartesian rules for discovering the soul connecting the organs of the five senses that set all his friends dissecting as well. with mystic circles representing the material Two English relics of their search survive world. Upon the temples are two circles under the dust of libraries, which seems inscribed sensativa, imaginativa, and in the to lie thickest upon books of outworn oval where they overlap, the sentence hie philosophy. Sir Kenelm Digby found time, anima est. Upon the occiput are two other amid a life of experimenting in alchemy, of circles, memorativa and motiva, and again privateering in the Mediterranean, of pro­ hie anima est. In the middle of the head moting the most preposterous of all secret (not far above the region of the pineal nostrums, writing cook-books, and of duel­ gland) are concentric circles, mens, intel­ ing, to visit Descartes and to write two lects, ratio; overlapping circles, cogitativa thick treatises, “Of Bodies,” and “Of Man’s and aestimativa, and for the third time Soul,” which are very treasuries of ver­ hie anima est; but from this middle soul bosity and of question-begging. Such a there are dotted lines leading heavenward man, from pride of intellect alone, could to radiant niches marked with names of not fail to take part in the search, and his angels and archangels, powers and prin­ solution was the septum pellucidum, the cipalities, thrones and dominations and the membrane or partition of cerebral sub­ Persons of the Trinity. stance which divides the right from the left Bartholin and Wharton, two of the best lateral ventricle of the hemispheres. Digby’s anatomists of the time, offered prompt reasons, from first to fifthly, are too palpably objection to the pineal gland theory, on like Descartes’, but the last two are of a grounds no more subtle than Descartes* quaintness worthy quoting: “Sixthly, it own. First, they urged, this little body, no is seated in the very hollow of the brain: more than twenty grains in weight, is too which of necessity must be the place and small to contain all the images of the soul. receptacle, where the species and simili­ More to the point is their second objection, tudes of things reside; and where they are that the external nerves do not arise from moved and tumbled up and down, when the glandula pinealis, but from the spinal we think of many things. And lastly, the marrow, and thus anatomical study does not situation we put our head in, when we show how the animal spirits can pass into think earnestly of any thing, favours this them from a structure so deeply placed. opinion: for then we hang our head for­ The third objection is based on the entirely wards, as it were forcing the specieses to untrue, but more striking notion that the settle towards our forehead; that from cerebrospinal fluid of the third ventricle thence they may rebound, and work upon is refuse matter from the process of refine­ this diaphanous substance.” ment of animal spirits, and hence Descartes Dr. Henry More’s “Treatise on the Im­ 6 Annals of Medical History mortality of the Soul” came from the of form; and since the structure was still seclusion of a fellowship in Christ’s College, as inexplicable (lacking this knowledge) Cambridge. To him, as to Descartes, the as it was in Descartes’ time, it was eligible soul is in the whole body, but that part for any function one might wish to give it. of it which is called the common sensorium, So, too, was the hypophysis or pituitary wherein our five senses are joined in one body; and in the new doctrine the latter understanding and reasoning faculty, must was made the seat of a new, sixth sense, the have a special seat in the brain. More power of comprehending unvoiced thought, would place it in “those purer animal psychic receptivity; while the pineal gland spirits in the fourth ventricle of the brain.” will be in later and higher races of our line The “Anatome Corporis Humani” of the bodily lodging of the seventh sense, Isbrand van Diemerbroeck, professor at divine insight. Between these two struc­ Utrecht, printed in 1672, would appear tures there is a delicate connecting strand, to be the last textbook which discussed the whose invisibility to materialistic anatom­ question of the soul as part of a routine ists is explained by the statement that it description of the human body. After this is destroyed by shrinkage of the brain the soul disappeared from the scope of after death. Contrary to the usual rule, anatomy as heaven had vanished from scientific investigation did not break down the maps of terrestrial geographers. Acuter these views (as far as the Theosophists insight began to distinguish the study of were concerned) in suggesting more prosaic the mind’s activities from pursuit of the derivations and functions of the two mys­ soul, keener eyes began to trace the intri­ terious bodies; the proven relations of the cacies of the nervous system; and scholars hypophysis to bodily growth and the em- came at last to share the opinion of Sir bryological explanation of the pineal as Thomas Browne: “In the brain, which a third eye, when they came, were accepted we term the seat of reason, there is not as renewed evidence of their psychic im­ anything of moment more than I can dis­ portance. cover in the crany of a beast: and this is When a devotee by special endowment no inconsiderable argument of the inor- and training acquires the sixth sense, he ganity of the soul, at least in that sense can observe the functioning of another’s we generally so receive it. Thus we are inner processes of soul: “ When a man is in men, and we know not how.” his normal condition, an adept can see the The sober hypotheses formed and dis­ golden aura pulsating in both the centers, carded at one period of thought often like the pulsation of the heart. . . . The remain alive in the belief of the credulous of arc of the pulsation of the Pituitary Body a later time. Many pious enthusiasts still mounts upward, more and more, until the have great faith in the results of Piazzi current finally strikes the Pineal Gland, Smith’s attempt to prophesy the future and the dormant idea is awakened and A. by measuring the pyramids of Egypt; and set all glowing with the pure Akashik Fire. in the same way the pineal gland is now Once the sixth sense has awakened the having a revival of interest in Theosophic seventh, the light which radiates from the circles. In 1889, when Madame Blavatsky seventh illuminates the fields of infinitude. wrote her “Secret Doctrine,” she was not For a brief space of time man becomes aware of Herbert Spencer’s brilliant dis­ omniscient; the Past and the Future, Space covery that the pineal body represents an and Time, disappear and become for him undeveloped eye which in a few little- the Present.”—-At this point the skeptic known reptiles almost attains perfection listener is tempted to quote Robert Boyle: T h e E ss e n c e of th e M e d ia e v a l S pirit 7

“This seemingly rude lump of soft matter false temples of the spirit the anatomist has does for color and consistence look almost come by turn, but by the very breaking like so much custard; yet there are strange of idols he has helped to win the soul a things performed in it!” brighter raiment. By the paradox of time In this last strange recrudescence, we we also count among the builders those have an epitome of all searching for the who were destroyers, Asclepiades and his soul in the body of man. If in this case followers of all ages, who sought by experi­ the scientist is more likely to deny than ment upon the body to prove non-existence to affirm, so has it always been. It is not the of the soul; and against whom the voices anatomist who has given us such dreams, of the pious have never ceased to be raised. but rather the mystic or philosopher who So might sun-worshipers have mourned, first created in his own thought an image to know that a prism of glass would one of the soul, and set it down in whatever day prove that great light to come from organ of the body seemed at the time most the burning of earth-like minerals; wherein mysterious, most free from sordid function, we conceive of Majesty exceeding earth nearest the inward fire. Into each of these and sun.

THE ESSENCE OF THE MEDIAEVAL SPIRIT

Well indeed may we turn our eyes away for a time; that if the social discipline and from those centuries wherein one of the chief fruition are to be renewed and enlarged it callings of man fell into unexampled and must be upon a new synthesis, as laborious even odious degradation. . . . In the equal and ardent as the former, and more true. eye of history, the Middle Ages teach us that Meanwhile the business of a nation, whether slow and painful travail of natural science in war or peace, is first to be quick and strong is not to be regarded as the belated labor of light in action, to be rational afterwards; and swift­ in the womb of darkness, nor as a mere ness and strength come of union of wills and stifling of the growth of the human mind by singleness of heart rather than wisdom. Even tyranny and oppression, nor indeed as the within its borders freedom of opinion must arming of moral forces against brute forces; awaken slowly; the nation strong enough to but as the condition of time in the making suffer irresolutions in its outward policy has of societies on a necessarily provisional theory yet to appear. Hence it is that we find in ruling of life. They teach us that conduct in state classes, and in social circles which put on and morals depends upon a theory of life; aristocratical fashions, that ideas, and espe­ that although habits and even standards of cially scientific ideas, are held in sincere ethics may abide for a time after the theory aversion and in simulated contempt. on which they were built is sapped, it is but Sir Thomas Clifford Allbutt.

\ THE MEDICAL GODS OF ANCIENT IRAN

B y WALTER A. JAYNE, M.D.,

DENVER, COLORADO

( p e r s i a ) N ancient Iran, disease with its dad,” the Law against Demons. This last treatment was a definite part of the book is of especial interest to physicians, religious system. Medical doctrines as it relates almost entirely to disease. and practices were determined by the Chapters X X -X X II are strictly medical. sacredI books and were under the control The salient feature of the religion of and direction of the priesthood and physi­ Zoroaster is a dualism, two creators and cians. The religion of Zoroaster prevailed two creations. Each creator has a following, in Iran, dating from an early period, and in creatures emanating from their principal, its development was highly moral and lofty, partaking of their respective characters, one of the most interesting of the ancient depositories of their respective powers and world. This system was dominant and prom­ attributes, agents with varied functions ised to spread over the Orient, even to to carry out the creator’s will and to Europe, when the ravages following the assist in waging the incessant warfare in conquest of Alexander the Great (330 which their principals are engaged. Ahura b . c.) checked it and effectually broke its Mazda (Ormazd), above all others, the god power. The “ Avesta,” the Living Word, of Light, the omniscient and wise creator the sacred book of Iran, is now but a rem­ of the universe and all good things, benefi­ nant of the original, and is the holy scrip- cent in the extreme, is supported by six ' tures of the Parsees of India. It was a volu­ Amesha Spentas, the “ Immortal Holy minous work in the early days, inscribed Ones, ” representing justice and piety, who with painstaking care on thousands of cow­ form his court. Occupying an auxiliary place hides and on bricks in letters of gold, and are the Yazatas, the “Venerable Ones,” his was religiously guarded in the “ Stronghold angels who are, for the most part, ancient of Records,” the treasuries, and temples. Aryan gods who have faded or have been Very much of it was destroyed by the orders demoted in favor of Zoroaster. To these of Alexander, and the Mohammedans, after are opposed in unremitting, malevolent, their conquest in the 7th Century a . d ., bitter conflict Angra Mainyu (Ahriman), burned all of the remainder that was found. the Enemy Spirit, the Principle of Evil, The “ Avesta” in its present form is, there­ called “ Druji,” (Deception), ignorant and fore, a reconstruction from traditions and the shortsighted, who created darkness, sin, memories of devotees. The portion called disease, suffering, and evil of every kind. the Gathas bears internal evidence, how­ With him are six Arch-fiends, the antitheses ever, in phraseology and dialect, of being of the Amesha Spentas, who are his com­ more intimately related to the original, and manders and direct the activities of untold parts of it may be a survival, at least in hordes of diabolical, evil spirits. These form. The “ Avesta” is divided into several spirits of evil seek to overcome Ormazd, books and treats of the life of Zarathustra enslave him, and by every means in their (Zoroaster) and his teachings; precepts for power they endeavor to create confusion sanctity and a religious life; history or in all his good works, to destroy them. They cosmology; the law, moral and civil; the introduce all evil into the world and attack liturgy; and the book called the “ Vendl- man to his detriment and destruction. Man . 8 M ed ic a l G ods of A n c ien t I ran 9 ever has a part in this struggle, aiding the evil spirits, and these ten became an one or opposing the other according to his hundred thousand. From these germs came moral attitude. Each work is an act of war­ the Tree of AH Seeds which grew in the fare for the good or for the bad. This con­ middle of the deep sea Vourukasha. Near flict between the representatives of good and to this tree, the Gaokerena (Ox-Horn) tree, of evil continues without cessation through the miraculous All Healer, developed. This eons of time until eventually the world tree was necessary to avert decrepitude undergoes an ordeal, as of molten metal, and for the renovation of the Universe that by which it is purified. Thereafter evil will immortality might follow. The Evil Spirit, be eliminated and Ahura Mazda and good­ Ahriman, set a lizard in the sea to injure ness will reign supreme. the tree, but Ormazd, to keep that lizard As is the religion so is the mythology of away, created ten kar-fish which circle ancient Iran essentially dualistic and ma­ round it constantly, watch the lizard and terially influenced by its neighbors, of guard the tree from harm. They are both Mesopotamia on one side and more defi­ fed spiritually and will watch each other nitely by the India on the other. Many until the whole Universe is renovated. of these myths are apparently of Aryan The Gaokerena tree is the White Haeoma, origin, and compared with those of the a manifestation of the mystical haeoma Vedas they show a marked similarity in plant, in its terrestrial form the yellow theme and form, only personalities and haeoma. The haeoma is the plant of Indo- details vary. For the most part they are Iranian sacrifice from which the famous truly Indo-Iranian. These myths all center drink, the haeoma, is made which gives about the theme of the struggles between strength and immortality to gods and men. the agencies of good and evil, mostly con­ This plant is named in the “ Avesta” cerning creation and the valiant endeavors (Yasna IX-XI), and the preparation of the of Kings and ancient heroes to secure for drink, with ritualistic ceremonies, is de­ the earth and for mankind the light, rain, scribed. It is personified, made a divinity, and other blessings of Nature against the and is invoked by prayers and hymns to opposing forces of evil, of dragons and drive disease and death away.1 tyrants. These cosmic and terrestrial con­ Much of the “ Avesta” is mythical and flicts are often in a storm-cloud amid the legendary. It praises and glorifies ancient raging elements, on a mountain, or in a Iranian kings and heroes. This portion is cavern with thunderbolt, wind, and fire as attributed to pre-Zoroastrian sages. Fir­ weapons for the confusion and destruction dausi in his great Persian epic, “ Shah- of the demons. namah” or Book of Kings, written about The myth of the creation of the vegeta­ a . d . 1025, relates many old traditions of ble kingdom, furnishing later all medici­ Iran, and in historical form celebrates the nal plants, is of special interest. Ameretat mythical deeds of ancient kings and heroes, (Long Life or Immortality), one of the including those of the healing gods and Amesha Spentas, who had all plants under heroes, Thrita, Thraetaona (called Faridun), her guardianship, pounded them all very and Airyaman. small and mixed them with water. The dog- AH disease was supposed to be governed star, Sirius, who was a good genius in Iran, by the same dualistic doctrine as religion made that water rain over the earth and mythology. Being an attack or posses­ and plants sprang up, like hair on the sion by spirits of evil, the power of good head of man. Ten thousand grew to over­ 1 Carnoy, “Mythology of AH Nations,” Vol. VI, come ten thousand produced in caverns by p .263. 10 Annals oj Medical History spirits must be evoked to secure relief. The for their conduct, practice, and fees. The universal conscience was the battle ground of “ Avesta” describes and lays stress upon Ormazd and Ahriman, and their followers. three divisions of the healing art: kereta, the Sin and disease were on much the same knife; urvara, herbs; and, manthra, prayers, plane. Sin was a spiritual and disease a in the general sense of conjuration. Of these, physical malady. They were breaches of conjuration is esteemed by far the most the moral or physical order resulting from effective in bringing about the perfect cure, pollution, visible or invisible, but substan­ since by this means the soul as well as the tial. This pollution must be removed by body is purified and partakes of the cure. some rite or act which would effect a purifi­ The Gathas contain many hymns and Zo- cation, and supernatural powers were called roastrian prayers used to free the sick from upon by invocations, hymns, and conjura­ disease. By frequent repetition they gain tion, often in conjunction with natural force and effectiveness. Incantations, con­ remedies administered with rites and cere­ jurations containing the celestial or god­ monies. like Word, evocations and mystic formulae Ahura Mazda declares that Angra or magical spells were in common use. The Mainyu created 99,999 diseases, his daugh­ formulae themselves were sometimes per­ ters. Disease was regarded as an entity, sonified and invoked, as: “ Heal me, O often personified by genii, and was given Manthra Spenta, O Brilliant One!” Formu­ names. Zoroaster came to banish all noxious las of conjuration were such as: “ I conjure and evil spirits from the earth, and since thee, death!” “ I conjure thee, disease!” they attacked man, causing disease and “ I, conjure thee, headache!” Natural means death, pending the time when evil shall be we^e also sought for purification and suppressed, he furnished man with abun­ remedy for disease. For purification water dant means in the “ Avesta” by which he was always preeminently good, but the might free himself from their power. In urine of cattle was also considered highly the “ Vendldad” he gave specific directions efficacious. Sacrifices were made to propi­ for their use. Two Amesha Spentas, Haur- tiate and sway the will of supernatural vatat (Perfect Happiness or Health) and beings and gain their favor. Fire was an Ameretat (Immortality or Long Life) were averter of all evil and every impurity, an assigned as special guardians of man, enemy of demons and disease. Magic spells while Ahriman directed Tauru (Disease) consisting of hymns, prayers, incantations, and Zairi (Death) to oppose them as their written or spoken, were esteemed. Charms malevolent, sworn enemies. The latter were and amulets were also in vogue to ward off actively sowing seeds of suffering, disease, disease, the evil eye, the curse of an enemy, and death. The former were provided with or to gain divine favor. The feather of the remedies to combat these ills, both the bird Varengana was used, and when rubbed supernatural powers of Ahura Mazda, of on the body was considered very efficacious which they were the repository, and the to keep back the curse of an enemy. The natural means revealed to Zoroaster by possession of a bone or feather of this bird Ormazd, by tens, thousands, and tens of was supposed to gain for the owner divine thousands. favor. Healing herbs were all derived from The cure is effected by the Amesha Spen­ the miraculous Gaokerena tree, in the later tas through the medium of the priests and “ Avestas” called the Gokart tree or White physicians. The “ Vendldad” contains the H5m. It received its healing powers, which ritual for the guidance of the priests, direc­ approached the magical, from Voku Manah, tions for the training of physicians and rules the son of Ahura Mazda. These were used

f M ed ical G ods of A n c ien t Iran ii

by priests and physicians in connection deity, mentioned in the “ Vendidad” (chap­ with manthras, incantations, magic for­ ter XX) as the first physician, and asso­ mulae and many superstitious ceremonies. ciated with the origin of medicine. He was The diseases of animals were governed by the first of the great, benevolent heroes who, the same dualism as those of man, and before giving the Law, by means of his similar measures were used for their cure. magic power caused all disease to cease. Magic and superstitious practices had a Thrita (meaning third) was the third priest firm hold on the imagination of the people of Haeoma, the Plant of Life, and one of of Iran but were of less importance to them the first to prepare from the plant the drink than to their neighbors of Mesopotamia. haeoma, ambrosia of the gods, which was Though magic was discountenanced by the deified as a remedy against disease, and “ Avesta” and at times held in check, rites which conferred immortality on both gods and ceremonies essentially religious and and men. In Iranian mythology Thrita elevating, symbolic of purification, piety, had a secret abode in the sky and was and virtue, easily degenerated into magic known as the fire of heaven which blew with an objective purely material. It thus upon the terrestrial fire and kept it alive. crept back into the practices of the people This fire he brought from heaven to earth. and of the priesthood. Witches and sor­ He was known, too, as an ancient hero, the cerers, however, were abominations, not slayer of a dragon the three-headed, six­ to be encouraged. The origin of medicine eyed serpent Visvarupa. From Ahura Mazda was supernatural and based upon ancient he sought the source of all remedies, and practices of the people. The “ Vendidad” myriads of healing plants sprang up associated its origin with Thrita, calls about the Gaokerena tree. He possessed Thrita the first physician, and ranks him as a knife with a golden point for surgical a god. Thraetaona and Airyaman are men­ operations. He was the old wise one, crafty tioned as divine physicians and the hero and brilliant, the first healer, the strong Yima is credited with powers of healing. “ who drove back sickness to sickness, death Although these gods and heroes were great to death.” In Firdausi’s “ Shah-namah” he benefactors of the human race and pos­ is Abtin, the father of Faridun (Thraetaona), sessed of marvelous skill in healing, their who is killed by the dragon tyrant Azhi position as healers appears to have been Dahaka. Thrita was a deity of an early somewhat theoretical and exalted. They period. As a personality and healer he faded brought the means of healing within the in favor of the great Persian hero, Faridun. reach of man, but there is little evidence THRAETAONA (FARIDUN) of a closer relation. Their names were used Thraetaona was an ancient Iranian deity, in prayers and hymns, but they did not son of Thrita Athwya. In the “ Vendidad” develop cults, Haeoma and Mithra excepted. he is invoked against disease and prepares Of all the healing gods Zoroaster, the the haeoma. In a mighty struggle, aided by divine prophet, was first and foremost. He fire, he overcame the dragon tyrant Azhi was the inspiration and author of the medical Dahaka, an imp of deceit, created by Angra works of the “ Avesta.” Other healing gods Mainyu, who had killed his father and had " and heroes of Iran were: Thrita, Thraetaona long sought Thraetaona’s own life. This (Faridun), Airyaman, Haeoma, Yima, and was the dragon with three jaws, three heads, Mithra. and six eyes, from whose shoulders had THIRTA sprung two serpents, the result of the kisses Thrita (Thrita Athwya, or Vedic, Trai- of Ahriman. After conquering the dragon tana or Trita Aptya), an Indo-Iranian Thraetaona fettered him with chains in a 12 Annals of Medical History cavern on Mount Damavand for a thousand in his Shah-namah, under the name of years and took possession of his palace, Jamshid. In the golden age of Yim a he was reigning peacefully for five hundred years. chief of a remote realm in which there was Firdausi, in his Shah-namah, under the neither cold nor suffering. He subjugated name of Faridun, relates this heroic conflict. the daevas and all their imps. Here he reigned Thraetaona is credited with being the in­ for from 700 to 1000 years, and for 300 ventor of medicine, a great healer and a years of this time man never looked on master magician. Aside from this, tradition death. The “ Vendldad” describes him as says little of him. In modern Iran the taking the path of the sun to open the earth ancient Thrita and Thraetaona become to mankind, and he is called the Lord of fused in the national hero Faridun. B y this Settlers. The life of Yima and that of the name also he is known as an averter of dragon, Azhi Dahaka, appear to run parallel. disease, of all evil and bad influences. His Azhi Dahaka, the storm-cloud monster, name appears in the medico-magical for­ sought to injure the settlers of Yima, and mulae and still plays an important part in they engaged in a struggle. Yima had the magic of the Parsees. committed some sin. The Gathas state AIRYAMAN (ARYAMAN) that he had fed his subjects with forbidden Airyaman, an Indo-Iranian deity, is cele­ food to make them immortal. Firdausi says brated in the “ Avesta” as a benevolent god, that, “ his mind began to dwell, on words a healer par excellence. He is apparently of falsehood and of untruth.” Because the personification of prayer, and in this Yima “ diverged from the path of justice” capacity was a most effective healer, since he lost his glory and his kingdom, and by prayer or conjuration the soul shared was finally put to death by the dragon, who in the purification and a perfect cure re­ then extended his devilish power over sulted. Ahura Mazda calls upon him for the Aryan world. Later Faridun overcame cooperation, in expelling disease and death. Azhi Dahaka and succeeded to the kingdom. He performed the rite of purification so Jamshid is also glorified as being a con­ effectively with his magic formulse and structor and the originator of castes. Fir­ prayers of praise that he caused 99,999 dausi ascribes to him medical knowledge diseases to cease. He is constantly called and skill, and Jamshid is said to have the “ tree desire.” 2 Later he becomes the known: tutelary genius of physicians to whom he gives miraculous powers of healing. He is “ Next to Ieechcraft and the healing of the sick, mentioned in the Vedas, and although his The means of health, the course of role is not defined, is sometimes included maladies.” in the Indian triad, Varuna, Mitra, and Airyaman. HAEOMA YIMA Haeoma (Vedic, Soma), an Iranian deity Yima (Vedic, Yama), a very ancient from primeval times . . . the mystical Indo-Iranian hero, mentioned in the White Haeoma, identified with Gaokerena “Avesta” as The Brilliant, the son of or Go kart tree, may or may not have been Vlvanghvant, who first offered the haeoma the same as the haeoma plant of the later to Ahura Mazda. He was a spiritual and “ Avesta.” It is mentioned in the book of material educator of man, the hero of an the “ Avesta” called the Yasna and from extensive myth of the early development it was made the sacred drink, the Haeoma, of the world. He is celebrated by Firdausi, which gave strength and immortality to 2 Darmsteter, S. B. E., p. 219. gods and men. This drink was prepared by M ed ical G ods of A n c ien t I ran *3

the priests according to the Horn Y ash t3 with whom he later made a compact of with ritual prayers and ceremonies by press­ friendship, and these allies thereafter sup­ ing the juice from the twigs of the plant, ported each other in all events. He was the filtering and mixing it with milk, honey, or logical son of Ahura Mazda and was the other liquid. It was exhilarating, gave a sense most important Yazata. Among the Iran­ of power and ability, and produced intoxica­ ians he was the god of the plighted word, tion. It was at one time the subject of or­ the protector of justice, the god who gave giastic sacrifice and was banished by the victory in battles against the foes of Iran, Gathas. In a later time it reappeared, but the defender of the worshipers of truth and without these objectionable features. Viv- righteousness.5 anghvant first offered the drink to Ahura The cult of Mithra was early identified Mazda, and it was from his son Voku Manah with occultism and mystic ceremonies. that it received its healing power. Both the These ceremonies had many points in com­ drink and the plant were personified and mon with those of the Christians; baptism, worshiped as divinities and invoked to communion with bread, and wine; ointments drive away disease and death. A drop of of honey, etc., which resembled the oint­ Haeoma was placed on the lips of the dying ment of confirmation. The sacraments were faithful. It grew in inaccessible places on the considered beneficial for the cure of the mountains and was brought to earth by body as well as for the sanctification of the divine birds. It also had the power of soul. Bread, wine, water of baptism, oint­ slaying demons, and of bestowing spiritual ments were regarded as mystic remedies, light and blessings upon man. and all the medicine of the god Mithra MITHRA was purely mystic. In the baptism of blood, Mithra (Vedic, Mitra), an Indo-Iranian the Taurobole, the patient was led beneath god of great antiquity, and whether of open planks and the blood of a bull above Aryan, Iranian or Vedic origin cannot be filtered through and fell, in a mystic sense, determined with any certainty. He was like a beneficent rain. The cure consisted not intimately associated with the Vedic god in the blood, but in the symbol, the passion Varuna. They represented moral light, law of Mithra. The bull, representing the god, and order. They were the “ Guardians of shed his blood for the faithful sick; an Holy Order” ; they hated, drove away and instance of divine abnegation in a primitive punished falsehood. The eye of Mitra and religion. The cult of Mithra, popular and Varuna was the sun. Mitra had the occult powerful in Iran, spread rapidly to Greece power by which the dawn appeared, the and over the Roman Empire, carrying with sun crossed the sky, the clouds obscured it it the occultism and mysteries which had and rain fell upon the earth. Apart from characterized it in Persia. The Romans saw Varuna, the Vedic Mitra was a faint Mithra’s astrologers passing whole nights personality.4 In the Iranian myth, Mithra on the tops of their towers, and his magicians had a definite solar nature. At first he was practiced their mysteries on the slopes of the god of immaterial light and later, by the Aventine and on the banks of the analogy, of the sun. He was also the god Tiber.6 The cult encountered bitter hatred of faithful contracts. It is said that Mithra and the opposition of all Christians, and once measured his strength with the sun, the struggle continued in the more remote 3 Yasna IX-XI. quarters into the Middle Ages. 4 Keith, “Mythology of All Nations,” Vol. VI, 5 Carnoy, Ibid. Vol. VI, p. 287. p. 20. 6 Bruzon, “ La Medecine et Ies Religions,” p. 137.

\ THE “PULMOTOR” OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY By J. COLLINS WARREN, M.D.

BOSTON, MASS. N the just published history of the remedial qualities of tobacco smoke is that Humane Society of the Common­ quoted by Pia from the history of a Journey wealth of Massachusetts, one of the to America, in which it is stated that the oldest charitable institutions in the savages (“d’Acadie”) have a singular UnitedI States, is an account of an apparatus method of resuscitating^the apparently designed for the purpose of the inflation of drowned who have swallowed a great deal the intestinal canal by tobacco smoke as of water. They fill an animal’s bladder, or a a means of resuscitation of the apparently large segment of intestine tied at one end, drowned. To the public, and even to the with tobacco smoke and attach it to a tube medical practitioner of to-day, the story of such a mode of treatment would seem to be almost beyond the bounds of credulity. From what mythical traditions of the past could such a device have been derived, or what could possibly be the physiological action of such a remedy are questions which naturally suggest themselves. Any student of the medical literature of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is familiar with the prominence given to the clyster in the tripod of medical therapeu­ tics. Venesection, emetics and the clyster were the three most potent means of reach­ ing the tissues and fluids of the body in a morbid state and thus clearing out what were then called the “peccant humors.” The importance attached to the last of this trinity is shown at an early date, for we find that Scultetus, in his work on surgery (1671), considers the apparatus devised for this purpose worthy of a minute description and a full-page illustration. It was at about this period that the writings of Moliere served to accentuate this therapeutic custom, or at all events to record the prominent place which it held in the treatment of disease. Be that as it may, the clyster held its own conspicuously Fig. 1 shows the fumigator; a machine for injecting the among the heroic measures inflicted on smoke by way of clyster in those desperate cases which re­ quire the application of this remedy. It consists of a pair of suffering humanity for the better part of bellows to the muzzle of which is fitted a metal box a two centuries. provided with a ring, in the middle of which it may be un­ screwed and again closed, after being filled with tobacco and Among the earliest records1 we have of the set on fire. The pipe c of the flexible tube b is intro­ duced into the fundament and thus by means of the bellows 1 The therapeutic value of tobacco was thus d the smoke is forced into the rectum. T h e P ulmotor of th e E ig h teen th C e n t u r y i 5

which is then introduced into the fundament this remedy. Gobius, a distinguished Dutch of the patient. By this means the smoke is surgeon (in his book “Adversaria Varii injected until the abdomen becomes dis­ Argumenti”), employed tobacco smoke in tended. They then hang the patient by the this way for constipation, colic, and strangu­ feet to the branch of a tree and the smoke lated hernia. It is stated that he practiced is thus enabled by its pressure to force the in a country where the insufflation treat­ water, which the patient has swallowed, ment had been used many hundred times. out of his mouth. De Haen had used it two hundred times and In France Reaumur (1683-1757), who, for more than one hour at a time, the smoke by the way, is not generally recognized as being introduced with much force and in having been a member of the medical large quantities, both in experiments on profession, was the first to introduce the animals and a variety of human ailments. use of tobacco smoke in this way. He Laurence Heister in his “ Institutiones Chi- suggested that this could be accomplished rurgicae,” Amsterdam, 1750, in a chapter by breaking off the stem of a pipe and on Clysters, refers to the use of fumigation blowing the smoke through it. It is duly for incarcerated hernia, and gives a diagram recorded that one of his colleagues in the of the apparatus by which tobacco smoke Academy testified to the proper and satis­ can be blown by the mouth of a surgeon factory effect of this remedy. His article was into the intestine, the smoke, according to published in 1740. Incidentally it may be the author, acting as a stimulus in the mentioned that he recommended rolling the intestine and causing the strangulated loop patient to and fro in an open barrel, a device not only to shrink in size, but to retract which owed its usefulness to the effect it itself into the abdominal cavity. (Fig 2.) had in producing artificial contraction and Dr. Ludwig Knapp (1908) in a modern expansion of the thoracic cavity, although rendering of Cangiamila’s work on Theology the restoration of this function was not and Midwifery, 1754, mentions among the evidently recognized as an important feature remedies this ancient author laid down at that time. for the resuscitation of new-born infants In Holland the literature on this subject apparently dead, the use of clysters of seemed to have been more abundant than tobacco smoke “to establish the peristaltic in other countries, as might naturally be action of the intestines and thus arouse supposed from its geographical character. through cooperation of the diaphragm the The reports of the Society of Amsterdam action of the heart and lungs.” If these are are filled with many accounts of the use of the words of the author, and not the described by Lobelius in 1576. Speaking of its use translator’s, we have here the first indication by the inhabitants of the West Indies he says, of the recognition of a physiological purpose . . . “ For you see many sailors who have returned in the use of this remedy. from that country who carry little funnels made of a Christopher Keil, in his handbook on coiled palm leaf, or of reeds, into one end of which are placed curled, broken up and dried leaves of this Surgery, 1747, Leipsic, describes the use of (nicotiana) plant. They set light to it, and drawing clysters and recommends long flexible tub­ it into their mouths as much as they can, they suck ing for the purpose. In a frontispiece in this in the smoke by inhalation. They are thereby work an illustration is given of such an enabled to endure hunger and thirst to maintain the apparatus, by which an individual is able strength and to exhilarate their spirits. They declare to administer to himself rectal insufflation. that it soothes the brain with a pleasant form of intoxication and it certainly gives rise to an incredible (Fig- 3-) quantity of spittle.” The Quarterly Review, July 1913, In the latter half of the eighteenth p. 139, London. century (1772) we find an organization was

\ i6 Annals of Medical History established in Paris for the purpose of istry, a notice being duly circulated among rendering aid to the apparently drowned. the provincial officers. Paragraph III of the An early report of this institution2 de­ directions specifies forcible insufflation into scribes a box containing bottles filled with the rectum of tobacco smoke, either by a various restoratives and a “machine fumi- pipe stem, or through the leather sheath gatoire” 3 with a bellows and a cannula. In of a knife cut open at the point, or by an the introduction to the report, it is stated ordinary bellows. that, at this period, in France, the cities An extract from an Admiralty Report of of Paris, Lyons, Tours, Lille, LaRochelle, the town of Dunkirk, 1777, refers to the and elsewhere, have founded private organ- fumigating machine kept by the town

F i g . 2 . izations for the same purpose. The meth­ authorities for this purpose. Incidentally ods generally employed by these various it may be mentioned that one of the rules organizations towards the end of the laid down by this report was to forbid the eighteenth century were recommended rolling of a body in a cask or to hold the officially (just as artificial respiration is body up by the feet. to-day) by the Maurepas (1701-1781) Min- The Royal American Magazine, February

2 Detail des succes de festablissment que la ville the machine and is slightly moistened. The bellows de Paris a fait en faveur des personnes noyees, 1775. are then attached and force the smoke through a 3 “ A fumigation machine is kept at every station long pipe; three quarters of an hour should be house. The method of using it is as follows:—Jdalf an employed in administering the half ounce of tobacco. ounce of smoking tobacco is placed in the box of The bellows should be blown gently.”

/ T h e P ulmotor of th e E ig h teen th C en t u r y i 7

1774, gives Dr. Tissot’s method of restora­ The following case is stated to show that tion of the apparently drowned. Here it is rectal insufflation can be employed, even stated that in addition to blowing the warm when the necessary machinery is not at breath into the patient’s lungs, tobacco hand. smoke may be introduced not only into the A rescued woman’s husband, who thought fundament, but into the lungs as well. After his wife dead, was told by a passing soldier tobacco has been lighted in the bowl of a smoking his pipe to dry his tears, that his pipe, the bowl should be wrapped in a wife would soon be revived. Then giving paper in which several holes are pricked the pipe to the husband, he instructed him and through these holes force the breath how to introduce the stem into the anus, strongly. It is also recommended by this then placing his mouth, covered with author that if a surgeon is present the perforated paper, to the bowl of the pipe, to jugular vein should be opened and about blow with all of his force. At the fifth twelve ounces of blood taken. insufflation of smoke a loud rumbling was It may be well to give here examples of heard and the patient expelled water from the methods employed at this period in the mouth and a moment later regained two cases. consciousness. Rene H., 25 years old, while bathing, was But this method, even at this time, was rescued from the water three-quarters of an not without its critics, for M. Portal, hour after being submerged. He was un­ Professor of Medicine at the Royal College conscious, without voluntary movements of France, claimed that the insufflation and pulseless, and supposed to be dead. impeded the circulation of the vessels of Taken to the Guard House the soldiers the viscera in the abdomen and thorax treated him by insufflation of air into the and thus acted injuriously. Pia, however, mouth, rectal fumigations with tobacco, refers in reply to this objection to the friction of the skin, and application of quotation of Heister, which we have already ammonia to the nostrils, a treatment which mentioned above, to the effect that tobacco extended over two hours, when signs of life smoke appears to irritate the intestine and began to appear, the eyelids moving and cause a diminution of its caliber. the pulse being felt, etc., and finally move­ In London we find John Aiken (1775), ments of the body and cries. He was then using the rectal insufflation of tobacco smoke carried to a house nearby where warmth and preventing the over-heating of the tube was applied. Here he was bled from the arm, by wrapping cloths wet in cold water instead of the jugular vein, owing to his around it. The use of this remedy was resistance. Tobacco fumigation produced recommended by him as a “ stimulant to abundant evacuation of the bowels and an arouse the vital motions.” emetic brought up a large amount of salad Cullen, Edinburgh, 1784, in a letter to and other food. He was made to swallow Lord Cathcart, says, “with regard to the brandy, which served the purpose of an stimulants, I must conclude with observing “ anti putrid cordial,” and revived him. that when a body has laid but a short time His comrades next took him to their inn in the water and that therefore its heat and and carried out further ministrations advised irritability are but little impaired, the by the surgeon who bled him. After receiving application of stimulants alone has often two purgings, he reported on the fourth been found to be effectual for recovery. day at the City Hall to express his grateful But, on the contrary, when the body has acknowledgments, stating that he had had Iain a long time in the water and the heat no recollection of what had happened to him. of it is very much extinguished, the applica­

\

\ i8 Annals of Medical History tion of any other stimulants than that of sarily be productive of mischief.” In con­ tobacco smoke to the intestines can be of cluding this statement, he speaks next of very little service—and the application of the sympathy between the heart and the others ought never to interfere with the stomach as being greater than between the measures of recovering heat and the motion heart and intestines. Here evidently was a of respiration.” pioneer in modern therapeusis! Goodwyn, (1788) refers to the application In Dr. Willich’s Domestic Encyclopedia, of different substances to the skin, the London, 1802, is given the list of articles stomach, the intestines, the parts of genera­ contained in a box devised by Kite and tion, the nose, the fauces, the extremities of further amplified by Mr. Redlich of the fingers by Jacob Gummer as based on a Hamburgh, among which is to be found mistaken opinion of the principal seat of the machine for injecting the smoke of to­ life. bacco. Fig. 4. Willich shows clearly in his But Kite, 1795, in experiments on animals article that inflation of the lungs is one of rendered insensible by submersion, gives as the means of restoring life. “ Stimulating his opinion, under the head of other clysters consisting of warm water and com­ remedies, that the “principal of these are mon salt or a strong solution of tartar electricity, particular stimuli adapted to the emetic, or six ounces of brandy should be different organs of sense and irritating speedily administered. We do not consider, medicines thrown into the stomach and he says, injection of the smoke of tobacco, intestines.” Here, for the first time, we find or even clysters of that narcotic plant in all powerful stimuli like that of electricity used instances safe and proper.” 4 for arousing vital action. But while the The final touch may have been said to surface of the body thus has the benefit of have been placed on this mode of practice the new agencies, the interior surfaces are by Daniel Legare (1805) who, in an not neglected. Our old friend “ rectal in­ inaugural dissertation, on graduating from sufflation” is still employed with a view to the University of Pennsylvania, presented local stimulation. as his graduation thesis experiments upon But a definite reaction had already set animals with the rectal insufflation of in, for we find that Edward Coleman, tobacco. After the insufflation the abdomen London, in 1791, speaks in no uncertain was opened and the changes in the cir­ terms as follows: “As tobacco smoke thrown culation carefully observed in a series of up the rectum in the form of smoke was one cases. He found an increase in the mesenteric of the first remedies employed in suspended arterial circulation, but a diminution of the respiration, and as we see, to our regret, that peristaltic action of the intestines. He it is still too frequently made use of, we shall concluded that this method was of no value endeavor by a few animadversions on its as a means of resuscitation. effects to proscribe its continuance. . . . Although it is often difficult to repress a The history of medical errors scarce affords smile at some of the medical theories of a a more blind and obstinate prejudice than bygone period, it is well to pause in this that which still induces us to adopt a instance before passing final judgment and mode of practice so obviously destructive. to ask ourselves whether there may not For smoke and fluids of all kinds, when have been after all some well founded obser­ given in large quantities, will distend the vations which served to implant a thera- intestines, the result of which will be that 4 See “ History of the Humane Society of the their mechanical effect in preventing the Commonwealth of Massachusetts,” by M. A. De easy descent of the diaphragm will neces­ Wolfe Howe, p. 18. T he P ulmotor of th e E ig h teen th C en t u r y i9 peutic measure so firmly in the traditions of ailments. Moreover, the levator ani muscle, medical practice. being composed of a powerful enveloping The ancients were wont to regard the mass of muscular fiber and bearing an rectum as the ultimum moriens. Here there intimate relationship to the lower intestinal was supposed to exist one of the principal canal, has been classed by more than one seats of life. Its outlet, an extremely sen­ physiologist of the past as one of the muscles sitive region, is abundantly supplied with of respiration. It is at least one of the nerves and blood vessels and easily accessi­ groups of muscle which exert an antagonistic ble to restorative measures. This faith in action to that king of respiratory muscles,

F i g . 4.

F i g . 3. This illustration is reproduced from Willich’s Domestic Encyclopedia (London, 1802). Figs. 1, 3 and 4 represent, respectively, bellows to inflate and extract air from the lungs; a stretcher of wickerwork that water may easily run off, and certain sensitive surfaces as the principal a warming machine of block tin or copper with double walls seat of life referred to by Gummer fore­ to contain hot water. shadowed only what has quite recently taken the form of a modern cult known as the diaphragm. The well-known case of “orificial surgery,” the dilatation of these rhomme a 1’anus musicale was a striking highly sensitized orifices being supposed to illustration of the coordinating power of exert a strong curative influence in many these two great muscular groups. May it not

\ 20 Annals oj Medical History have been possible that a powerful stimulus modern pulmotor, or the particular method given to the rectal group may have been of resuscitation based on claims of accurate transmitted by reflex action in certain laboratory research, may not eventually take cases to the thoracic group? Pressure and their place among the vagaries of the past? heat applied to the abdominal region, even At all events, it is perhaps just as well from within, may have in times of great that practitioners of medicine to-day should stress helped to compress the thorax and to look upon this quaint old custom, which awaken the latent forces in the diaphragm. died so hard, with an indulgent eye and, Be that as it may, it should not be for­ reading between the lines, draw from it gotten that the fullness of time often leads with becoming humility a moral on the to a new perspective. Who can say that the mutability of medical affairs.

COMPIEGNE

At a confluence of rivers lies the town of Compiegne, At the wedding of the waters, River Oise with River Aisne. And across the verdant valley lie everlasting hills With their sunny slopes and gardens and villages and mills.

Horizon-wide the forest encompasses the town, And in her spacious bosom the city nestles down To dream of former glories, e’er this devastating war Changed all the gracious things that were for grievous things that are.

A thousand years in passing are but a watch at night; A thousand recollections of kings in armor bright; A thousand dreams come shimmering across a bending bow For the true interpretation that only dreams can know.

And on a misty evening, when trunks of ancient trees Are swaying indistinctly in the intermittent breeze, I seem to sense the phantoms that crowd the pleasant ways In restless reminiscence of the long forgotten days.

C a r let o n B . M cC ullo ch, M .D .

J u n e , 1918.

f THE BIRTHPLACE OF THE HUNTERS

B y FIELDING H. GARRISON, M.D.

WASHINGTON, D.C. HROUGH the courtesy of Colonel showing that the laird himself tilled the C. C. McCulloch, Librarian of soil.” Long Calderwood is in the south­ the Surgeon General’s Office, it western county of Lanarkshire, a part of is our privilege to reproduce an the country which had been much fought Tinteresting photograph of the old house at over by the ancient Romans, and in later Long Calderwood, where John and William wars. Hereabouts the brave Wallace fought Hunter were born. The inscription on the and bled; in this county, M ary, Queen back of the picture is in the handwriting of Scots, was defeated at the battle of Lang- of the late Dr. John S. Billings and reads: side in 1568; Claverhouse was defeated by “ Long Calderwood, the birthplace of John the Covenanters at Drumclog (1679) an<^

F i g . 1 . L o n g C a l d e r w o o d

and William Hunter. Rec’d from Dr. An­ himself defeated them at Bothwell Brig drew Fergus of Glasgow, Feb. 14, 1885, (1679). In the eighteenth century, the J. S. Billings.” historic shire was unusually productive of Long Calderwood, on a small estate, medical talent. Cullen, Smellie, Matthew seven miles from Glasgow, is described by Baillie, as well as the two Hunters, were Mather, in his biography of the two all of them Lanarkshire men. The Lanark Hunters, as “ A good stone house of two branch of the Hunters was an offshoot of stories, situated near the road leading the Hunters of Hunterston (Ayrshire), an from East Kilbride to Blantyre, quite like old Norman family of the thirteenth cen­ the residence of the laird of the small tury. As it stands, this stern, gray house, estate. The house has the appearance of over two centuries old, is representative having been all along the abode of ‘bein’ and typical of the old granite Scotch— substantial people, and has behind it a fine their intense love of plainness and simplicity large court, enclosed by farm buildings, in externalities, their dislike of the showy 22 Annals of Medical History

and the pretentious. And yet there is about Blows the wind on the moors to-day and the old house just that suggestion of the now romantic in achievement which, as William Where about the graves of the martyrs Ernest Henley said, has given Scotland her the whaups are crying unique place in history. The grim, bleak, M y heart remembers how. dour sky, which furnishes the bath of atmosphere, or the lack of it, suggests the “gray Galloway land” nearby, where the Gray tombs of the dead in desert places, whaups cry as of old over the graves of the Standing stones on the vacant wine-red martyrs of religion: moor, Hills of sheep and the homes of the silent “ Blows the wind to-day, and the sun and vanished races, rain are flying, And winds austere and pure.”

CLINICAL PICTURES FROM HIPPOCRATES

T he greatest and most dangerous disease, each attack; . . . coughs frequent through­ and one that proved fatal to the greatest out, sputa copious, congested and liquid, number, was consumption. With many but not brought up with much pain. . . . persons it commenced during the winter, By far the greatest mischief attending these and of these some were confined to bed, and and the other complaints was the aversion others bore up on foot. Most of those who to food, as has been described. For neither were confined to bed died early in the had they any relish for drink along with spring; of the others the cough left not a their food, but continued without thirst. single person, but it became milder through There was heaviness of the body, disposition the summer; during the autumn all these to coma, in most cases swelling, which ended were confined to bed, and many of them in dropsy; they had rigors, and were de­ died, but in the greater number of cases the lirious towards death. disease was long protracted. The onset was The habit of body peculiarly subject to usually sudden, with frequent rigors, often phthisical complaints was the smooth, the continual and acute fevers; unseasonable, whitish, that resembling the lentil; the copious, and cold sweats throughout; great hectic, the blue-eyed, the lymphatic, and coldness, from which they had great dif­ that with the scapulae having the appearance ficulty in being restored to heat; the bowels of wings. variously constipated and again immedi­ H i p p o c r a t e s . “Epidemics.” Book III, ately loosened, especially toward the end of 13* 14- TWO CHAPTERS IN THE HISTORY OF LARYNGOLOGY AND RHINOLOGY1

By JAMES J. WALSH, M.D., P h.D., Sc.D.

NEW YORK CITY

HE writings and addresses of Dr. York medicine, published an article upon D. Bryson Delavan have been “ Growths and Tumors of the Throat,” especially important in calling at­ which represented an appropriate begin­ tention to the fact that the spe­ ning of serious interest in throat diseases. Tcial chapter in the history of medicine of In the late thirties Dr. Horace Green, here which physicians in New York have most in New York, began his epoch-making right to be proud is that of laryngology and work in the direct treatment of affections rhinology. He has shown that members of the larynx and trachea. The surest sign of the medical profession in New York, that his work was a real advance and far during the latter half of the nine­ ahead of anything that had been done teenth century, revolutionized the treat­ before is the fact that it met with decided ment of diseases of the nose and throat and opposition. I have often quoted Dean Swift were pioneers, not only for America, but for with regard to such incidents of opposition the medical and surgical world in this great to real advance in science which, until we modern development of medical and surgi­ knew history properly, used almost to be cal practice. The story of the striking evo­ attributed to religious intolerance or big­ lution of these specialties in New York, otry of some kind related to religion. The beginning with Horace Green and not yet incidents in question are practically always ended, for there are men still alive who due to the conservative tendencies of man­ have done thoroughly original work and kind. These make them resent important very precious work in this department, is advances, when they are really new, though of the greatest interest and significance. they are so prone to welcome novelties of Unfortunately, it is not known as well as no significance. Dean Swift said, in his own it should be even by those most deeply bitter frame of mind, of course, but still interested in the practice of the specialties with an approach to truth that has made in question, but then until very recently the expression one of the oft-quoted pas­ physicians generally have not been inter­ sages from his works, “ When a true genius ested in the history of their great profes­ appears in the world you may know him by sion, though they are waking up now and this sign—that all the asses are in confed­ are learning how many practical, valuable eracy against him.” Dr. Green had to strug­ hints might be secured from the history of gle on in spite of opposition, which seems medicine. lamentable to us as we look back, though Some of the details of this chapter of our generation has and doubtless will react surgery in New York must be repeated for similarly to other genuine advances. their significance to be appreciated. In 1817 We in New York had another example of Dr. Cheesman, the worthy head of a dis­ the truth of Dean Swift’s expression when tinguished series of generations in New sensitive Dr. O’Dwyer found himself alone,

1 This article is an extension of some remarks at the meeting of the Section on Historical Medicine of the New York Academy of Medicine, when “ A Description of a Tonsilectomy Done Seven Centuries Ago” was presented. 23 24 Annals oj Medical History

with practically all the world in opposition In the eighties Dr. Joseph O’Dwyer to him, on the occasion of his presentation completed the series of experiments on of the subject of the intubation of the which his method of intubation is founded, larynx for diphtheria and other stenotic af­ and added one of the world’s great prac­ fections. As a matter of fact Dr. Horace tical discoveries to this specialty. Dr. Green was laying the foundation on which O’Dwyer’s work was really that of a genius, O’Dwyer was to build, demonstrating clearly and he must ever be considered as one of that the larynx would tolerate foreign bod­ the great men of American medicine. ies to a much greater degree than had In the meantime had come the inventions been thought possible. Both of them suf­ of the Bosworth saw for bone and nasal fered, but only as did many another dis­ obstructions and of the Jarvis snare for coverer in the history of medicine and sci­ the removal of enlarged turbinates, and the ence from the ultraconservatism of their work of Dr. Roe, of Rochester, in the sub­ contemporaries, and it is well for us to re­ mucous resection and correction of deformed member that such incidents are not me­ septum and other nasal obstructions or diaeval nor distant in history, but occur in deviations. The nasal trephine was invented our own time. by Dr. James H. Goodwillie, and a whole Horace Green’s work bore fruit, however, series of valuable instruments, modifications in spite of opposition, and by his writings of preceding less available instruments, were he laid the foundation of the great specialty. designed. Dr. Rufus P. Lincoln devised the His contemporary, Dr. Gurdon Buck, by method for the removal of retropharyngeal his studies of conditions of the larynx and fibromata through the natural passages in­ especially his epoch-making paper upon stead of by an external wound, which would “ Edematous Laryngitis and Its Treatment have required extensive, dangerous dis­ by Scarification,” made an important ad­ section, involving serious bleeding and many vance for all the world. Dr. Ernest Krack- risks. In 1886 Dr. Thomas French, in Brook­ owizer received a laryngoscope from Vienna lyn, devised a special camera for photo­ in 1858 and demonstrated its value. Dr. graphing the larynx, a purpose which had Horace Green predicted that the instrument been attempted often enough before, but would work a revolution in laryngology, as without any success. In 1897 Dr. Bryson it did. Already an American, Dr. Ephraim Delavan of New York recommended, in­ Cutter, who later practiced in New York, stead of cautery, submucous puncture of had devised a laryngoscope and the devel­ an intumescent inferior turbinate by opment of the specialty was assured. As means of a cataract knife, some of the early as 1873 the first Iaryngological society vessels being divided and becoming oblit­ ever organized was established in New erated by the resultant cicatricial tissue. York. In 1878 the American Laryngological He has also carried out numerous investi­ Society was organized in the city of Buffalo, gations, among them the treatment of the main influence in it being New Yorkers. atrophic rhinitis by applications of the In 1871 the first clinic devoted exclusively galvanic current and the value of the x-ray to the diseases of the nose and throat was in the treatment of malignant tumors of established by Dr. Louis Elsberg. Dr. the larynx. Dr. Morris Asch of New George M. Lefferts, beginning May 1875, York finally developed and perfected collected a bibliography of laryngology the means of securing correction of certain until 1880, when a special journal known as deformities of the nasal septum which had the Archives oj Laryngology, the first of its proved serious obstacles to any improve­ kind in the world, was founded. ment in a number of cases where interfer- H isto ry of L aryngo lo gy and R hinology ^5

ence with natural nasal breathing was one work and were intent only on solving, as of the most important factors in the case.1 well as possible, the problems which pre­ Surely that long list of pioneers and their sented themselves to them. What is sur­ discoveries in this specialty, comparatively prising, of course, is the fact that the medical limited, yet so important for health, makes profession should have made a magnificent it very clear that New York well deserves development of laryngology and rhinology a place of high honor in the history of med­ and then have forgotten about it or lost icine for the work of the profession in this sight of it and ceased to practice it, until department. The whole specialty has prac­ finally the older knowledge went into desue­ tically been created here, and modes of tude. The same thing happened, not alone treatment, unthought of in preceding gen­ with regard to this branch of medical and erations, have been worked out and pre­ surgical knowledge, but also with regard to sented to the profession of the world. This a great many other thoroughly practical would seem to be a great new development and extremely valuable developments in in surgery. professional work, and especially in surgical I think that there is nothing more in­ practice, made by the same generations teresting, certainly nothing more valu­ which brought about the interesting old- able, than to call attention to the fact time evolution of the specialty of diseases that this is not a new chapter in the history of the nose and throat. of medicine, but a revival of an old one. It For there is no doubt now that the physi­ throws great light on the history of medi­ cians and surgeons of the thirteenth and cine to have our generation reminded that fourteenth centuries, some of whose work in there was a preceding phase of laryngology laryngology and rhinology I wish to refer and rhinology in which some excellent work to, were using anesthetics and antiseptics, was done, instruments invented, opera­ and some of them at least knew that pus, in­ tions devised, technique elaborated and stead of being a necessary accompaniment undoubtedly great good accomplished; and of healing, is an undesirable complication. yet practically all of this progress was for­ They developed, not only laryngology and gotten, not for a short time, but for cen­ rhinology, but plastic operations for the turies, and the whole work had to be done repair of mutilating wounds of the face, over again. It was done, not in the old including the remaking of the nose, did world where medical and surgical traditions trephining for various conditions within the might have been expected to be revived, skull, insisted on lifting up depressed bones but in a new country practically without in skull fractures, repaired wounds of the such traditions—here in America where the intestine, developing a whole interesting practical genius of the people prompted technique for this purpose. They fashioned physicians to make their enterprising and various kinds of metal tubes to be inserted progressive development of this subject. into the intestines in order to maintain the It does not take away any of the credit patulousness of the viscera during the proc­ for thorough originality and progressive­ ess of repair, even suggesting the use of the ness from the New York founders of this trachea of an animal for this purpose, and specialty to tell the story of some of the made many other similar surprising antici­ details of an older phase of it, for it is most pations of modern practice supposed to be probable that they knew absolutely nothing entirely recent in origin. Little wonder, about the historical anticipation of their then, since all these things were also for­ 1 For other specific details see address of Dr. D. gotten, that the advances in laryngology Bryson Delavan. and rhinology were lost sight of, but the

\

\ 26 Annals of Medical History question as to how such deterioration came up to its present stage of accomplishment is a fascinating history problem. Any­ finds no confirmation in history. The ups one who can answer that question in any and downs of history are a commonplace adequate way knows a great deal about the to the serious historical student and he history of medicine and surgery—ever so finds just as much of them in the history of much more than I make any pretension to, medicine and surgery as elsewhere. Great for I must confess that I cannot answer it. advances are made and then forgotten and Surgery degenerated during the seven­ have to be made over again. That is what teenth, eighteenth, and early nineteenth happened with regard to the specialty of centuries. That is the fact. At the same throat and nose diseases, and it is that story time hospitals degenerated, until in the early that I want to tell, not in detail, but in a nineteenth century we had the worst hos­ general way, for those who may be interested pitals in the world, though the mediaeval in this earlier chapter in the history of an hospitals had been beautiful in their ex­ extremely important specialty that we who teriors and interiors, marvelously practical, have practiced in New York have a right well ventilated, with tiled floors that en­ to claim as our own. abled them to be thoroughly cleansed, and It is assumed that the history of the spe­ many other features that make our modern cialties in medicine begins in comparatively hospital architects go back to them for recent times, and that indeed this speciali­ suggestions. In the modern period nursing zation of attention and effort represents one reached its lowest ebb in efficiency; the of the Spenserian processes from homo­ professional character of those occupied geneity to heterogeneity which occur in the with it was less favorable. As a matter of course of evolution. Men are supposed to fact always in the history of medicine those have taken the whole body for their field in three coordinate factors—the minimization medicine at the beginning and then with the of any one of which at once is a source of growth of scientific knowledge to have con­ serious deterioration of the power for good fined themselves to portions of it, presuma­ of all three— go together—good hospitals, bly greatly to the benefit of their patients. good nursing, and good surgery. Whenever This limitation of attention is thought to be a hospitals deteriorate, nursing does likewise, matter of the last generation or two and rep­ of course, and good surgery becomes im­ resents the great, absolutely new phase of the possible; whenever the surgeon does not development of medical science which has keep the hospital up to its best possibilites occurred in our time. All of this feeling, surgery itself soon suffers. though a commonplace in the reading world It is this chapter of decline in surgery of our time, is entirely without foundation during several centuries before our time in any real knowledge of the past. For spe­ that has hidden from us the significance of cialism is very old and the surgical spe­ the older history of medicine. We were in­ cialties, though all of them redeveloped clined to think that if the eighteenth cen­ in our time, have a history well worth trac­ tury had neither good surgery nor good ing in the older books on medicine and hospitals and no development of the spe­ surgery. cialties, then surely the seventeenth must In this connection Herodotus has some have had less, the sixteenth still less, and so interesting expressions with regard to medi­ on until the Middle Ages could have had cine in Egypt. The great “ father of history,” almost nothing. As a matter of fact that though he wrote some 2500 years ago, had idea of definite gradual progress by which his attention particularly attracted to the mankind is supposed to have worked itself highly developed specialism among the H isto ry of L aryngo lo gy and R hinology 2 7

Egyptians. He tells us in the quaint lan­ cialties was drawn very mildly, and that guage of an old-fashioned English transla­ the human body was actually divided into tion: some thirty-six regions with specialists for each of them; also that a good deal of jeal­ “ Physicke is so studied and prac­ ousy existed between the specialists when­ ticed with the Egyptians that every ever they happened to invade one another’s disease hath its several physician who territory. All of which is not without prac­ striveth to excel in healing that tical interest, even in our enlightened time. one disease and not to be expert in Probably the Middle Ages would be al­ curing many. Whereof it cometh that most the last period in history where one every corner of that country is full of would expect to find any particular devel­ physicians. Some for the eyes, others opment of the surgical specialties. The treat­ for the head, many for the teeth, not a ment, however, of the nose and throat and few for the stomach and the inwards.” of the eyes received a good deal of attention at this time, and we have much documen­ Now here is an historical description of a tary evidence of what was accomplished. state of things that existed nearly one hun­ The first modern medical school was estab­ dred generations ago; it makes one think of lished at salerno, not very far from Naples, what has actually come to pass in our time, in connection with the health resort which a condition which we were inclined to think had been established there and which at­ of as eminently modern and, quite surely, tracted patients and physicians, not only a very recent development. from southern Italy and from Greece, but Of course it would be a simple matter to also from the near East, from North Africa think that possibly Herodotus, in order to add and from the West of Europe. We know to the interest of his history, had exaggerated that a son of William the Conqueror went somewhat the actual story of specialism down there to be cured of an ailment in as it existed among the Egyptians; but the eleventh century, and that many bish­ then we know better, in our time, than to ops and other churchmen went there in accuse Herodotus of perverting the facts the twelfth century. Salerno provided an of history, for no one has ever been so thor­ excellent medical education in many ways; oughly confirmed by all our modern docu­ it placed the department of women’s dis­ mentary and archaeological discoveries as eases in charge of women, admitted women the great “ father of history.” A century medical students as a matter of course, and and a half ago it was the custom to make had very high standards of preliminary and sport of his credulity, and Voltaire sug­ actual medical education. Three years of gested that instead of the “ father of his­ preliminary study were required by law, tory” he should be called the “ father of four years at medicine, and then a year of lies.” Voltaire, by the way, also thought practice with a physician before the young Shakespeare an English barbarian, Dante a physician was permitted to practice. With mediaeval barbarian and Homer a wander­ that in mind it would not be surprising to ing balladist the like of whom might be find that even the surgical specialties de­ found on the streets of Paris in Voltaire’s veloped down there. own day. He also made some slighting re­ The first great writer on surgery was marks about the Almighty. Voltaire found Roger, sometimes called Roger of Parma, it very difficult to understand anyone above and sometimes Roger of Salerno, and he is himself in intellectuality. We know now the first independent writer on medicine in that Herodotus’s story of the Egyptian spe­ the Occident after the Arabian times. He 28 Annals of Medical History lived at the end of the twelfth and the be­ branchi, or branci, and says that they swell ginning of the thirteenth century and prob­ interiorly and create, as it were, two al- ably wrote his “ Practica Chirurgise” about mond-Iike bodies in the throat. As a conse­ the beginning of the thirteenth century. quence of this swelling, expectoration is It is usually presumed that these Salernitan difficult and breathing is conducted with physicians living in the Mediterranean anxiety. For this, gargling should first be region were deeply influenced by the Arabs, used, and if the patient is not relieved re­ above all since, according to a very old tra­ course should be had to surgery. Then he dition, the founders of Salerno were four describes how an operation should be done physicians of very different origin—a Latin, on them: a Greek, a Jew, and an Arab. Much was made of this supposed dependence on the “ Seat the patient before you and Arabs in the older days, but Gurlt points press his tongue down in his open out, after careful study of Roger’s work, mouth with an instrument, so that that it abounds in Grsecisms, not Arabisms, you can see the tonsils well. Take hold and that evidently Roger was following the of the affected one firmly with a bronze old Greek tradition of surgery. This is not or iron hook and incise it with a prop­ surprising when we remember that the erly sharpened instrument. Leave the southern part of Italy in the neighborhood coverings (the pillars of the fauces) of Naples had been a Greek colony from which stand next to them uninjured very early times and indeed had been known however.” as Magna Graecia2 Roger has written a very interesting This is of course a description only of description of inflammation of the tonsils a simple opening of a tonsillar abscess. with its treatment. He calls these organs When the inflammation of the tonsils has

2 Probably the greatest influence at work in the to be near his friend the Abbot Desiderius and to organization of the university at Salerno and of the enjoy the quiet life of the monastery. Probably he medical school around which the University mainly looked forward to years of friendly companionship came into existence was the Benedictine School at and the satisfaction of mutual intellectual influence. Salerno which had been in existence for several cen­ Only a few years later, however, the Abbot Deside­ turies. St. Benedict’s greatest foundation was at rius, much against his will and in spite of his re­ Monte Cassino, not far away, and the Benedictines fusals, was chosen Pope, and so Constantine was had been very much interested in the school in left in the monastery without his friend, the Abbot. Salerno. That their influence continued after the This seems to have spurred him on to renewed in­ foundation of the medical school will be best under­ terest in the intellectual life, in order to fill up the stood from the fact that Salerno’s greatest writer void thus created; besides the Pope encouraged him and teacher on medicine in the eleventh century in his writing. The result is that we have a number was Constantine Africanus, the great African physi­ of works from Constantine. cian who had come to Salerno and to whom patients The story is interesting to us here because it came from all over Europe; he wrote the first mod­ makes very clear the fact that Benedictine influence ern textbooks of medicine in existence. Constantine must have been strong at Salerno, and that the usual and Abbot Desiderius became great friends, and assumption that Salerno is an Arabian foundation indeed, according to tradition, it was the worthy or was largely influenced by the Arabs is only a part abbot who insisted upon the necessity of Constan­ of that tradition which came to be so rife in the eigh­ tine’s writing on the subject of medicine. He finally teenth century, namely, that it was the Arabs and succeeded in getting him to do this, by taking the not the Christians who were largely responsible for time from a very busy professional life. the revival of interest in the intellectual life after Constantine became so much interested in the the coming of the barbarians had so thoroughly purely intellectual life of medicine that after a time interfered with the culture of the Roman he gave up practice and retired to Monte Cassino Empire. H isto ry of L aryn go lo gy and R hinology proceeded so far, however, that simple in­ been studied with a good deal of care. It cision will not cure them, he suggests that was differentiated into three varieties with with instruments made for this purpose slightly different names: squinancia, a very they should be completely removed. His severe form; scinancia, a milder form, and Latin words for this, “ et a radice junditus, finally quinancia, of which the prognosis evellantur,” which may be translated was always good. The symptoms were literally, “ plucked away entirely by the practically all the same—difficulty of in­ roots,” probably is responsible for our use spiration and expiration as well as difficulty of the expression, “ under similar circum­ in swallowing both food and drink. Some­ stances radical operation.” times the voice was completely interfered Manifestly there were a number of ob­ with and the saliva could not be swallowed servations made on diseases of the throat in nor the sputum emitted. The first form of Roger’s time and so we are not surprised the disease, squinancia, was located between to find, a little farther on, a description of the trachea—which, because it carried air a serious condition near the epiglottis was called at that time trachea arteria— which impeded the voice and obstructed and the esophagus, at a place called the the trachea, and which can be cured only isthmus. Its prognosis was very fatal and by surgical intervention. Gurlt does not its cure was to be left to God alone. The hesitate to say that in this Roger was second form, scinancia, much less severe or probably describing edema of the glottis. malignant—Roland’s exact word is “ ma- Apparently this condition had been recog­ liciosa” — had for its characteristic lesion the nized and some mode of treating it dis­ development of pus, partly deep in the tis­ cussed, though in his book on surgery sues but partly on the surface. The descrip­ Roger only refers to it indirectly. tion evidently refers to what we call retro­ In elongation of the uvula Roger sug­ pharyngeal abscess, the severer form being gested first the use of medicaments in retro-esophageal abscess. Roger suggests powder form and then the application of that the retropharyngeal abscess can be gargles. ruptured with the finger or with some in­ strument, and that it is always well to do this as soon as pus has formed. He said “ If however, the uvula can not be that he had cured some patients with his made to shrink in this way then it own hand in this way. should be grasped with a forceps made This form of the affection he suggested for this purpose near the palate where might be treated as follows: He confesses the uvula itself is sometimes of smaller that it is something of an experiment and diameter and snipped off. Care should uses the word “ experimentum.” be taken, however, not to touch the roots of the uvula.” “ Take of salt beef, half cooked, of the size and shape of a chestnut or a Here evidently he was warning against the filbert,3 and having fastened it firmly radical operation, though in the removal by a long silken cord have the patient of the tonsils he encouraged thorough swallow it and then let the physician radicalness. What is constantly surprising pull it out suddenly and violently in Roger’s work is the mention of various (cum violentia) in order that the ab­ special instruments for these purposes. scess may be ruptured.” Angina was described by Roger under the name squinancia, and evidently had 3 Old-fashioned filberts were larger than ours. 30 Annals oj Medical History

Quinancia was to be treated by gargles, inent in the teaching staff of that applications, venesection from the sub­ school. lingual vein, and these methods were to The next important writer on surgery be used at first also in the other forms of in Italy, after Roland and Roger and the the affection. “ Four Masters,” was Bruno of Longoburgo, In the same chapter Roger treats of who was born down in Calabria—the heel goiter and suggests various applications, of the Italian boot, as the name of his birth­ but considers also in the severe forms the place attached to his Christian name indi­ necessity for extirpation. He warns against cates—and who was probably a student at any attempt to remove large goiters, but Salerno. In the Latin literature of the time, suggests that a temporary ligature of the for of course all wrote in Latin, his name goiter might be made and then a subse­ was Brunus and it is usually under this quent radical removal. Evidently a favorite name that he is quoted. Though he studied palliative mode of treatment of his was in the south of Italy he practiced and taught cauterization with the hot iron and some­ in Verona and Padua. His book “ Chirurgia times even penetration of the goiter in M agna” was finished at Padua, as he him­ that way. self declares toward the end of it, in Janu­ While Roger is the first of the western ary, 1252. His volume is noteworthy, mainly surgeons who wrote a treatise on this sub­ for the reason that he was the first of these ject, he was very soon followed by Roland, mediaeval surgeons of the West to quote not a pupil whose work contains very little of only the Greeks, but the Arabs. Arabian importance that was not covered by his influence was an afterthought and a sub­ master, but who adds some personal com­ sidiary factor, and not the origin of this ments which serve to show that men were mediaeval surgery, as it is often declared thinking seriously about a great many to be by those who theorize without weighing surgical problems and solving them very the facts of chronology. well. Bruno, to use his Italian name, has much These two were followed in a few years to say of the treatment of various intrana­ by the “ Textbook of the Four Masters,” sal pathological conditions which disturb since famous in the history of medicine breathing. He describes several varieties and surgery. Manifestly within the first of nasal polyps and differentiates one of century, probably indeed within the first them as a “ malignant tumor.” This was fifty years of western surgical writing, it of darker color, of slight sensibility and was was recognized that a group of men could very hard. He advised against operation make a more complete textbook than a upon it and suggested that it should not be single man. It is usually thought that the touched, as surgical intervention merely “ Four Masters” were Archimatteo, Petron- hastened its growth and made the patient cello, Plateario, and Ferrario. Of these only worse. Plateario, or Platearius, is known apart With regard to the removal of polyps from this book, for he was the son or the he quotes Abulcasim, or Albucasis, the grandson of Platearius and Trotula, Pla­ Moorish physician, special medical attend­ tearius having been the Professor of Medi­ ant of the Khalif el-Hakim III (961-976). cine and Trotula the Professor of Women’s Albulcasim, who flourished in the second Diseases and the head of that department half of the tenth century, wrote a very com­ in the medical school of the University of prehensive medical and surgical work under Salerno, and for several generations their the title “ Altasrif” or “ Tesrif,” in some sons and grandsons continued to be prom­ thirty books. This Moorish physician, who H isto ry "of L aryngo lo gy and R hinology 3i is quoted by Bruno, suggests the removal knew that this was the ideal way for heal­ of polyps by drawing them down with a ing to occur. His great contemporary, hook, severing the connecting portion with Theodoric, whose textbook appeared some a knife, and then shaving off any projection ten years later, declared quite explicitly: that may remain. The cautery was used to prevent recurrence and to assure the “ It is not necessary, as Roger and freedom of the nose for breathing. Bruno Roland have taught and as many of suggests that the root of the polyp should their disciples are still teaching and be cauterized with a hot iron or with some as all modern 4 surgeons profess, that cauterizing material. He adds that some­ pus should be generated in wounds. times the use of a cauterizing substance is No error can be greater than this. Such quite sufficient to destroy a polyp and pre­ a practice is indeed to hinder nature, vent its recurrence. to prolong the disease, and to prevent Bruno next discusses obstructions of the the conglutination and consolidation nasal passages which may occur from over­ of the wound.” growths in the back part of the nose, in the nose and throat space. For the treatment Theodoric himself copies Bruno with of these he quotes Paul of /Egina, the most regard to operations within the nose, and famous medical writer of the late Greek has something special to say with regard time, of whose career we know so little, to nasal repair after injuries. Every possible however, that differing authorities place portion should be saved and if a part of him anywhere from the fourth to the sev­ the nose hang down this should be re­ enth century a .d . Paul suggested that a placed and very carefully sewed on again. ligature with knots at intervals should be A pledget of silk soaked in warm wine passed through a tube into the nose and of proper thickness and length should be then brought out through the mouth and inserted into the nostrils in order to main­ by to-and-fro motion employed to cut off tain the parts in their proper places just projecting growths at the back of the as far as possible. If the patient’s breathing, nose. After this, cauterizing materials were disturbed by this procedure, threatens in to be used to prevent recurrence. Bruno any way to interfere with the success of seems to have been quite satisfied that he the operation, then the pledget of silk should could make the nose patulous in this way have a goose quill run through it in order and greatly relieve the patient and prevent to facilitate breathing. The older medical the development of complications. and surgical authorities, especially Paul of It may seem surprising that a surgeon in JE gina and Hippocrates, had suggested a the middle of the thirteenth century should tube made of lead, but Theodoric found a have so much surgical sense, but when it is quill much more cleanly and less bothersome. recalled that Bruno was the originator of Theodoric has a good deal to say about the expression “ union by first intention,” the possibilities of repair of disfiguring it will be easier to comprehend. That ex­ wounds of the face and is a distinct pioneer pression, so familiar in the modern times, in plastic surgery. His use of strong wine as has of course no significance in any modern the only dressing, his insistence on the ab­ language except what is lent to it by the sence of manipulation and his advice not old mediaeval Latin, unio per primam in- to remove the dry dressing, as it was called— tentionem. Bruno knew exactly what he because after a time the strong wine evap- was talking about when he used it, for he 4 How curious this use of the word “ modern” had seen wounds heal without pus and he seems just after the middle of the thirteenth century. 32 Annals of Medical History* orated, leaving the dressings perfectly dry— benefit of humanity in his own and sub­ gave him abundant opportunity for secur­ sequent generations. Among other things, ing such healing as would provide the best he gave us, particularly, as we have said, results. He did not hesitate to say, when a the method of producing narcosis, evi­ surgeon made an incision in a hitherto dently carefully worked out so as to make unbroken part, that if pus developed in it it possible that extensive surgical work that complication was due to the surgeon’s might be done on a patient without his feel­ error—his manipulations were at fault. For ing it, or but to a slight degree, and yet this reason he advised against sewing up without any serious risk of his not awaking wounds of the scalp, though he gives a at the end of the operation. number of details of the procedure that Theodoric’s description of the mode of should be employed to bring the parts care­ obtaining anesthesia practiced by his father fully together and, by proper bandaging is as follows: and pressure, to keep them together. Strange as it may seem, Theodoric was “ Having made a mixture of the a bishop as well as a surgeon and had been wine extracts of opium, hemlock, man- a member of the Dominican Order. His dragora, unripe mulberries and wild textbook of surgery published in the Vene­ lettuce, a sponge should be boiled in tian Collection of surgical works in 1498 this fluid until all is boiled away, and makes that fact very clear. He is the first then whenever anesthesia is wanted surgical writer who definitely mentions the this sponge should be placed in warm use of an anaesthetic during operations. water for an hour and applied to the He says that its introduction was due to nostrils until the patient sleeps, when his father Ugo, or Hugh, of Lucca, as he is the surgical operation should be per­ called, who is known to have been a great formed. A t its end another sponge surgeon, but who wrote nothing, and whose dipped in vinegar should be frequently fame is preserved only through his son’s applied to the nostrils, or some of the writings. Ugo of Lucca, or Hugh Bor- juice of the root of hay should be in­ gognoni, to use the family name that he jected into the nostrils, when the pa­ and his three physician sons employed, had tient will soon awaken.” been a surgeon to the crusaders about 1218 and was present at the siege of Damietta. A mode of anesthesia resembling this in After his return he was made the City many respects is described by Guy de Physician of Bologna, to whom not only Chauliac after the middle of the fourteenth matters of health but also of medico-legal century, so that there seems to be no doubt significance were referred. His appointment that for several centuries operations in and the statutes granting him powers are Europe were done under the influence the first documents in the history of legal of an anesthetic and that the practice was medicine in modern times. reasonably successful. It is easy to under­ Theodoric wrote of his father’s experi­ stand that it was neither so safe nor so sure ences and those of his brothers as well as as our practice in the matter. The surprise is his own. Many of these details of surgical that it should have existed, and for so long, technique had been carefully treasured as and then have been entirely forgotten, so secrets up to this time and transmitted as that the very idea of an anesthetic came family heritages, as among the Asclepiadean as a surprise to the mid-nineteenth century. families in the olden time. Theodoric broke As a matter of fact the English poet Middle- this tradition and published them for the ton mentions “ the pities of old surgeons” T h e C h a sseu r s d’A lpin 33 and how they put them to sleep before to find among them developments of the cutting them, and there are other literary specialty of the nose and throat which passages to the same purport; but readers would otherwise have seemed almost in­ used to think that these represented poetic credible. How curious it is, however, to licenses or were due to the writers’ imagina­ find that these two great cycles of develop­ tion, the poets’ enthusiasm spurring them ment of surgery, including the specialties, on to tell things that would have been ideal should be separated in their initial stages had they existed, though in reality they at least by seven centuries. The student of never did. history who can explain the reason for the We know otherwise now, and knowing interval between these two cycles of ad­ the generations that practiced both anes­ vance knows something about human his­ thesia and antisepsis we are not surprised tory and its philosophy.

THE CHASSEURS D’ALPIN

(The “shock troops” of the French army)

See the Chasseurs marching through Pause while they are passing by, To the front. To the front. Contemplate. Meditate. They have Titan’s work to do, ’Tis a goodly company— Bear the brunt! Venerate. O’er the top and through the grass, They shall save the Fleurs de Lys, Suffocating with the gas They shall help us, over seas, ’Mongst the barbed wire they pass. Keep our ancient liberties ’Tis their wont. Inviolate.

Last resource in direst need Here a cross and there a mound, On they go. Forward go. Thus they sleep. Silent sleep. They will die or they’ll succeed Sheltered by the kindly ground. O’er the foe. Vigil keep! Hand grenade and glassy steel, For they have not died in vain, Down and up, and on they reel. In the groves of Compiegne. What must be the joy they feel! Still their spirits fight again ’Twas ever so. And glory reap.

They are called the troops of shock. Traveler, plait a laurel wreath Sturdy men. Heroic men. Of a girth, majestic girth. Each attack ’tis theirs to block. Lay it where they sleep beneath Charge again! With Mother Earth. Counter-charge the Hunnish horde, So may rose and twisting vine Purge the pride of Prussia’s lord, With the laurel intertwine, Cause a cost he’ll ill afford. Nature’s ever vernal shrine One for ten! To their worth.

Carleton B. McCulloch, M.D. May, 1918. MODERN COMMENTARIES ON HIPPOCRATES1

B y JONATHAN WRIGHT, M.D.

PLEASANTVILLE, N. Y.

P A R T I

ERHAPS it is not the only way, but disturb us if Plato is thought by the young one of the ways of judging of the lady at the library to have written some­ excellence of a work of science or thing on astronomy or if the man who literature is to take note of the preaches in our church thinks Aristotle discussionP the author has elicited in less was a monk. We ourselves may be unable talented readers and the stimulation of to get up any enthusiasm for either. But the faculties thereby evidenced. In the when we learn that all these men have by conceit and braggadocio of Falstaff, aside their words tapped the ocean of thought in from his being the butt of jokes, we every era of civilization since they lived perceive he is conscious of the quality of and at their magic touch abundant streams his mind when he says he is not only witty , of mental activity have gone forth to enrich himself, but is the cause of wit in others. the world, when we once realize what an There is no standard of truth whereby ever living power they still exercise over the the accuracy of theory and practice of one best minds which humanity produces, then age can be judged by another, though there what Dotty says about Ibsen or what Bill are underlying general principles which per­ Broker thinks of Kipling, that the Reverend sist as much perhaps by their vagueness Mr. Stiggins is mistaken about Aristotle, and lack of limitation and inclusiveness as or that we ourselves fall asleep or our by their validity, but, for the most part, minds wander when we read the “ Phae- time withers most specific facts as they drus” of Plato or the “ Poetics” of Aris­ were apprehended two thousand or more totle, is of no consequence. It is a subjec­ years ago. When, however, a discourse, an tivity which has nothing in the least to do oration, a poem, a philosophical treatise, or with the quality of the writer’s works; a narrative continues for generation after that we must judge of from what we come generation, century after century, for ages, to know of the phenomena which the to excite the comment of readers, as do, history of thought furnishes us. for instance, those of Homer, Herodotus, The acknowledgment of this as a reality Hippocrates, Horace, Virgil, we are safe in is common enough, so common as to have recognizing in that objective evidence the become perfunctory and of course occa­ proof of an inherent excellence which per­ sionally a little ostentatious, but it is seldom haps our own faculties do not reveal to us. the subject of analysis. Why is it, then, Subjective testimony is of little interest that these master artists continue to be to us. We care not if the intellectual crea­ the wellsprings of thought and the or igin, ture at our side adores Ibsen—we might usually unrecognized, of inspiration? Cer­ hate him; or if the man in the street reads tainly not because of the facts they display. Kipling to-day—to-morrow he may likely These are denied or discredited in a short never give him a thought. It need not time; but through every vicissitude of 1 The translations of Francis Adams’ Hippocrates, “ Genuine Works,” v. i. New York: William Wood & Co., and E. Littre’s Hippocrates, “ Qiuvres completes.” Paris: J.-B. Bailliere, 1839-1845. These volumes h ave been chiefly used and compared with Littre’s Greek text. 34 M odern C ommentaries on H ippo crates 35 theory and every turn in the current of treatises, he brings the remote causes of thought, often very shallow, the influence disease and general philosophical conclu­ remains profound. Their language is an sions more into prominence. On the other unknown tongue to many, at least in so far hand, in taking up “ The Prognostics” we as the finer shades of meaning or of sym­ observe that it is entirely founded on obser­ metry of form in their more recondite sense vation. If Hippocrates gathered this ex­ are concerned. The charm of rhythm or perience from the records of clinical obser­ the subtlety that goes with rhetorical vation made by himself and by other priests effect is often lost to us. Thus we might in the temples of yEscuIapius, we find that proceed in an attempt to understand why the methods of observation, which served such men have dominated the thoughts of as the basis of a priestly and magical inter­ posterity, but our endeavors at analysis are pretation, served also for the beginnings of defeated and we are driven to extend the rational medicine. How it came about that many definitions of genius to a pragmatical historians have ascribed to Hippocrates conclusion that success in its age-long the fame of being the first to question demonstration is the weightiest factor in nature would furnish an interesting and our understanding of genius. In this con­ instructive example of how Baconians have nection, however, that is inclusive of that perverted the plain indications of history. boast of the old debauchee whom Shake­ Evidence has shown Babylonian priests speare’s art has created for us—they are taking meticulous care for unnumbered the cause of wit in others. centuries in recording facts and their se­ No remark, preliminary to the study of quences, phenomena they observed in the the writings of Hippocrates, is more help­ heavens and in the entrails of animals and ful than the observation of Littre, who the mundane events, important to man, in substance pointed out that while to-day which followed the observations. They we study disease as an entity and follow observed and questioned nature, but they the forces of each one from their origin to did not reason right. their post-mortem manifestations, Hippoc­ When Ermerins, whom Adams quotes, rates studied man and the reactions he made the remarks which follow he only exhibits to his manifold environment. It is partly disclosed the reform wrought in the phenomenon presented by man and the ranks of the Asclepiadse, before the what it indicates as to the probable result epoch and during the time of Hippocrates, as regards man which he conceived as the who was their spokesman: chief object of medical study. It requires The readers must particularly keep before no very deep reflection to realize that there their eyes this origin and the antiquity of is a material discrimination to be made those writings if they would pass a correct judg­ psychologically between the concept of ment on the merits of the Asclepiadse towards disease and the conception of a diseased the art of medicine. Whatever in their works we have the pleasure of possessing, all attest man. For the former we seek the literature the infancy of the art; many things are imper­ of medicine which has appeared in the fect, and not unfrequently do we see them, while last hundred years, for the latter the litera­ in the pursuit of truth, groping, as it were, and ture which, originating with Hippocrates, proceeding with uncertain steps, like men fills the thousands of years which have wandering about in darkness; but yet the elapsed since he in his time wrote “ On method which they applied, and to which they would seem to have betaken themselves of their Ancient Medicine.” In this essay and in own accord, was so excellent that nothing could the one following, “ On Airs, Waters, and surpass it. It was the same method which Places,” more than in some of his other Hippocrates himself always adopted, and which, 36 Annals oj Medical History

in fine, Lord Bacon, many ages afterward, stated, this method, which has achieved commended as the only instrument by which such an apparent ascendancy in our day, truth in medicine can be found out. is to proceed from the study of the particu­ As a matter of fact they inherited their lar to the general, to collate facts by obser­ method from the rules of the practice of vation and experiment and from them to magic, the observation of the stars, the deduce the conclusions which are to be flight of birds and the entrails of animals. applied to the conduct of life and the further They turned from these observations to investigations of the laws of nature. observations on the phenomena of disease. In the quotation from the thesis of Dr. They recorded one just as they recorded Ermerins which Adams has made, it will the other, on the walls of temples and on be noted that Dr. Ermerins commends their tablets. What the Asclepiadse really Hippocrates for being a Baconian. Noth­ did was to turn away not from habits of ing, perhaps, is more diametrically opposed the observation of nature, which we cherish, to the doctrines of Bacon than those of but from irrational methods of thought. Plato,2 yet in one of his dialogues we find They reformed the rules of logic, but they him claiming Hippocrates’ support. Socrates did not introduce the inductive method; in the “ Phaedrus” asks if the nature of it was already hoary with age. the soul can be intelligently studied with­ Although Hippocrates criticised the out knowing the nature of the whole and methods of the Nature philosophers he the answer is: “ Hippocrates, the Asclepiad, resorted almost as freely as they to theory says that this is the only method of pro­ building. Dr. Ermerins himself basks in cedure by which the nature even of the body the comfort furnished by theories of vital can be understood.” Hippocrates was the force rampant in his day. The neovitalism slave of no method. He was the critic and of the nineteenth century had its roots the analyst not only of the problems of deep in human nature, and it still draws its nature, but of the methods of men who sustenance from that same fundamental sought to know them. mystery which shrouded cosmic laws from If we are to apply the Baconian doctrine the gaze of Babylonian and Baconian alike. rigorously and without the compromise The modern man of science must acknowl­ that common sense gives to all things, the edge its existence, but when he tries to student cannot start with certain conclu­ shelter himself from his difficulties in the sions of a general character, arrived at by practical search of truth by a resort to the methods of which he must necessarily be covert of vitalism he enters the tomb in ignorant, but he must begin ab initio and which the human mind was imprisoned build up his foundation from the apper­ before the era of Thales and of Hippocrates. ceptions of primitive man to the level of It was emancipation from this and not the his first entrance into medicine proper, or introduction of inductive philosophy, which in a state of entire ignorance he must face we owe to Hippocrates and his forbears. a task to which, even in Hippocrates’ day, The inductive philosophy of Bacon was the a trained mind stored with the experience basis of the method that primitive man of others alone was adequate. Plato had adopted when he began to develop the his opinion how best to train that mind memory of his cognitions. To judge from and Hippocrates had another, but in the the conventional remarks in regard to it contact noted by Littre their point of one might suppose it had never existed in agreement, as evident to the most bigoted the world before the time of Lord Bacon, 2 “ The Dialogues of Plato,” tr. by B. Jowett. or at least of Hippocrates. Succinctly New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 19 11. 4 v. M odern C ommentaries on H ippo crates 3 7

Baconian as to Platonist, lay in the fact of “ On Ancient Medicine,” in that essay that training was as necessary for the be­ itself and in others. ginning of the study of the soul as for the It is difficult to find the origin of the idea beginning of the study of the body. of the qualities, the moist, the dry, the hot, The problem of the method of science is and the cold, which after the time of Hippoc­ at once encountered in the first lines of rates became increasingly more prominent “ On Ancient Medicine” : in medical writings until Galen transmitted them through the Dark Ages and the Whoever, having undertaken to speak or Renaissance to almost our own century. write on ancient medicine have first laid down for themselves some hypothesis to their argument, Traces of the formulation of these attributes such as hot or cold or moist or dry, or whatever of matter may be found even in the “ Rig else they choose, thus reducing their subject Veda.” It is therefore of secondary impor­ within a narrow compass and supposing only tance to discover whom Hippocrates had one or two original causes of disease or of death in mind as the originator of the theories among mankind, are all clearly mistaken in he attacked. Anaximenes,3 Parmenides,3 much they say. Anaxagoras,3 Heraclitus,4 and many other There seems no reason to doubt the predecessors of Hippocrates doubtless made validity of the arguments Littre advances it a part of their scheme of things, but it for supposing that the tract on “ The Nature originated with none of them. Like the of M an” was written by Polybus, the son- elements of fire, air, earth, and water, like in-law of Hippocrates, as Aristotle, almost the blood, the breath, and the soul, as a a contemporary, asserts. In it, however, definition of life they belong to the funda­ we get a reversion to the criticism Hippoc­ mentals in the primitive thought of man­ rates thus visits upon the ancient Nature kind. These hypotheses, we are to infer Philosophers in the opening sentences of from the remarks of Hippocrates and his his essay “ On Ancient Medicine” : followers, were to be avoided, but by no means the records of those observations of According to one, the air is the unique and phenomena whereby the nature of disease only thing, to another fire, another water, another earth, and each one sustains his reason­ had in the past been manifested to others: ing by evidence and arguments which are of weight. . . . They pretend, indeed, that there For there are practitioners, some bad and is a single substance, arbitrarily chosen and some far otherwise, which, if there had been named by each, and that this substance changes no such thing as medicine, and if nothing had its appearance and its nature under the influence been investigated or found out in it, would not of the hot and the cold becoming in a manner have been the case, but all would have been soft, bitter, white, black and all the rest. equally unskilled and ignorant of it, and every­ thing concerning the sick would have been He will have none of it and advances directed by chance. his own arguments, which partake of those of Alcmseon and the theory of crasis, of Then he proceeds to resume his fling at equilibrium of the mixtures in the blood, the Nature Philosophers who before him the mucus, the yellow and the black bile have adopted the hypotheses to which he in which we find an explanation of the specifically alludes: nature of man and what makes the differ­ ence between disease and health. He sub­ 3 “ The First Philosophers of Greece,” by Arthur Fairbanks. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, stitutes one theory for another, and in this 1898. he sins no more plainly than his father-in- 4 “ Early Greek Philosophy,” by John Burnet. law, Hippocrates, against the first precepts 2 ed. London: Adam & Charles Black, 1908. 3§ Annals of Medical History

I have not thought that it stood in need of As he sits there in prison awaiting among an empty hypothesis, like those subjects which his weeping disciples the time for drinking are occult and dubious, in attempting to handle the hemlock, his irony and his humor which it is necessary to use some hypothesis; as, for example, with regard to things above break forth: us and things below the earth. What hopes I had formed, and how grievous­ Singular to say, the Platonic Socrates ly was I disappointed! As I proceeded, I found rejected them for another reason—not be­ my philosopher altogether forsaking mind or any other principle of order, but having recourse cause they were too theoretical, but because to air, and ether, and water, and other eccen­ they were not theoretical enough, because tricities. I might compare him to a person who they were too materialistic, we would say. began by maintaining generally that mind is He remarked to Cebes in the “ Phaedo” 5 the cause of the actions of Socrates, but who, that there was a time when he thought he when he endeavored to explain the causes of understood what was what—“ the meaning my several actions in detail, went on to show that I sit here because my body is made up of of greater and less pretty well” — but now bones and muscles; and the bones, as he would “ I am no longer satisfied that I understand say, are hard and have ligaments which divide the reason why one or anything else either them, and the muscles are elastic, and they cover is generated or destroyed or is at all, but I the bones, which have also a covering or environ­ have in my mind some confused notion of ment of flesh and skin which contains them; another method, and can never admit this.” and as the bones are lifted at their joints by the contraction or relaxation of the muscles, He had once been much troubled about I am able to bend my limbs, and this is why I such matters. am sitting here in a curved posture; that is what he would say, and he would have a similar Then I heard some one who had a book of explanation of my talking to you, which he Anaxagoras, as he said, out of which he read would attribute to sound and air, and hearing, that mind was the disposer and cause of all, and he would assign ten thousand other causes and I was quite delighted at the notion of this, of the same sort, forgetting to mention the which appeared admirable, and I said to myself: true cause, which is, that the Athenians have If mind is the disposer, mind will dispose all thought fit to condemn me, and accordingly for the best, and put each particular in the best I have thought it better and more right to place; and I argued that if any one desired to remain here and undergo my sentence; for I find out the cause of the generation or destruc­ am inclined to think that these muscles and tion or existence of anything, he must find out bones of mine would have gone off to Megara what state of being or suffering or doing was or Boeotia, by the dog of Egypt they would, best for that thing, and therefore a man had if they had been guided only by their own idea only to consider the best for himself and others, of what was best, and if I had not chosen as and then he would also know the worse, for the better and nobler part, instead of playing that the same science comprised both. And I truant and running away, to undergo any rejoiced to think that I had found in Anaxagoras punishment which the state inflicts. There a teacher of the causes of existence such as I is surely a strange confusion of causes and desired, and I imagined that he would tell me conditions in all this. It may be said, indeed, first whether the earth is flat or round; and then that without bones and muscles and the other he would further explain the cause and the parts of the body I cannot execute my purposes. necessity of this, and would teach me the nature But to say that I do as I do because of them, of the best and show that this was best; and if and that this is the way in which mind acts, and he said that the earth was in the center, he not from the choice of the best, is a very care­ would explain that this position was the best, less and idle mode of speaking. and I should be satisfied if this were shown to me, and not want any other sort of cause. I suppose reasoning of this kind taken as 5 “ The Dialogues of Plato,” tr. by B. Jowett. a model for logic ultimately led to the quips New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1911. 4 v. and plays on words and puerilities found in M odern C ommentaries on H ippo crates 39 many of the books of the pre-renaissance prefer to believe with Zeno and Socrates period. Here half in jest, half in earnest in that the mind is an organ of the voice, and the mouth of Socrates, sitting there awaiting that Galen’s criticism is a confused and death, Plato has put it in a strikingly presumptuous tampering with logic and dramatic setting. It is not ridiculous and dialectics, in which he was practiced but pedantic; it is saved from that by the trag­ in which he was not an adept. I may have edy of the scene, which has indeed become seemed to wander a little from the subject one of the great world tragedies for us. This of the method of science, but the matter I saving grace of the sublime has preserved have introduced serves to illustrate that it for us the grain of truth which lies in much is not sufficient experimentally to cut or of the chaff of Socrates, which was lost in stimulate the recurrent laryngeal nerves the maudlin pedantry of monastic philoso­ and to observe the sequence of events; phy. I do not know whether or not Galen it is necessary to take into view the differ­ also was jesting, but this Socratic discourse ences between a man’s voice and that of a always reminds me of what he says of the pig. Those who are familiar with the recurrent laryngeal nerves6 to which I technical experiences elicited from an ex­ have elsewhere drawn attention. At any perimental study of the laryngeal nerves a rate he sets forth the argument also in generation ago will appreciate the necessity anatomical terms and ascribes it to the for the erection of some hypothesis looking Stoics. If that is so, the Platonic dialogue to this discrimination. The acceptation of I have quoted probably is influenced by theory erected on the experience of others the same sophism. Galen says the Stoics and rationalistic deductions from it are reasoned thus: “ It is evident the voice absolutely necessary for progression beyond cometh from the mind. It is also evident it the possibilities of mental activity open to cometh from the larynx. Hence the mind is primitive man. not in the brain/’ Galen demolished this Littre has included in his edition of the sophism thus: complete works of Hippocrates a little They will wonder when they hear the voice tractate of unknown authorship, “ The is produced from the brain, and much more Precepts.” In it we get a glimpse of the after having heard that all voluntary motion is opinions of Hippocrates. It is elaborated performed by the muscles. . . . For the mus­ from the passages we are concerned with cles move certain parts upon which the breath­ in the essay “ On Ancient Medicine” or ing and the voice depend, and they themselves in their turn are dependent on the nerves from from some of the other genuine books. the brain. If you surround any one of these with Perhaps it is from his own hand. I think a ligature, or if you cut it, you will render the the sentiments there expressed perhaps are muscle to which it is distributed motionless, as a nearer approach to the method of Hippoc­ well as the limb of the animal which has moved rates than the Baconian which has been before the nerve was cut. foisted on him by the distorted vision of I take it this is satisfactory to twentieth more recent admirers. He who knows that century materialists, but after all the pigs in time occurs the opportunity and in the on whom Galen seems to have experimented opportunity a brief time: have a larynx and recurrent nerves, and however learned they may be at the circus, In order to practice medicine, should devote a four-legged variety do not talk, so I himself not at first to the probability of reason­ ing, but to reasoned experience. Reasoning is 6 “ History of Laryngology,” by Jonathan Wright. a sort of synthesis of all that has been perceived 2d ed. revised and enlarged. Philadelphia and New by the senses. . . . I praise, therefore, all the York: Lea & Febiger, 1914. reasoning faculty, if it takes its departure from 40 Annals of Medical History

the observation and evolves its deductions little knowledge and less skill in their from the facts as they appear. . . . Intelligence exposition, but even the casual reader of starting from it, as I have said, leads to the the works of the greatest of them can with truth. difficulty come to any other conclusion. This is a fair summary of the critical Locke in many admirable passages in his argument in the essay “ On Ancient Medi­ “ Essay on the Human Understanding” cine” as to the method of science in which (Our Ideas of Substance) points out that we some have recognized the Baconian system, have no clear idea of “ substance,” a word but it is modified in such a way as to appeal in his day not entirely identical with our to common sense. word matter. Certain attributes of certain There is no one who has done more to categories of matter are conveyed to our advance what we believe is our knowledge cognition by the senses and from these of the physics of matter than Clerk Max­ data we form certain ideas or conceptions well. It is not of vital importance whether which find lodgment in our minds. So in­ the theories that follow from mathematical numerable are they that we unconsciously and logical deductions from the phenomena assume there is such a thing as substance of the universe are true or not. It is quite as or substratum or matter which has no impossible for me to think of an ether of attributes to appeal to us—the “ Being” of perfect density yet of perfect elasticity, the Greeks—the “ Ding an sich” of Kant— demanded by some of them, as it is for me but of this, these philosophers say we have to think of influence exerted at a distance no assurance supported by observation: through a vacuum, but if the theories The same happens concerning the operations work to the end of the discovery of facts of the mind, viz.: thinking, reasoning, fearing in their proper sequence, if they are prag­ etc., which we concluding not to subsist nor matical, though they may be far from rep­ apprehending how they can belong to body or resenting actual facts in themselves, if they be produced by it. We are apt to think these suffice for this, we need have no concern the actions of some other substance which we call spirit. as to their own truth. Most facts are secured to us by the incidental revelations which Here we find Locke using the word open up to us on false paths. To these false “ substance” in a manner to include the hypotheses we owe most of our knowledge soul as well as the body, the former of which and the hypotheses have been laid aside we exclude from our word matter. It will as useless scaffolding. Maxwell says in his suffice, however, to make us realize that great work on “ Matter and Motion” : “The minds refuse to give credence to the possi­ investigations of molecular science have bility of forming a basic theory of the proceeded for the most part by the method universe on observation. Theory is not only of hypothesis and comparison of the results necessary, but it is pure hypothesis or theory of the hypothesis with the observed facts.” which is the most necessary. We perceive This is not Baconian doctrine at all. then, that modern physics, no less than an It is a typical example of how out of ancient cosmology, are built on theories absurdities realities emerge. We have thus impossible of verification, impossible to reason to believe that not only do our submit to the crucial test of experience. senses lead us astray as we well know, but We find the modern physicist avowedly the workings of the human mind are impo­ basing his systems on them despite the fact tent in the face of fundamental cosmic that the modern scientist is repeatedly facts. It is not for me to speak of the ideas declaring science has nothing to do with of mental philosophy of which I have them. We cannot, then, reject an ancient M odern C ommentaries on H ippo crates 41

cosmology because it is built on unverifiable the doctrine that man is the measure of theory, on theory which has since proved all things, discussed in the “ Thesetetus” false, without stultifying modern science, of Plato, where much ridicule is thrown which also is founded on a theory incapable upon it as the source of knowledge without, of verification. Yet out of both, out of the however, arriving at any clearer idea of ancient as out of the modern cosmology, knowledge. In health a man’s wine tastes has Truth arisen. sweet. When he is bilious it tastes bitter. Hippocrates in his criticism of the Nature How is he, then, to know what its properties Philosophers objects to their cosmic theories really are? because “ there is nothing which can be In practice Hippocrates, just like the referred to in order to discover the truth, ” rest of us, seizes on any implement, whatever and in lofty scorn the modern scientist, its provenance, which seems useful in prying standing with both feet on a tortoise un­ open the lid which hides the secrets of nature supported by any pinions of fact, declares from us. Occasionally even modern philoso­ that he has nothing to do with assertions phers, like Maxwell and Bain,7 in lauding which cannot be submitted to the test of the system of Bacon, pause to insist that both experiment and observation. Sacrilegious hypothesis (theory, we used to call it, until though it seems, I confess both Hippocrates the word became disreputable) and obser­ and the modern scientist and even Socrates vation are to be used in combination to himself seem to me just a little silly. We attain the best results. No one can deny find both Hippocrates, the ancient scientist, the necessity of constantly reminding our­ and Socrates, the ancient idealist, objecting selves how dangerous it is to become slack to methods which the Nature Philosophers in attempting to submit theory to the test used to open the way to a knowledge of of experience, and this doubtless is the the universe. If they did no more, their animus which moves such minds as Hippoc­ services to science were inestimable in rates, and many lesser men as well, con­ postulating cosmic problems whose defini­ stantly to preach this doctrine, though as tions still remain intact. Thales and Herac­ we have repeatedly seen the whole basis litus and Democritus began to divide and of science rests on hypothesis which cannot subdivide: “ things above us and things be submitted to the test of experience or below the earth,” and the results they to the exactions of rational thought. attained by methods, which Hippocrates This is an old song, but, as a distinguished censured and yet was forced to pursue in advocate of one of the popular modern medicine, constituted the fabric of the theories of nature remarked to me, it is knowledge of the whole which both he and well occasionally to be reminded of it. There Plato agreed was a prerequisite to a further is less lack of frequent reminders of these advance. It was as clear to him as it was to fundamental limitations, both of observa­ Plato that without broad and comprehen­ tion and of thought than of concrete sive ideas, without a knowledge of the cos­ criticism, pointing out just where the scien­ mic laws it was idle for the student to begin tist violates his principles. I have alluded study, either of the human body or of the to their conscious trespassing in modern human soul. If this is the implication of physical philosophy. It is not difficult to very many of the passages in Hippocratic find its unconscious violation by Hippoc­ writings and in Platonic dialogues, we find rates. In this, it is true, he often places others in which they condemn and ridi­ himself above the usual pedantry of his cule it. 7 “ Education as a Science,” by Alexander Bain. Protagoras had from Xenophanes perhaps New York: Appleton & Co., 1901.

\ 42 Annals of Medical History

predecessors, but he none the less erects experienced in the observation of the sick, he his own hypotheses, if not on the hot and would hardly hesitate to prefer the latter. the cold, the dry and the moist, in the If the anatomist derived his knowledge treatise “ On Ancient Medicine” at least from his imagination or even chiefly from on the bitter and the sweet, the salt and the his speculations, such as we infer was acid, upon the form of the internal organs chiefly the source from which the Egyptian “ best calculated to suck to itself and physicians drew the remarkable passages attract humidity from another body.” So— on anatomy in the Papyros Ebers8 we must “ when the flatus encounters a broad and confess it would be sound judgment. We resisting structure and rushes against such a have little reason to suppose more accurate part and this happens when it is by nature anatomical or physiological data existed not strong so as to be able to withstand it in the days of Hippocrates. At any rate without pain, not soft and rare, so as to we may suspect he has better reason for receive and yield to it”—remembering how the opinion than appears to us at first much of our own babbling must in time be thought when he declares it is not for the devoid of sense, let us draw a veil over the Nature Philosophers to teach the physicians frailties of the human mind which we may the origin of nature. It is also not so arrogant be sure we shall need more and in a shorter as it sounds for him to declare that “ one time than the Master. If Hippocrates cannot know anything certain respecting exhibited neither error nor tautology, if ‘Nature’ from any other quarter than from he perceived the ideas of others were no medicine.” The anatomist of the Papyros more theoretical or hypothetical than some Ebers and to a certain extent Empedocles9 of his own, he would be a god, not a man, and Alcmseon,10 the predecessors of Hippoc­ and he is very human. He is a real man; rates, drew their ideas of anatomy objec­ he is Hippocrates, the physician, not tively not from dissection, but the former Aisculapius, the son of Apollo, and it is from the processes of embalming and the by his lapses of logic, and his feebleness latter from the sacrifices at the public of apperception, not by his immortal genius altars, sources open to all, physicians as that we recognize him as a father and a well as laity, and from certain other obser­ brother. When he reminds us there are wise vations and manifest physiological actions. physicians as well as foolish ones and how The rest was mere subjective theory. All difficult and laborious the search for truth was better derivable from even the empirical is, how urgent it is for us to know the practice of medicine than from any other history of the strivings of others after it 8 “ Blight of Theory,” by Jonathan Wright, New if we are to prosecute wisely our own search York Medical Journal. for it, how impossible it is at best for any­ 9 “ Diogenes Laertius; Lives and Opinions of one to say one has discovered something Eminent Philosophers,” tr. by C. D. Yonge. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1853. unknown to one’s predecessors, we recog­ 10 “ Whether his knowledge in this branch of science nise the wisdom of the ages, though we often was derived from the dissection of animals or of forget it. human bodies, is a disputed question, which it is It is not clear from the text that the difficult to decide. Chalcidius, on whose authority author really means to decry such knowl­ the fact rests, merely says (Comment, in Plato, edge, chiefly speculative, as existed in his ‘Tim.’ p. 363, 3d. Fabr.), ‘qui primus exsectionem day of anatomy and physiology. It can aggredi est ausus.’ And the word exsection would apply equally well to either case.” In “ Dictionary scarcely be denied that if a patient must of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology,” choose to-day between the anatomical expert edited by William Smith. Vol. i, p. 104. London: and him who is ignorant of anatomy but John Murray, 1870. M odern C ommentaries on H ippo crates 43 calling. Moreover, Nature or c^vacs was to observation, and there was but little conceived by the Greeks more in the sense more known, and little more did he know of what we understand by the processes of of physiology. nature, hence, in this limitation the phys­ And, as has been formerly stated, one ought iology of man, rather than in the sense of to be acquainted with the powers of juices, and our modern wider conception of the term. what action each of them has upon man, and So Hippocrates was entirely justified his­ their alliances towards one another. What I torically in claiming medicine to be the say is this: if a sweet juice change to another teacher of anatomy rather than medicine kind, not from any admixture, but because it to be the result of the teachings of anatomy has undergone a mutation within itself; what does it first become?—bitter? salt? austere? or and physiology. acid? I think acid. And hence, an acid juice Active investigation or research was not is the most improper of all things that can be included in the curriculum; the observation administered in cases in which a sweet juice is of phenomena, even unaided by experi­ the most proper. Thus, if one should succeed mentation, is still often a safer guide than in his investigations of external things, he observation controlled by it, and Hippoc­ would be the better able always to select the best; for that is best which is farthest removed rates know no other, though he knew that from that which is unwholesome. the diaphragm is a broad and expanded structure and that “ abscesses occur about The last clauses of the treatise of “ On it. There are both within and without the Ancient Medicine” but illustrate our ego­ body many other kinds of structure, which tistical proverb, implying our own great differ much from one another as to suffer­ knowledge—“ a little learning is a danger­ ings both in health and disease; such as ous thing.” whether the head be small or large; the neck Y et even here, despite the tautology and slender or thick, long or short; the belly the hypotheses I have quoted, despite much long or round; the chest and ribs broad or more I have not cited from this discourse narrow; and many others besides, all which “ On Ancient Medicine,” we see the Master you ought to be acquainted with, and their headed in the right direction before hardly differences; so that knowing the causes of a path existed. The whole tone of the essay, each, you may make the more accurate with its inconsistencies and its frailties, observations.” Thus far he recognized the breathes the spirit of modern medical value of anatomy and pathology as an aid science— better still—of common sense. [To be concluded]

L’AMBULANTEUSE

Valkyrie is she; on mechanical steed True to tradition and true to herself Bears wounded warriors from sodden field. With spirit of Warren and Adams and those With flaming exhaust, at extremest speed, Who considered a principle greater than pelf She rolls to the spot of the greatest yield And would forfeit their lives if occasion arose, Of the Harvest of Hate. What nobler part She too has surrendered the luminous hours Could a woman play in the murky hour Of her maidenly years, to travel the trail Of the World at War, when the Iight’nings dart That beckons her spirit from budding bowers That betoken the lust of Teutonic power. To sacrifice all in the Quest of the Grail.

Carleton B. McCulloch, M.D.

J une, 1918. A DESCRIPTIVE LIST OF THE INCUNABULA IN THE LIBRARY OF THE COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS OF PHILADELPHIA

The following is a carefully prepared list of the Incunabula in the possession of the Library of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia up to M ay i, 1919. While in no sense a “ catalogue raisonne,” it can properly be called a catalogue, as it is arranged by authors, with more or less description, to assist in the identification of the edition or publication. Further, it will be noted that this Library follows the ruling of “ Hain,” and only the books issued in the fifteenth century are classed under the head of “ Incunabula.” ',As a matter of interest to the readers, notes that have been gathered from various sources, are appended in a number of cases. No pretense is made that these notes are authoritative, or absolute; they are given for what they are worth—mostly the comment of some previous owner. The expert bib­ liographer is welcome to criticise, deny, or confirm the sayings, as he sees fit.

Charles Perry F isher, Librarian,

A bio su s, J o a n n es. [Dialogus in astrologiae num plannck. de Patauia Anno domi | ni defensionem.] [F. ia:] AD IN V IC T IS- Millesimo CCCC LX X X IJ. Die nona Men- SIMVM AC POTENTISSIMVM | sis | Maij [et]c. [Register.] BELLO ET PRUDENTISSIMUM SI- 135 ff. F°. Romae, Plannck, 1482. CILIE RE | GEM ALFONSUM. | Dia­ [Hain no. 108.] logus in astrologie defensionem Cnm A eg id iu s C orboliensis, P etr u s [or Gilles [sic] Uaticinio a diluuio vsq[ue] ad Chri | de Corbeil] [Carmina de urinarum judiciis sti annos. 1702. Joannis Abiosi Neapolis cum expositione Gentilis de Fulgineo] Regni Ex balneolo mathematica | rum [F. 1 a:] Carmina de urina[rum] iudiciis professoris Artium [et] Meditine [sic] e d it a ab | exceIIe[n]tissimo [dom i] no Doctoris. | [Tab. xyl. In fine:] Finit opus m[a]g[ist]ro Egidio cu[m] | co[m]mento Dialogi [etc.] E t impressu[m] Uenetijs eiusdem feliciter incipiunt. | [F. 60b:] Hie Die. 20 octobris | 1494. Per Magistrum modus imponit[ur] Tractulo [d]e cogno | Franciscum Lapicidam in contrata Sancte scendis urinis peritissimi magistri Egdii Lucie. Ad glo | riam Omnipotentis Dei cu[m] | exposit[i]o[n]e [et] [com]me[n]to m- qui assidue benedicatur. | [a]g[ist]ri Ge[n]tilis [de] fulgineo | su[m]ma 37 ff. il. 120. Venice, Franciscus Lapicida, 1494. cu[m] dilige[ntia] plurib[us] i[n] Iocis casti­ [Hain no. 24.] gates] a m°. | Auena[n]tio [de] cameri[n]o Only work printed by Lapicida. artiu[m] [et] medici[n]e p[ro]fes- | so[r]e A eg id iu s C o lum na. [De regimine princi- padueq[ue] i[m]p[r]essus [per] m[a]g[ist]r- pum.] [F. 1 a:] () Eorgio miseratione diuina [u]m matheu[m] Cer | donis [de] uuin- Archiepiscopo Ulixponen. Sacro- | sancte. dischgrec[z] die 12 iulii. Anno 1483 Ro. eccesie. tituli sanctoru[m] Petri [et] 64 ff. 40. Paduae, Mattheus Cerdonis de Win- Marcelli presbyte | ro Cardinali Reueren- dischgretz, 1483. dissimo ac benemerito: Oliuerius Serui | us [Hain no. 100.] Tholentinus. S. P. D. [F. ib-4 b table of Imperfect, f. 45a blank. chapter-headings.] [F. ’5a:] Incipit liber de A eg id iu s C orboliensis, P et r u s [or Gilles regimine p[r]incipu[m] | etc. [In fine:] Ex­ de Corbeil] [Carmina de urinarum judiciis plicit liber, etc. Impressum Romae per cum expositione Gentilis de Fulgineo] inclitu[m] viru[m] magistru[m] | Stepha- [fF.1-59 missing.] [F. 76b:] Hie finis im-

/ In c u n a b u la 45

ponitur tractatulo de cognoscendis v[r]- corruptione.] [F. ia:] Liber Alberti De inis [et] pulsu peri- | tissimi magistri generatione [et] co[r]ruptione | Incipit Egidii cum expositione [et] commento Liber de generatione [et] co[r]ruptione. magistri Gentilis de | fulgineo summa Cu | ius tractatus p[r]imus est de genera­ cu[m] diligentia pluribus in Iocis castigatus tione [et] co[r]ruptio | ne in co[m]muni a mag[ist]ro Auena[n] | tio de camerino simpliciter dictis. | [F. 23a:] Imp[r]essum artiu[m] [et] medici[n]e p[ro]fesso[r]e Uene- Uenetijs per Ioan[n]em [et] G[r]ego[r]iu[m] tiis i[m]p[r]essus [per] Benardinu[m] |Ue- de | G[r]ego[r]ijs fratres. Anno. d[omi]ni.- netu[m] expensis d[e] Jeronymi duranti M.cccc.Ixxxxv.die | decima Iunij. | *** die 16 mensis feb[r]uarii 1494 | 24 ff. F°. Venetiis, Johannes et Gregorius de 76 ff. 40. Venetiis, Bernardinus [de Vitalibus] Gregoriis, 1495. for Hieronymus de Durantis, 1494. [Hain no. 517.]

[Hain no. 101.] A lb er t u s M a g n u s. [De secretis mulierum Imperfect, ff. 1-59 missing. et virorum] [F. ia. tit:] Albertus magnus A eg id iu s C orboliensis, P et r u s [or Gilles de secretis | mulierum cum commento | de Corbeil] [Carmina de urinarum judiciis [F. 2a:] §Expositio super henricu[m] de cum expositione Gentilis de Fulgineo] sa- | xonia de secretis mulierum In- [ cipit [F. 1 a. tit:] [o]Pus excelle[n]= | tissimi foeliciter. | [F. 56b:] F IN IS | §Impressum magistri Egidij de v[r]inis et pulsu | cum Romse. 1499. | die. 8. Iulii. | *** expositione clarissimi magistri Gen | tilis 56 ff. 4°. Romae, [Eucharius Silber], 1499 de fulgineo | [F. ib : vacat.] [F. 2a:] Car­ [Reichling no. 372.]

mina de v[r]inarum iudicijs edita ab | A lb er t u s M a g n u s. [De secretis mulierum exceIIe[n]tissimo domino magistro Egidio et virorum] [F. ia. tit:] Albertus magnus | cu[m] | commento eiusdem feliciter inci- de secretis mulie | rum et viro[r]u[m]. | piunt. | [F. 59a :]§ Incipit liber magistri [F. 33b. 1. 17:] omnium per infinita secula Egidij de | pulsibus metrice compositus. secuIo[r]um. Amen. | | [F. 80b:] De significationibus magni | 33 ff. 40. [Augsburg, Johann Froschauer, 1475.] pulsus s[e]c[undu]m naturam. | [Hain no. 555.] [94] ff. 40. [Lugduni, Martinus Havard, 1499.] A lb er t u s M a g n u s. [De secretis mulierum [Reichling no. 1431.] et virorum] [F. ia. tit:] AIbert[us] Magnus Imperfect, f. 65 and ff. 81-94 missing. de secretis mulieru[m] | et viro[r]um | A eg id iu s C orboliensis, P et r u s [or Gilles [F. 2a:] [S]Cribit ph[iIosoph]us phiIo[s]- de Corbeil] [Liber metricus de pulsibus opho[r]u[m] p[r]inceps. | *** [F. 41b:] Imp- cum commentario Gentilis Fulginatis] [r]essum Iiptzk per MeIchio[r]em | Lotter [F.ia:] Uenantius mutius de camerino. Anno MiIIesimoqui[n]ge[n]tesimo. \ Alexandro de bartholaciis de monte 41 ff. 40. L[e]iptz[ic]k, Melchior Lotter, 1500. almi.salutem plurima[m] dicit. *** [F.- [Hain no. 568.] 48a:] §Hic finis imponit[ur] tractatulo pulsuu[m] Magistri | Egidii cu[m] co[m]- A lb er t u s M a g n u s. [De secretis mulierum mento Gentilis de Fulgineo qui im | p[r]- et virorum] [F. ia:] [S]Cribit philosophus essus fuit Padue per magist[rum] ph[iIosoph]o[r]um | p[r]inceps su[m]mus. Mattheu[m] cer-1 donis de Uuindisch- *** [F. 83b. 1. 16:] secuIo[r]um Amen. | gretz die Januarii Anno | domini 1484. | 84 ff. 40. [Ulmae, Johannes Zainer, 1473.] 48 ff. 40. Padue, Mattheus Cerdonis de Win- [Copinger no. 197.] dischgretz, 1484. A lb er t u s M a g n u s. [De secretis mulierum [Hain no. 103.] et virorum] [F. ia. tit:] De fo[r]matio[n]e A lb e r t u s M a g n u s. [De generatione et ho[min]is | in vtero materno | *** [F. 53b:] 4 6 Annals of Medical History

Liber de fo[r] | matione ho= | [F. 54a:] A lb e r t u s M a g n u s. [Opus de animalibus] minis in vte | ro materno | co[n]gruentis- [F.ia:] Incipit liber Alberti magni ani- sime inscriptus finit fe | Iiciter ad Iaude[m] malium | p[r]imus [qui] est de co[m]muni eius qui hu[n]c mo- | du[m] p[ro]pagandi diuersitate a[n]i[m]alium | *** [Ad finem:] genus humanu[m] eide[m] benedicendo Finit feliciter opus Alberti magni philoso | instituit dicens Cre | scite et multiplicam- phi de animalibus: [et] imp[r]essum Man- ini. | tue per | Paulum Johan[n]is de Butsch- 54 ff. 40. n. p., n. pub., [circa 1490.] bach alamanum Maguntinenfsis] dioce- [Not in Ham.] [sis] Sub anno d[omi]ni Mille | simo quad- ringentessimo septuagesimonono: die | A lb er t u s M a g n u s. [De secretis mulierum uero duodecima Januarij *** etvirorum] [F. ia:] [P]HiIosoph[us] phfilo- 306 ff. F°. Mantue, Paulus Johannes de Butz- soph]o[r]um | p[r]inceps q[ua]rto ethi |- bach, 1479. co[rum] scribit. *** [F. 45a:] Finis hums [Hain no. 546.] tractatuli vene- | rabilis Alberti magni. | Imperfect. 2 ff. of table and 1 f. blank missing. 46 fF. 40. [Argentinae, Hein, Knoblochtzer, A lb e r t u s M a g n u s. [Physicorum s. de phy- 1480. sico auditu Iibri octo. Alberti magni [Hain no. 558.] Commentaris in octo Iibros Physicorum A lb er t u s M a g n u s. [De secretis mulierum Aristotelis.] [F. ib.] § Excellentissimo med­ et virorum] [F.ia:] [S]Cribit philosophus ico preclarissimoque philosopho d[omi]no philoso | pho[r]um p[r]inceps.quarto ethi | Jacobo battifero patri observando. Mat- co[r]um homo est optimum *** [F.48a:] heus | battifero vrbinas artium doctor et Alberti magni de secretis mulie | rum medicine S. [In fine.] §ExpIicit co[m]men- tractatus feliciter explicit | tum Doctoris excellentissimi | Alberti 48 ff. 40. [Antverpiae, Math, van der Goes, magni ordinis predicatorum in Iibros i486.] phys | icoru[m]. Impressu[m] Venetiis per [Copinger no. 191.] Joa[n]nem de forlivio | et Gregoriu[m] A lb er t u s M a g n u s. [Liber aggregationis fratres. Anno d[omi]ni M .CCCC L X X X - seu secretorum de virtutibus herbarum, VIII. die VIII. Januarii. | [Register.] etc.] [F.ia.tit:] Liber secreto[r]um Alberti 168 ff. F°. Venetiis, de Forlivio, 1488. magni de virtutibus herba | rum.et ani- [Hain-Copinger 518.] malium quo[r]undam. Eiusdemq[ue] liber, A l b e r t u s M a g n u s. [Summa de quatuor de | mirabilibus mundi.et etiam de qui- coaevis et de homine.] [F. ia. tit:] P[r]ima busda[m] effectibus | causatis a quibus- Pars Summe | Alberti Magni | De Qua- dam animalibus [etc.] | [F.2a:] Liber ag­ tuo[r] Coequeuis | vna cum secunda | eius gregationis seu liber secreto[rum] Alberti que est De homine. | [F. 79b. (c. n. 77):] mag | ni de v[ir]tutibus herbaru[m].Iapi- §ExpIicit Liber p[r]ime Partis Su[m]me du[m].et a[n]i[m]aliu[m] quoru[n]dam | Li­ D[omi]ni | Alberti Magni de Quatuo[r] ber primus de v[ir]tutibus [q[uo]rundam coequeuis. | Uenetijs Imp[r]essum per Si- herbarum. | *** [F.i6b.I.26:] §Eiusde[m] monem de Luere | Impensis domini An- Alberti magni de mirabilibus mundi | dree To[r]resani de | Asula. 190. Me[n]sis feliciter incipit | *** [F.34a:] Imp[r]essum Decemb[r]is. 1498°. Feliciter. | [F. 81 a. Auguste [per] Johanne[m] schauren fe[r]ia (c. n. 79):] § Incipit liber secunde partis | secunda post Bartholomei M.CCCC. summe Alberti Ma- | gni o[r]dinis p[r]- L X X X X V j. | edicatorum De homine. | [F. 196b. (c. n. 34 ff. 40. Auguste, Johannes Schauren, 1496. 194):] § Explicit | Secunda Pars Summe [Hain no. 542.] AI- | berti Magni Ratispanen[sis] Ep- In cu n a b u la 47

[iscop]i De homine. | Uenetijs Imp[re]ssa A lc h a b itiu s. [Libellus isagogicus de plane- Impe[n]sis d[omi]ni | Andree To[r]resani tarum conjunctionibus.] [F. ia. vacat. de Asula: arte v[er]o Simo | nis de Iuere. F. ib. Sphaera mundi. F. 2a:] LIBELLVS xvj° feb[r]uarij. 1498. | Feliciter. | YSAGOGICVS ABDILAZI. IDEST 197 ff. F°. Venetiis, Simon de Luere for Andreas SERVI GLO | RIOSI DEI: QVI DICI- Torresanus de Asula, 1498. TVR ALCHABITIVS AD MAGISTE | [Hain no. 569.] RVM [sic] IVDICIORVM ASTRORVM From the famous Strozzi library. INTERPRETATVS A 10 | ANNE HIS- A lb e r t u s M a g n u s. [Summa naturalium PALENSI SCRIPTVMQVE IN EVN- sive opus philosophiae naturalis.] [F. ia:] D EM A 10 | HANNE SAXONIE EDI- Phia. d. Alberti. M. | [F. 2a:] Illustrissimi TVM VTILI SERIE CONNEXUM | philosophi & theologi: domini Alberti IN C IP IV N T . [Term. f. 26b. Deinde f. 27a. magni co[m]pen | diosum: i[n]signe: ac (c. sign. A.):] COMENTVM IOHANNIS perutile opus Philosophic naturalis: felici­ DE SAXO | NIA SVPER TEXTV AL- ter i[n]cipit. | De acceptione ho[rum] C H A B IC II. | [In fine:] Finitur scriptum nominu[m]: natura & naturale. Cap. I. | super alchabitiu[m] ordinatu[m] Ioa[n]ne- *** [F. 52a:] Impressum Venetiis per [m] de saxonia in | uilla parisiensi anno. Georgium de Arriuabenis: Anno Domini. i33i. Correctu[m] per artium & medicinae | M.cccclxxxxvi. die ultimo mensis Augus- doctorem | domi[n]um Bartholomeum de ti. | *** [F. 53b.] Finis. | *** alte[m] & nusia. Imp[re]ssum uenetiis 54 ff. il. 2 wood-cuts. 40. Venetiis, Georgius de p[er] Ioa[n]nem | & Gregoriu[m] de for- Arrivabenis, 1496. Iiuio fr[atr]em a[n]no salutis. Mcccclxxxxi. [Hain no. 506.] i[n] die. xxvi. Iulii. | Tabula foliorum A lb u c a sis. [Liber servitoris.] [F. ia:] huius operis. | [quae term, verbo:] FIN IS.| INCIPIT LIBER SERVITORIS LIBER 82 fF. il. 120. Venetiis, Johannes & Gregorius de | xxviii. Bulchasi[n] Benaberazerin tra[n]- Gregoriis, 1491. slatus a Si | mo[n]e ianue[n]sis i[n]terprete [Hain no. 618.] Abraa[m] iudeo tortuosie[n]si. | [D]ixit ag­ gregator huius operis: | Postq[uam] ego * A piciu s C o e liu s. [De re culinaria.] [F. ia. collegi Iibrum hunc | magnu[m] i[n] medi- tit:] Apitii Celii de re Coquinaria Iibri ci[ni]s co[m]positis: q[ui] e[x] liber decem. | Suetonius Tra[n]quiIIus De Clar­ magni iuuamenti: quem | nominaui ii­ is Gra[m]maticis. | Suetonius Tra[n]- | brum seruitorem. | *** [F. 64b. In fine:] quillus De Claris Rhetoribus. | *** [F. Finit Seruitoris prepa[ra]t[i]o[n]e medi- 32b:] Impressum Venetiis per Bernardi- [cin]ar[um] si[m]pliciu[m] | i[m]- | pressus num Venetum. | [F. 33a:] C. SVETONII Venetiis p[er] NicoIau[m] Ie[n]so[m] gal- TRANQVILLI DE GRAMMA -1 T IC IS : Iicu[m]. Mcccclxxi. | ET RHETORIBVS CLARIS LI­ 64 ff. 40. Venetiis, Nicolaus Jenson, 1471. BELLVS. | *** [F. 40b:] Suetonii Tra- [Copinger no. 3450.] [n] q[ui]IIi de claris Gra[m]maticis: & rhe- First book on pharmacy. A dated Jenson work. torib[us]. Finis. | Only a few copies known. 40 ff. 40. Venetiis, Bernardinus [de Vitalibus, A lb u c a sis. [Liber servitoris de prepara- 1497.] tionibus medicinarum.] [F. 68a:] Liber [Hain no. 1282.] seruito[r]is de p[r]eparac[i]oni | bus medi- A rdo ynus, S a n t is. [Liber de venenis] [F. cina [rum] *** Incipit feliciter. | 1 a:] Incipit liber de venenis quem magis- [In- Mesue Damascenus, J. Antidotarium. *** circa 1480. IF. 68a~92b.] ter santes de ardoy | nis de pe[n]sauro Imperfect, ff. 93-95 missing. *** [ad finem:] Imp[r]essum Venetijs opera 48 Annals oj Medical History

Bernardini ricij de nou- | ria *** M.cccc.- num. Vol. V. 316 ff. num., in medio 13 ff. Ixxxxij. Die. xix. mensis | Julij. *** non num. et in fine 1 f. non num.] 105 ff. F°. Venetiis, Ricius, 1492. 5V. F°. Venetiis, Aldus, 1495-1498. [Hain no. 1554.] [Hain no. 1657.] First edition. One oj the earliest examples of de A r g e la t a , P e t r u s. [Libri sex chirur- books printed entirely in Greek characters. giae.] [F. ia. tit:] Cirurgia magistri Petri de Iargelata. | [F. 2a:] §Incipit liber p[ri]- A r ist o t e l e s. [F. ia:] Tractatulus propleu- mus Cirurgie magistri petri de Iargelata m a= | turn [sic] Aristotelis multas | in | de bononia artium [et] medicine docto- naturalib[us] questiuncu = | las admira­ [r]is. | [F. 128b:] P[r]estantissimi artiu[m] tio n dignas | in se continens Iegentibus | [et] medicine docto[r]is magistri Pe- | tri multu[s] iucundus ac vtilis. | [F. 2a (c. de Largelata chirurgie finis. | §Venetijs sign. Aij):] §Incipiunt Propleumata Aris­ ma[n]dato [et] expe[n]sis Nobilis viri totelis. | [F. 35b:] Finiunt Propleumata D[omi]ni Octauia- | ni Scoti Ciuis Modoe- Aristotelis. | Anno domini. M.CCCC.- tie[n]sis. Octauo kalendas Marti- | as. xciiiij. | 1497. Per Bonetu[m] LocateIIu[m] Ber- [35] ff. 120. [Leipzig, Kachelofen,] 1494. gome[n]sem. | [Hain no. 1732.] 131 ff. F°. Venetiis, Bonetus Locatellus for A rnoldus de V il l a N o va. [Breviarium Octavianus Scotus, 1497. practicae medicinae] [F. ia:] b[r]- [Hain no. 1637.] euiariu[m] p[r]atice excelle[n]tissimi Rei- de A r g e la t a , P e t r u s. [Libra sex chirur- naldi | de uillanoua medici *** [F. 100a:] giae] [F. ia. tit:] Cirurgia magistri Petri Laus deo et suis sanctis. | de Iargelata | [F. 2a:] §Incipit liber p r ­ [12 ms. ff.] & 101 ff. F°. n. p., n. pub., [1475.] imus Cirugie magistri petri de Large | [Not in Hain.] lata de bononia artium [et] medicine doc- A rnoldus d e V il l a N o va. [Breviarium to[r]is. | [F. 131a:] *** Venetijs. 1499. die. practicae medicinae] [F. ia. tit:] Practica 12. Septemb[r]is. | medicine Arnal- | di de Uilla noua. | [F. 131 ff. F°. Venetiis, n. pub., 1499. 75a:] Uenetijs per Baptistam de to[r]tis. [Hain no. 1639.] M.cccc.xciij | die. xxi. Februarij. |

A r is t o t e l e s. [De natura animalium, etcJ 76 ff. F°. Venetiis, Baptista de Tortis, 1494. [F. 1 a. tit:] ARISTOTELIS.| De natura [Hain no. 1801.] animalium: libri nouem. | De partibus A rnoldus de V illa N o va. [Breviarium animalium: libri quattuor. | De genera­ practicae medicinae] [F. 1 a. tit:] P[r]actica tio n animalium: libri quinqfue]. | IN- medicine Arnal | di de Uilla noua. | [Ad T E R P R E T E THEODORO GAZA. | [Ad finem:] §Epitoma Medice artis excellen- finem:] FIN IS. | tissimi viri Arnaldi | de villa noua Imp- 151 ff. F°. n. p., n. pub., [circa 1475.] [rejssum Uenetijs per magistru[m] Otinu- [Hain no. 1698.] [m] | Papiensem de Ia Iuna Anno d[omi]ni. M.cccclxxxxvij. | xij. Kal. nouemb[r]is *** A r ist o t e l e s. [Opera graece.] Venetiis. M. 11 D. Mense iunio Apud Aldum. et hoc 67 ff. F°. Venetiis, Otinus Papiensis de Luna, cum priuilegio. [f. gr. eh. c. f. et (excepto 1497. primo vol.) c. c. et ff. n. 30 I. Vol. I. 234 [Hain no. 1802.] ff. Vol. II. 32 ff. non num. et 268 ff. num. A rnoldus de V il l a N o va. [De arte cog- Vol. III. 457 ff. num. et 9 ff. non num. noscendi venena] [F. ia:] TRACTATVS (c. vacuo). Vol. IV. 519 ff. indicato modo MAGISTRI ARNALDI | DE VILLA In cu n a b u la 49

NOVA DE ARTE COGNOS | CENDI villa noua Cathalono o[m] ( nium medi­ VENENA CVM QVIS TIMET | SIBI corum viuentium gemma. | EA MINISTRARI | [F. 16a:] Et sic est [In- Salernum, School of. Regimen sanitatis finis totius tractatus DEO G R A T IA S: | Salernitanum. *** circa 1485. ff. I93b-2i7a.]

16 fF. 40. [Mantuae, Johann Burster, 1473.] A rs m em o rativa. [F. i a:] Ars memora |- [Hain no. 1805.] tiva Ad com | memorandu[m] | Terminos A rnoldus de V il l a N o va. [Liber de vinis] Questio[n]es Argume[n] | ta siue Sermones [F. 1 a:] [H]Ienach volget ein Ioblich quottas:. | [F. 4b:] Imp[r]essum in Ingel- tractat | eins furnemen docto[r]s der ertz- stat | Laus deo omnipote[n]tu. | ney | mitt namen Arnoldi de noua villa [4] ff. il. 120. [Ingoldstadt, Johann Kachelofen, | *** Wilham vo[n] hirnkofen *** von Iatin circa 1493.] zii teiitsch tran[s]feriert *** [Not in Hain.] n ff. F°. [Norimbergae, circa 1478.] [Ar t ic e l l a .] [F. i a:] Articella [F. 2a:] [Copinger no. 655.] §Incipiunt isagoge Joannitij ad tegni Galieni. P[r]imus | liber medicine. | [F. A rnoldus de V illa N o va. [Regimen sani- 186a:] Imp[r]essum Venetijs per Bone- tatis.] [F. 138a. (c. sign, ti):] Incipit liber tu[m] Locatellum Bergo | mense[m] Iussu de co[n]seruatione co[r]pis seu de re |- [et] expensis Nobilis Uiri Octauiani Scoti gimine sanitatis co[m]positus p[er] magis- | Ciuis Modoetiensis. Anno Intemerate tru[m] Arnol | dum de villa noua. | [F. Uirginis par | tus. Nonagesimotertio sup- 166b. (c. sign. y5):] Explicit regimen [r]a Millesimum [et] quadrin- | gentesi- sanitatis compositum seu o[r]dinatum a mum. Tertiodecimo kalendas Januarias. magistro Arnoldo de villa | noua Cathala- Cum | Benedictione Omnipotentis dei no omnium medicorum viuen | tium Gem­ q[ui] est benedictus In | secula secuIo[r]- ma. | um. Amen. | [In- Salernum, School of. Regimen sanitatis 144 ff. + 51 ff. F°. Venetiis, Bonetus Locatellus Salernitanum. *** circa 1480. ff. 138a-166b.] for Octavianus Scotus, 1493. A rnoldus de V il l a N o va. [Regimen sani­ [Hain no. 1872.] tatis.] [F. 11b . (c. sign. 08):] Incipit liber A uctoritates A r isto telis, S e n e c e , B oe- de conseruatione corporis seu de re |- t ii. *** [F. ia. tit:] Aucto[r]itates | Aristo­ gimine sanitatis composicus [sic] per telis Senece Boetii Pla- | tonis Apulei magistrum Arnol | dum de villa noua. | [F. Affricani [sic] Em-pedoclis Po[r]phirii et | 135a. (c. sign. r8):] Explicit regimen Guilberti po[r]ritani. | [Woodcut. F. 68a:] sanitatis compositum seu ordi | natum a §Finit feliciter. | [2 woodcuts.] [F. 68b. magistro Arnoldo de villa noua Cathalo Full-page woodcut.] | no omnium viuentium Gemma. | 68 ff. 240. n. p., n. pub., [circa 1500.] [In- Salernum, School of. Regimen sanitatis [Not in Hain.] Salernitanum. *** circa 1480. ff. m b -i35a.] Unrecorded work from unknown French press. [Not in Hain.] Pellechet describes 16 other editions printed A rnoldus de V il l a N o va. [Regimen sani­ at the end of the XVth century. tatis.] [F. 193b. c. sign. 08:] Incipit liber A ven zo h ar , A bhum eron. [Theicrisi dahal- de [conjservatione corporis seu de regi |- modana vahaltadabir c. CoIIiget Avver- mine sanitatis compositus per magistrum rois] [F. ia. tit:] Abhumeron Abynzoar arnoldum de villa noua. | [F. 217a. c. | CoIIiget auerrois | [F. 42b:] §Hierony- sign. r8:] Explicit regimen sanitatis com­ mus Surianus physicus domini magistri positum seu ordi[n]a | turn a arnoldo de Jacobi suriani de Arimino I Artium ac 5 o Annals of Medical History

medicinedocto[r]is p[r]eclarissi [sic] fili[us] flumine: [et] imp[re]ssus die. 10. noue[m] Lecto[r]i Salute[m] plurimam dicit. | *** [F. bris. p[er] p. matheu[m] [de] vindisch- 43a:] §Incipit liber de medici[n]a Auer- g[r]etz. 1. 4. 8. 7. | roys: qui dicitur colliget: | *** [F. 102b:] 22 ff. 40. [Patavii], Matthaeus [Ceredonis] de *** Imp[r]essum Uenetijs per magistrum Windischgretz, 1487. Otinum papiensem | de Iuna. Anno domi- [Hain no. 2245.] ni nostri iesu ch[r]isti. Mccccxcvij. de | Second edition of first book on diseases of children. cimo kalendas ianuarias. *** B artholomaeus de P is is . [Epitoma medi- 103 ff. F°. Venetiis, Otinus Papiensis de Luna, cinae.] ff. 1-4 wanting.] [F. 5a. sig. a. 1:] 1497. §EPITHOMA MEDICINE BAR- [Hain no. 2188.] THO | LOMEI PHISICI DE PISIS. | A ven zo h ar, A bhum eron. [Theicrisi dahal- [Ad finem:] FIN IS. | modana vahaltadabir c. Colliget Aver- 104 ff. 40. [Florentiae, de Morgianis, 1490.] rois.] [fF. 1-44 wanting.] [F. 45a. tit:[ [Hain no. 2531.] Colliget Auerroys. | [F. 46a. c. sig. a. ij B a r ziziu s, C hristoforus [Introductorium et n. 2] Incipit liber de medicina Auerrois: ad opus practicum medicinae cum com- | qui dicitur colliget. [etc.] [F. 84. c. n. 40:] mentariis in IX Almansoriis.] [F. ia. tit:] Explicit liber Auenzoar. | ff. 85-108 want­ Cristofori Barzizij | Medici singularis in- ing.] troducto [r] iu [m] P [r] actica eiusdem. | *** 108 ff. F°. [Venetiis, Joannes de Forlivio et [F. 256b:] DEO GRATIAS AMEN. | *** Gregorius fratres, 1490.] Imp[r]essit P A P IE i[m]p[r]esso[r]ie artis [Hain no. 2186.] p[er]itissim[is] Ma- | gister Antonius de Imperfect, ff. 1-44, 85-108 missing. Carchano. Anno salutifero nati | uitatis. A v ic e n n a . [Libri quinque canonis de medi­ Mcccclxxxxiiij0. die. xx. Augusti Ad Iau- cina et antidotarium] [F. 1 a:] Liber de[m] | die [et] eius pie genitricis. | Finis. | canonis p[r]imus quern p[r]inceps aboali 258 ff. F°. Papiae, Antonius de Carchano, 1494. | abinsceni de medicina edidit: translatus [Hain no. 2666.] a magistro | Gerardo cremonensi in toleto This edition extremely rare. One of the three ab arabico in Iatinu[m] | Uerba aboali copies mentioned by Pellechet. abinseni. | [F. 491a:] Expletus est Iibellus B a s il iu s . [De invidia.] [F. 34a:] BASILII de viribus co[r]dis quem | p[r]inceps Aui- DE INVIDIA. | BASILII ORATIO DE cen[n]a edidit. Imp[r]essus Venetijs An |- INVIDIA E GRAECO IN LATI | NVM no incarnationis Dominice. M.cccclxxxvi. | CONVERSA PER NICOLAVM PER- 500 ff. 40. Venetiis, [Petrus Mayfer], i486. OTVM | INCIPIT. [Hain no. 2205.] [In- Censorinus. De die natali. *** 1497. ff. Imperfect, ff. 347-446 missing. 34- 36.] B a g ella r d u s a F lu m in e, Pa u l u s. [De B a s il iu s . [De Iiberalibus studiis.] [F. 29a infantium aegritudinibus et remediis.] (c. sign, g):] SA N C T I: B A S IL II: D E : [F. 1 a:] AD Illustrissimum principem LIBERALIBVS: STVDIIS: ET INGE | do | minum NicoIau[m] Tronu[m]. dignis- NVIS: MORIBVS: LIBER PER LEON. simu[m] | ducem Ueneciarum dominufm] AR EX GRE. IN LA | TINVM CON- suu[m] p[rae] | cipuu[m]. *** [F. 21b:] Fin- V ER SV S. | it per b[r]eue opusculum de infantiu[m] | [In- Censorinus. De die natali. *** 1497. ff. infirmitatibus remedijs q[ue] ea[rum]. 29- 33*] Editu[m] per egregium ac famosissimum B en e d ic tu s, A. [Deobservationeinpestilen- artiu[m] [et] | medicine docto[r]e[m] m[a]- tia] [F. 1 a. tit:] De obseruatione in pesti- g[ist]r[u]m Paulu[m] bagel | Iardu[m] a Ientia. | [Eod. f. b:] Q V IN TII. H A EM Y - In cu n a b u la 5i

LIANI. CIMCRIACI. | POETAE. HEN- B runsch w ig, H ier o n ym u s. [Distillirkunst] DEC AS YLLABI CON. | IN. V. LI. [F. 1 a. tit:] Liber de arte distillandi. de ALEXANDRI. | PAENTII. AD | LECT. Simplicibus. | Das Buch der rechten kunst [F. 2 et 3. exhib. ep. auct. ad Jac. Con- | zii distilieren die eintzige[n] ding | *** tarenum Patr. Venet., etc. F. 4a tab. [Ad finem:] *** ge | truckt durch den wol Eod. f. b. incip. opus, quod est quintus geachte[m] Johannem | griieninger zii liber de febribus. In fine:] FIN IS. Quinti straszburg in dem achte[n] tag | des mey- Iibri de febribus | Impressum uenetiis per en. Als man zalt von der geburt | Christi Ioannem & Gregorium de | gregoriis quar­ fiinfftzehenhundert. Lob sy got. | to Kale[n]das Augustas. | MCCCCIxxxxiii. 230 ff. il. F°. Strassburg, Johannes Griininger, | Iacobi Co[n]tareni Patricii Veneti: Phi- 1500. |Iosophi[s] Iurisq[ue] co[n]suItissimi: | Op- [Hain no. 4021.] timis Auspiciis. [Ult. f. b :] Errores sparsim B u r l e y , W a l t e r [De vita et moribus philo- coIIecti.| sophorum et poetarum.] [F. ia. tit:] 27 ff. sm. 40. Venetiis, per Johannem et Gre­ gorium de Gregoriis, 1493. Uita omniu[m] philoso | pho[r]um [et] poe­ [Hain no. 807.] tarum cum aucto[r]itatibus [et] sente[n]- B er g o m en sis, J acobus P h ilippu s [Sup- tijs | aureis eo[r]undem annexis. | *** [F. plementum chronicarum.] [F. ia. vacat.] 2a:] Libellus de vita et mo- | ribus philo- [F. 1 b:] Ad Magistratu[m] Bergomen- sopho[r]um et poetarum incipit. | [D]e siu[m]: in omnimoda historia nouissime vita et mo[r]ibus phiIosopho[r]u[m] *** [F. congesta: Chro | nicarum supplementum 86b. I. 27:] §Incipit tabula opusculi appellata: Prologus. *** Perfectu[m] a[u]t p[re]sentis alphabetica ph[iIosoph]o | rum p[er] me opus fuit a[n]no salutis n[ost]re. nomina efficatio[r]es q[ue] eo[r]um sen- 1483- 3°- k[a]I[end]as Iu | Iij i[n] ciuitate tentias succin= | cte complectens. Jncipit Bergomi: mihi v[er]o a natiuitate quad- feliitcer. [sic] | [F. 95a:] §Laus deo. | ragesimo nono. | Impressum autem hoc 96 ff. 8°. [Parisiis, Georgius Mittelhus, 1496.] opus i[n] inclita Uenetia[rum] ciuitate: [Copinger no. 1389.] per Bernardinu[m] de Benalijs ber | gome- B u r l e y , W a l t e r [Expositio sive scriptum sem eode[m] anno. die. 230. Augusti. | super artem veterem Porphyrii et Aris- 116, 180 fF. F°. Venetiis, Bernardinus de Be- totelis.] [F. ia:] Pr[a]eclarissimi uiri gual- naliis, 1483. terij burlei anglici | sacre pagine profes- [Hain no. 2805.] soris excelle.[n]tissim i sup[er] | artem Imperfect. Table, 10 ff. unnumbered, missing. First edition. ueterem porphyrij et aristotelis ex | positio siuescriptu[m] feliciter incipit. | [F. 119a. B run sch w ig, H ier o n ym u s. [Buch von der Pest.] [F. 1 a. tit:] Liber pestilentialis de 1.30:] Gualterij a[n]glici f[rate]r uilib[is] venenis epidimie. | Das buch der vergift p[re]dicam[en]tis. sex p[ri]n | cipijs et der | pestile[n]tz das da gena[n]t ist der porphyrme[n]ijs Ari. op[us] eme[n]datu[m] gemein sterbent | der Triisen Blatren. p[er] r[e]ue | re[n]du[m] fratre[m ] Sy- von Jeronimo b[r]u[n]swig. | [F. 40a:] *** mone[m] alexa[n]drinu[m] ordi[ni]s p[re] Und | das getruckt vnd volendt durch | dicatofrum] bachallarium i[m]resu[m] ve­ mei = | ster Hansen griininger vff mitwoch netiis p[er] mag[ist]r[u]mxp[ist]o foru[m] | nach vnser Iieben frowen hymelfart in arnoIdu[m] felicit[er] explicit | [118] ff. | dem iar als man zalt. 1. 500. iar. | F°. Venetiis, Christopher Arnold, [circa 40 ff. il. F°. [Strassburg] Johannes Griininger, 1477]- 1500. [Hain no. 4127.] [Hain no. 4020.] First edition. 52 Annals of Medical History

B u r l e y , W a l t e r [Expositio sive scriptum C e l s u s , A u r e liu s C o rn eliu s [De medicina super artem veterem Porphyrii et Aris- Iibri octo] [F. ia:] A V R E L II C O R N E LII totelis] [F. ia. tit:] Burlei super artem CELSI MEDICINAE LIBER PRI-1 veterem | Po[r]phirii et Aristotelis. | [F. MUS INCIPIT. | [F. 144b:] Cornelii celsi 81 b :] §ExpIicit scriptum preclarissimi viri de medicina Liber finit. Impressum Med- Gualte | rii Burlei Anglici sacre pagine iolani Per Leo | nardum pachel & Vlder- professoris exi | mii. in artem veterem ichum sinczenzeler. diligentissime emenda Porphyrii [et] Aristote- | Iis: Uenetiis Im- turn. Anno salutis. M .C C C C .L X X X I. | pressum per Ottinu[m] Papi | ensem. 152 ff. F°. Mediolani, Leonardus Pachel et Anno salutis. M.ccccxcvii. V. Idus | Maii. Udalricus Scinzenzeler, 1481. Regnante inclyto principe Augustino | [Hain no. 4836.] Barbadico. | *** C e l s u s , A u r e liu s C o rn eliu s [De medicina 82 ff. F°. Venetiis, Otinus Papiensis de Luna, Iibri octo.] [F. ia:] A V R E L II C O R N ELII 1497. CELSI MEDICINAE LIBER PRIMVS [Hain no. 4133-] IN C IP IT . | [F. 59b:] Cornelii celsi de Imperfect, ff. 67-72 and f. 82 blank missing. medicina Finis. Impressor Ioannes rubeus C andidu s, P etr u s [De hominis genitura] Vercellensis fuit die viii. | mensis Iulii. [F. 1 a. tit:] Candidus de genitura hominis M.cccc.xciii. Venetiis. | | F. 11 b. I. 9:] imp[r]essum Auguste per 62 ff. F°. Venetiis, Joannes Rubeus Vercellen­ Johannem froschauer. | dum Iegeris ig- sis, 1493. noscas extere nationi [et] errata castiga- | [Hain no. 4837.] tio. Finis. | C e l s u s , A u r e liu s C o rn eliu s [De medicina n ff. 40. Augustae, Johannes Froschauer, Iibri octo.] [F. ia. tit:] C O RN ELIV S [I493-] CELSVS | [F. 2a:] AVRELII CORNELII [Hain no. 4320.] CELSI MEDICINAE LIBER PRIMVS C an o n icu s, J o h annes [Quaestiones in V III IN- | Cl PIT | [F. 94a:] Impressum Vene­ Iibros. Physicorum Aristotelis.] [F. ia:] tiis per Philippum pinzi. Sumptibus Joannis Canonici docto[r]is clarissimi o[r]- d[omi]ni Benedicti fontana. Anno | di. | mino[rum] sup[er] octo Iib[r]os phy- d[omi]ni. M.cccc.xcvii. die. vi. Mai. | sico[rum] q[uaesti]o[n]es i[n]cipiu[n]t | [F. 94 ff. F°. Venetiis, Philippus Pincius for Bene­ 103a:] Q[uaesti]onibus subtilissimis claris­ d ic ts Fontana, 1497. simi docto[r]is Jo- | annis canonici ex [Hain no. 4838.] o[r]di[n]e mino[rum] o[mn]i cura [et] dili- C e l s u s , A u r e liu s C o rn eliu s [De medicina ge[n] | tia venera[n]di fr[atr]is Fra[n]cisci Iibri octo.] [F. ia:] PRIM O LIBR O de benzonib[us] de ere | ma bacchalarij CORNELII CELSI. | DE MEDICINA sacre theologie i[n] [con]uentu Uene | HAEC CONTINENTVR: | *** [F. 7b:] tia[rum] p[er] i[n]genio adhibita fine[m] FINIT TABVLA. | [F. 8 wanting.] [F. i[m]posuit Octauian[us] | Scotus de Mo- 9b:] BARTH O LO M EVS FO NTIVS doetia. M.CCCCLXXXI. | SAXETTO SUO. S. | *** [F. 10a:] COR­ 107 ff. F°. Venetiis, Octavianus Scotus, 1481. NELII CELSI DE MEDICINA LIBER [Hain no. 4345.] INCIPIT. | *** [F. 196b:] CORNELII C e r e s . [Tabula.] [F. 16a:] CEBETIS THE- CELSI DE MEDICI | NA LIBER FIN­ BANI TABVLA: E GRAECO IN | LAT- IT FLOREN | TIAE A NICOLAO IM |- INVM CONVERSA PER LVDOVICVM PRESSVS ANNO SALVTIS M | CCCC | ODAXIVM PATAVINVMI | L | XXV | III. | [In- Censorinus. De die natali. *** 1497. ff. 196 ff. 40. Florentiae, Nicolao [di Lorenzo], 16-20.] 1478. In cu n a b u la 53

[Hain no. 4835.] C h a m per iu s, S ymphorianus [Practica nova J. A8 blank missing. First edition. in medicina] [F. ia. tit:] P[r]actica noua | C en so r in u s. [De die natali.] [F. ia. tit:] in medicina. | Aggregato[r]is Iugdune[n]sis Index Iibrorum: qui in hoc uolumine | domini Simpho[r]iani champerij de om­ continentur. | Censorinus de die natali. | nibus mo[r] | bo[r]um generibus ex tra- Tabula Cebetis. | Dialogus Luciani. | En­ ditionibus gre= | co[r]um: Iatino[r]um: chiridion Epicteti. | Basilius. | Plutarchus arabu[m]: peno[r]um | ac recentium auc- de Inuidia & Odio. | [F. 1 b :] Ad nobilem to[r]um: Au | rei Iib[r]i quinq[ue]. | Item Bartholomeum blanchinum Philippi eiusdem aggregato[r]is liber de | omnibus Beroaldi Bon. epistola. | *** [F. 38a:] Im- generibus feb[r]ium | [F. 149b:] §Finitur pressum Bononiae per me Benedictum tractatus de generibus feb[r]ium editus | hectoris bononie[n]sis adhibita p[er] | uiri- a d[omi]no Simpho[r]iano champerio Lug- bus silertia & diligentia. Anno salutis. dunen. IIIu = | strissimi p[r]incipis ducis M.cccclxxxx. vii. quarto idus Maii | IIIus- calab[r]ie: Iotho[r]ingie et | barri [et]c. trissimo Io. Bentiuolo. reip. bonon. habe- p[r]imario physico. | nas foeliciter moderante. | Registrum. | 155 ff. 40. [Lyons, n. pub., circa 1500.] [et insign, typogr. c. Iitt. B. f. r. ch. c. f. [Hain no. 4907.] 401. 38 ff. c. marginal, et titt. column.] 38 ff. F°. Bononiae, Benedictus Hectoris, 1497. [C hiromanthia.] [F. i a. c. sign, ai:] Ex [Hain no. 4847.] diuina phiIosopho[r]um academia: secun­ C e r a s ia n u s , J o h annes d e M onte R eg io . dum nature vires ad extra: | chyromanti- [Repetitio c. sententiam sanguinis.] [F. tio: diligentissime collectum. [In fine:] 1 a. tit:] Repetitio famo | sissimi c. Sente- Ex diuina phiIosopho[rum] academia col- [n]tia[rum] sanguinis | bona [et] vtilis tecta: chyromantica scientia na- | turalis subti. Ne. cle. vel | mo. in qua plenissime ad dei Iaudem finit. Imp[r]essum Uenetiis [et] pluci- | de tractatur omnis materia per magistrum Er- | hardum ratdolt de in | regularitatis Clericis perma | xime Augusta. | necessaria. | [F. 56a:] §Repetitu[m] [et] 25 ff. il. 120. Venice, Ratdolt, [circa 1480.] resumptu[m] est hoc c. Sententia[m] san­ [Hain-Copinger no. 4971.] guinis | *** Imp[r]essumq[ue] p[er] Mel- First edition. chio | rem Lotter ciuem Liptzen. Anno C ompendium sententiarum p r a e c l a r is- xpi.M.cccc.xcix. | 56 ff. 40. Lipsiae, Melchior Lotter for Johannes SIMARUM ADVERSUS ASTROLOGIAM. [F.I Breitenbach, 1499. blank. F. 2a:] COMPENDIVM SEN- [Hain no. 3771 and 4880.] TENTIARVM PRAE | CLARISSI- C erm iso n u s, A nto nius [Consilia medica.] MARVM ADVERSVS | ASTROLO­ [F. 1 a. tit:] Consilia Cermisoni. | Consilia GIAM ET EIVS | FAVTORES. [F. gentilis. | Recepte gentilis de feb[r]ibus. 21b:] Finis. | Impressum Mutinae [per] | Tractatulus de balneis gentilis | Trac­ M. Dominicum Rocociolam. | tates] de tyriaca Fra[n]cisci caballi. | [F. [21] ff. 8°. Modena, Rocociola, [circa 1490.] 94a:] §Finit liber de animali theria pas- [Hain-Copinger no. 5570.] tillos theriaca[s]q[ue] confi-1 ciente a d e C r e sc e n t iis, P et r u s [Opus ruralium Francisco Caballo B[r]ixiensi viro p[r]e- commodorum] [F. ia. tit:] Opus ruralium claro: Ue- | netijs editus. Ibidemq[ue] im- com | modo[r]um Petri de | crescentijs. | p[r]essus [et]c. [Ad finem:] P[r]esens opus ruraliu[m] 94 ff. F°. Venetiis, [Bonetus Locatellus for Octavianus Scotus, circa 1496.] co[m]modo[rum] Pe | tri de crescentijs [Hain no. 4884.] *** imp[r]essum est argentine. | Anno 54 Annals oj Medical History

domini. Mcccclxxxvi. Finitum q[ua]n | ta facta est harum epistola | rum impressio feria ante festum sancti Grego[r]ij | Per Antonium | Francisci Venetum. Anno 147 fF. F°. Argentinae, [Johannes Griininger], Domini | M.CCCCLXXXVI I X. kalen. i486. Iulias | [Hain no. 5831.] 54 ff. 40. Florentiae, Antonius Francisci, 1487. C u lm ach er, Ph ilipp von E g er [Regimen [Hain no. 6193.]

wider die Pestilenz.] [F. ia. tit:] Regimen D ioscorides A n a z a r b e u s, P ed acius [De zu deutsch Magistri | philippi Culmachers materia medica.] [F. ia:] Nota[n]dum vo[n] Eger | wider die grausamen ersch- q[ui] Iibri diasco[r]ides dicti duplex r[e]- [r]ecklichenn Totlichen | pestelentz *** [F. perit[ur] or | dinatio cum eodem tamen 26a. 1. 4.] behutten vnd vo[r]warn Amen. | p[ro]hemio omnio *** [Ad finem:] Explic- 26 ff. 40. n. p., [circa 1480.] [it] dyasco[r]ides que[m] petrus | padua- [Hain no. 5848.] ne[n]sis Iegendo co[r]exit [et] expo | nendo Probably the only copy in this country. q[use] vtiIio[r]a su[n]t i[n] Iuce[m] deduxit. D er r a m es, J o h annes [Carmina de condi- | Impressus colle p[er] magistru[m] ioh- tionibus medicinarum solutivarum] [F. [ann]em | allemanum de medemblick. an­ 1 a:] Joannis derrames Cyp[r]ij carmina no j xpi. millesimo. cccc°. Ixxviij0. mense ad eru- | ditu[m] Uatem Petrum paulu[m] I iulij. | Barbu[m] de pola | de conditionibus medi­ 103 ff. F°. Colle, Johannes de Medemblick, cinarum solutiuarum. | [F. 6b:] Finis op- 1478. eris Die. 4. mensis Julij. 1487. | [Hain no. 6258.] 6 ff. 40. [Paduae, Matthaeus Cerdonis de First book printed at Colle. Windischgretz], 1487. D ondus Pa d u a n u s, J acobus [Aggregator [Hain no. 6095.] Paduanus de medicinis simplicibus.] [F. [D ialogus creaturarum .] [F. i a:] §Pre- 1 a:] [F]Ructife[rus] medicis actu | rus fatio in Iib[r]u[m] qui dicitur | dyalogus opus: non modo | rudibus tantu[s] & iuue creaturaru[m] | mo[r]aIizatus: omni ma- | nibus *** [F. ia. col. 2. 11. 52-55:] Opus terie | mo[r]aIi iocu[n]do [et] edificatiuo quide[m] hoc Iongis retro | t[ardi]p[ed]ibus [sic] | modo applicabilis Incipit | feliciter. inchoatufm] [com]pIetu[m] est p[er] me | [F, 62b:] Presens liber dialogus creatura artiu[m] et | medici[n]e docto[r]e[m] | rum appellatus: iocundis fabulis | ple- M[a]g[istrum] Iacobu[m] paduanu[m] | nus: industria [et] expensis Con | radi de Anno d[omi]ni. M.ccc. octuagesimo quin- hombech incole colonien. | inceptus [et] to. | [Ad finem:] Tenasmoni Iicinium. hali. finitus est. Anno domi | ni millesimo q[ua]- ibidem | dringentesimo octo | gesimoprimo me[n]- 286 ff. F°. [Argentinae, Rusch, circa 1470.] sis octobris die | xxiiii. | [Hain no. 6395.] 62 ff. F°. Cologne, Homborch, 1481. Earliest known oj medical incunabula—F. H. [Hain no. 6126.] Garrison.

D io g en es C y n ic u s. [Epistolae. Diogenis E p ic t et u s. [Enchiridion.] [F. 21a. (c. sign, Epistolae interprete Francisco Aretino. e):] ENCHIRIDION. | ANGELI POLI- Bruti et Hippocratis epistolae per Rainu- TIANI IN EPICTETI STOICI EN­ cium traductae.] [F. ia. tit:] Diogenis CHIRIDION E GRAECO A SE IN- Epistole | Bruti | Yppocratis medici | [F. TERPRETATVM AD LAV | REN- 2a:] FRANCISCI ARRETINI ELEGIA TIVM MEDICEM EPISTOLA: | | ad pium. ii. pontificem maximum | *** [In- Censorinus. De die natali. *** 1497. ff. [F. 54a. I. 4:] F IN IS | FLO R E N T IA E | 21-28.] In cu n a bu la 55

F a lc u tiu s [Falcu cci], N ico laus [Sermones F icin u s F lo r en tin u s, M a r siliu s [Epis- medicinales septem.] tolae] [F. ia. tit:] EPISTOLAE MAR |- 7 v. in 4. F°. [Papiae et Venetiis, 1484-1491.] SILII FICINI FLO | RENTINI | [F. Sermo 1—Hain no. 11767. Papiae, Johannes 253b:] Marsilii Ficini Florentini Eloquen- Antonius de Businis, 1484. tissi | mi Viri Epistolae familiares Per Sermo 2—Not in Hain. Venetiis, Bernardinus Anto-1 nium Koberger impraesse Anno de Novaria, 1491. Sermo 3—Hain no. 11768. Venetiis, Bernardi­ nincar- | nate deitatis. M.cccc.xcvii.xxiiii. nus de Tridino de Monteferrato, 1490. febru | arii finiunt Foeliciter. | Sermones 4-7—Hain no. 11768. Venetiis, Ber­ 253 ff. 40. [Norimbergae], Anthonius Koberger, nardinus de Tridino de Monteferrato, 1491. 1497. [Hain no. 7062.] Contents Sermo 1—De conservatione sanitatis. F ie r a M a n tu a n u s, B a p tista [Coena seu Sermo 2—De febribus. de cibariorum virtutibus] [F. ia:] Bap­ Sermo 3—De membris captis. tist [a] e Fiera Mantuani medici Coena. | Sermo 4—De membris spiritualibus. Sermo 5—De membris naturalibus. [F. 19a:] Baptistae Fiera Mantuani medi­ Sermo 6—De membris generationibus. ci Coena: | hie consummata est. Index Sermo 7—De cirurgia et de decoratione. autem sequitur. |

F a lc u tiu s [Falc u cc i], N ico laus [Sermones 20 ff. 40. [Venetiis, Georgius Cristiner de Boll medicinales septem.] circa 1485.] [Reichling no. 1199.] Sermo 5. 294 ff. F°. Papiae, Damianus de Comphaloneriis de Binascho, [1484.] F irm icus M a t e r n u s, J u liu s De nativita-

Contents tibus. [F. ia. tit:] Ivlius Firmic[us] | de Sermo 5—De membris naturalibus. natiuitatibus. | [F. 2a:] §TabuIa Libri Iulii [Hain no. 11767.] Firmici. [F. 4a. col. 2:] §Ioanis Pompeii Corniani Brixiani ad Lectorem in Iulium F a lc u tiu s [Fa lcu cci], N ico laus [Sermones Firmicum. [F. 5a:] §lulii Firmici Materni medicinales septem.] Iunioris Siculi Viri Clarissimi ad | Mauor- Sermo 5. 190 ff. F°. Papiae, Joannes Antonius tiu[m] LoIIianum Fascibus Capaniae Ro- de Birretis et Franciscus de Girardengis, 1491. manae prouin | ciae proco[n]suIem desig- Contents natum: *** [F. 119a (CXVa):] IVLII Sermo 5—De membris naturalibus. FIRMICI MATERNI IVNIORIS. V. C. [Not in Hain.] MATHESEOS LIBER | SEPTIMVS ET VLTIMVS FELICITER EXPLICIT. | F icin u s F lo r en tin u s, M a r siliu s [Detrip- EPISTO LA. [In fine.] DEO G R A T IA S Iici vita]. [F. ia:] §MarsiIius Ficinus IN ETERNVM. | [F. 119b [CXVb):] Florentinus | de triplici vita. | [Printer’s §NicoIaus Amerinus. | §Registrum. | *** device.] [F. 136a, explicit apologia, I.20:] uitam producendam adhibite moriun- [In fine:] Impressum Venetiis p[er] Symo- tur. | XVI. Septe[m]bris. M.CCCCLXX- nem | papiensem dictum biuilagua. 1 1497. die 13 Iunii. | X V IIII. In agro [ Caregio. | [F. 137a (sig. A):] Tabula. | CAPITULA PRIMI LIB- 3, C X V ff. il. F°. Venetiis, Simon de Bivilauqua, RI QUI TRA | CTAT DE VITA SANA. 1497. [Hain no. 7121 bis.] | [F. 140a. 1. 3. In fine:] rias mundana First edition. Has xylograpbic Gothic title. potissimu[m] dona. cap. xxvi. | 139 ff. 160. [Parisiis, Wolf, circa 1492.] G a d d esd en , J o an n es [Rosa anglica prac- [Copinger 2497.] tica medicinae] [F. ia. tit:] Rosa anglica Imperfect, f. h$ missing. p[r]actica me | dicine a capite ad pedes Annals of Medical History

| [F. 2a:] Nicolaus scyllatius siculus mag- mina Iat. et Fr. de Asculo, Fratris Eliae niftco ac p[rae]stantissimo Amb[r]osio et anonymi carmina ital.] [F. ia:] IN­ varisio rosato ducali phi- | sico ac [con]- CIPIT LIBER GEBER. | Capitulum siliario sapie[n]tissimo. S. D. | [F. 177b:] Primum. | [F. 114a:] Explicit liber Geber Papie 1492. die. 24. Ianuarij. | Joa[n]ne- foeliciter. | santonius birreta i[m]p[r]essioni tradidit. | 122 fF. 40. [Venetiis, circa 1475.] 177 fF. F°. Papiae, Joannes Antonius Birreta, [Hain no. 7505.] 1492. Imperfect. /. 5(5 missing.

[Hain no. 1108.] G e n t ilis de Fulgineo. [Consilia] [F. ia:] d e l G arbo , D inu s [Expositio super tertia Incipiunt co[n]siIia peregregia clarissimi | et quarta et parte quinte Fen Avicennae] [et] toto o[r]be medici. Celeb[r]atissimi [F. 1 a. tit:] Expositio Dini FIo[r]entinisu­ gen | tilis de fulgineo. P[rimu]m con­ per ter = | tia [et] quarta [et] parte qui[n]te silium] p[r]o uno me | Iancolico. | [F. 47a:] Fen quar = | ti canonis Auice[n]ne cum Finit. Laus deo. | textu. | Ge[n]tilis de fulgineo sup[er] trac- 47 fF. F°. [Papiae, Hieronymus de Durantibus, tatu de Iep[r]a. | Gentilis de flo[r]e[n]tia circa 1480.] super tractatibus | de dislocationibus [et] [Hain no. 7574.] fracturis. | Tractatus Dini de po[n]derib[us] G e n t il is de F u lg in eo . [De proportionibus [et] me[n]suris. | Eiusdem de emplastris medicinarum] [F. 1 a :] [GJRacia Iucidio- [et] vnguentis. | [F. 162a:] Imp[r]essa [r]is habitus quern mesue denotat in Uenetijs co[m]missione [et] expensis p[ro]- mo | dis [et] p[ro]po[r]tionibus medicina- uidi viri do | mini Andree de To[r]resano [rum] que inuice[m] [conjfici debe[n]t | de Asula: p[er], M. Johannem | Hertzog *** [F. 10b:] Explicit tractatus Gentilis alemanum de Landaw. Anno salutis domi- de fulgineo. de p[r]oporcionib[us] me | ni: | 1499. die vero Decemb[r]is. 4. | dicinarum *** 162 fF. F°. Venetiis, Johannes Hamman de 10 fF. 40. [Patavii, Matthaeus Cerdonis de Landovia For Andreas Torresanus de Asula, Windischgretz, circa 1480.] 1499. [Hain no. 7569.] [Hain no. 6168.] G e n t il is de F u lg in eo . [Super quinto can­ G a zi, A ntonio [Corona florida medicinae onis Avincennae] [F. ia:] Incipit sole[m]ne sive de conservatione sanitatis.] [F. ia.tit:] [et] fidele scriptu[m] ge[n]tilis | de ful­ DE CONSERVATIONE SANITATIS. gineo. sup[er] qui[n]to canonis. Auicene. | [F. 2a:] Incipit tabula CapituIoru[m] | [F. 52b:] Hie finitur singularis expositio Iibri huius solemnissimi | qui Corona claris | simi docto[r]is Gentilis de Fulgineo Florida Medicinae: siue Conseruatio | super | quinto canonis Auicene *** Im- sanitatis: intitulatur. | [F. 123b:] Impres- pensa Ie | ronimi de dura[n]tibus im- sum uenetiis per Iohannem de forliuio pressa. | Explicit. Laus deo. | & | Gregorium fratres Anno salutis. 52 fF. F°. [Papiae], Hieronymus de Durantibus, M.cccclxxxxi. die | xx. me[n]sis Iunii. | [circa 1485.] 123 fF. F°. Venetiis, Johannes & Gregorius [Hain no. 7568.] Forlivio, 1491. G erso n , J o h a n n es. [De cognitione casti- [Hain no. 7501.] tatis et pollutionibus diurnis, etc.] [F. ia:] G e b e r , A bou M oussah D ja f a r A l S a li Incipit tractatus venerabil[is] m[a]g[ist]ri [Summa perfectionis magisterii, liber Iohan[nis] | Gerson Cancellarij parisien- trium verborum, Epistola Alexandri M. [sis] de cognicione | castitatis et pollu- Geberi lib. investigationis magisterii, car- cionibus diurnis. | [F. 14a:] Explicit trac- In cu n a b u la 57

tatulus vene[r]abilis magistri | Ioh[ann]is. | Bartholomei anglici de p[r]op[r]i | etati- gerson de pollutionibus diurnis. | [F. 14b:] bus reru[m]. [Ad finem:] *** Imp[r]essus Incipit fo[r]ma absoIuc[i]onis sacramental- per industrio- | sum viru[m] Anthoniu[m] [is] | eiusdem Magistri Ioha[n]nis Ge[r]- koburger indite Nuren- | berge ciue[m]. son. | [F. 16b:] Explicit fo[r]ma absolu- Anno salutis gratie. M.cccclxxxiij. | iij. c[i]o[n]is sacrame[n]talis ve | nerabilis kal[enda]s. Iunij. | M[a]g[ist]ri Ioh[annis] Gerson. deo Iaus. | 266 ff. F°. Norimbergae, Anthonius Koburger, 16 fF. 40. [Cologne, Ulrich Zell, circa 1470.] 1483. [Hain no. 7691.] [Hain no. 2505.]

G er so n , J o h annes [De pollutione noc- G l a n v il , B artholomaeus [De proprieta- turna, an impediat celebrantem vel non.] tibus rerum] [F. ia. tit:] Liber de p[r]o- [F. 2a:] Incipit Tractatulus venerabilis p[r]ietati | bus rerum Bartholo | mei an­ M[a]g[ist]ri | Joh[annis] Ger[son] ca[n]- glici | [Ad finem:] *** Imp[r]essus Argen­ cellarij parisien[sis] tracta[tu]s de pollu | tine | Anno d[omi]ni. M.cccc.Ixxxv. Fini- c[i]o[n]e noctu[r]na. an impediat cele- tus in die san | cti Ualentini. | bra[n]tem vel no[n]. | [F. 16b:] Explicit 300 ff. F°. Argentinae, n. pub., 1485. Tractatulus venerabilis Magistri | Iohan- [Hain no. 2506.]

nis Gerson de pollutione nocturna | An G l a n v il , B artholomaeus [De proprieta- impediat celebrantem? An non? | tibus rerum] [F. ia. tit:] P[r]oprietates 16 fF. 40. [Cologne, Ulrich Zell, circa 1472-1473.] Rerum do= | mini bartholomei anglici [Hain no. 7695.] | [Ad finem:] Explicit liber de p[ro]p[r]ie- Rare edition, from the first press at Cologne. tatibus rerum | editus a fratre Bartholo- G il in u s , C orradinus [De morbo quern meo anglico o[r] | dinis fratrum mino- Gallicum] [F. 1 a :] Co[r]adinus gilinus arc- [r]um. Anno domini | Mcccclxxxviij. tium [et] medicinae docto[r] de mo[r]bo kale[n]das vero Iunij. xij. | quern | gallicum nuncupant ad Illustris- 326 ff. F°. [Argentinae, Joh. Priiss], 1488. simum. D. sigismundu[m] esten. | [Ad [Hain no. 2507.] finem:] Finis. | de G ordon, B ern ard [Practica dicta Iilium 4 ff. 40. n. p., n. pub., [circa 1497.] medicinae] [F. 1 blank wanting.] [F. 2a:] [Not in Hain.] Cy co[m]mence Ia p[r]atique de tressex | G l a n v il , B artholomaeus [De proprietati- cellent docteur [et] maistre en medeci = bus rerum]. [F. ia:] §Incipiu[n]t tituli | ne Maistre Bernard de Go[r]don | qui Iib[r]o- | ru[m] capituIo[rum] venerabil[is] sappelle fleur de Iys en medecine | [Ad bar | tholomei anglici de p[r]op[r]ieta | finem:] Et imp[r]ime a Iyon Ian mil. cccc.- tibus re[rum]. [F. 11 a :] Incipit p[ro]- xcv. | Ie dernier iour daoust. | Deo gra- hemiu[m] de p[r]op[r]ietatib[us] re[rum tias. | fratris | Bartholomei anglici de o[r]dine 247 ff. F°. Lyon, 1495. frat[rum] mino[rum] | [F. 456b:] Explicit [Hain no. 7801.] tractatus de p[r]op[r]ietatibus re[rum] edi- First and only edition in French in the 15th t[us] | *** §Impressus per me Joha[n]nem century.

koelhoff de Iubeck Colonie ciuem. Anno de G ordon, B ern ard [Practica dicta Iilium natiuitatis | domini. Mcccclxxxi | medicinae] [F. 1 blank wanting.] [F. 2a:] 483 fF. 40. Coloniae, Joannes Koelhoff, 1481. In nomine dei miserico[r]dis incipit | [Hain-Copinger no. 2501.] p[r]actica excelle[n]tissimi medicine monar G l a n v il , B artholomaeus [De proprieta- | ce domini magistri Bernardi de Go[r] = tibus rerum] [F. ia:] Incipiu[n]t tituli | I donio dicta Lilium medicine. | [F. 205b:] Iib[r]o[rum] et capitu!o[r]u[m] venerabilis Imp[r]essa Lugduni per Anthoniu[m] 58 Annals of Medical History

Ia[m]bil | Iionis [et] Marinu[m] sarraceni: d e G radi, J o an n es M a t t h a e u s F er r a r iu s co[n]socio[r]um | Anno d[omi]ni. 1491. die [Expositiones super tractatum de urinis 2. maij. Ad Iaudem | o[mn]ipote[n]tis dei et vigesimam secundam Fen tertii canonis tociusq[ue] curie celestis. ame[n]. | *** Avicennae] [F. 1 blank wanting.] [F. 2a:] 206 ff. F°. Lugduni, Anthonius Lambillion et Incipiunt magist[r]i Ioannis Mathei ex Marinus Saracenus, 1491. ferrarijs | de gradi Expositio[n]es super [Hain no. 7797.] tractatu[m] de vrinis [et] | vigessimam- d e G orinchem , H en r icu s [Tractatus de secundam fen tercij canonis domini | Aui- superstitiosis]. [F. ia:] Incipit tractatus cene: sup[er] quam nullus ante ipsum de sup[er]sticiosis | quibusda[m] casib[us] sc[r]ipsit. | [F. 39b:] Imp[r]essum Medio- [com]piIat[us] in alma vniue[r]sitate studij Iani per Iacobu[m] de San | cto Nazario CoIoniens[is] p[er] | ven[er]abilem m[a]g- de Rippa a[n]no d[omi]ni. M.cccclxxxxiiij [ist]r[e]m Heinricu[m] de | Gorihem. *** | Die. xxvi. mensis Iulij. | [F. 1 8b:] Explicit Tractatus cui[us] sup[r]a 40 ff. F°. Mediolani, Jacobus de Sancto Nazario | de CeIeb[r]at[i]one festo[rum]. | de Ia Ripa, 1494. [Hain no. 7839.] 18 ff. 8°. [Esslingae, Conr. Fyner, 1472.] [Hain-Copinger no. 7807.] d e G rad i, J o an n es M a tt h a eu s F er r a r iu s

G o rus, J o a n n es d e S ancto G em iniano [Expositiones super vigesimam secundam [Summa de exemplis et similitudinibus Fen tertii canonis Avicennae] [F. ia (c. rerum.] [F. ia. tit:] Summa de Exemplis sig. a. 2):] Expositiones p[ra]eclarissimi Ac | similitudinibus reru[m] | Nouiter im |- [et] subtilissimi Ma | gistri Jo. Mathei ex p[r]essa | [Ad finem:] Imp[r]essum aut[em] ferrarijs [de] gradi. sup[er] vigessi | mam- Uenetijs Ioa[n]ne[m] [et] G[r]egorium de secu[n]da[m] Fen. tertij canonis. d. Auic. G[r]ego[r]ijs fratres. I Mcccclxxxxvij. die. ad IIIu | strissimum Ducem *** [F. 103a. x. Ap[r]ilis. | FINIS. | col. 2:] Imp[r]essum Mediolani Su[m]mo 404 ff. 40. Venetiis, Johannes et Gregorius de studio [et] dili | gentia per Iacobu[m] de Gregoriis, 1497. s[an]c[t]o Nazario de Ia Ripa | Anno. M.- [Hain no. 7545.] ccccxciiij. die. xvij. nouemb[r]is. |

G orus, J o an n es d e S ancto G em iniano 103 ff. F°. Mediolani, Jacobus de Sancto [Summa de exemplis et similitudinibus Nazario de Ia Ripa, 1494. rerum.] [F. ia. tit:] Summa magistri [Hain no. 7840.] Ioha[n]nis | de sancto Geminiano ordi | nis G r a ssi, Beneventus [De oculis eorumque fratru[m] predicato[rum] de ex | emplis aegritudinibus et curis.] [F. ia:] B E N E - [et] si[mi]Iitudinibus re[rum] [F. ib:] Cla- VENVTI GRASSI HIE | ROSOLIMI- rissimo theologo sacratissimi dei studij TANI DOCTORIS | CELEBERRIMI expositori magistro Michael wildeck: | AC EXPERTIS | SIMI DE OCVLIS *** [F. 342a:] Explicit summa magistri EORVMQVE | EGRITVDINIBVS & Iohannis de sancto Geminiano ordinis CVRIS FE | LICITER INCIPIT. | [Ad predicato[rum] in | signis [et] p[er]utilis: fmem:] SEVER. FERRAR. | F F. IIII. | de exemplis [et] similitudi | nibus rerum: 35 ff. 40. [Ferrariae], Sever[inus] Ferrar[iensis], Impressa per magistros Io | hannem Petri [1474.] de Langendorff [et] Iohan | nem froben [Hain no. 7869.] de Hammelburg Basilien[sis]. vr | bis ciues First edition of the first book printed on the diseases of the eye. Anno domini. M.cccc.xcix. in | die conuer- sionis sancti Pauli. G r u n p ec k de B u r c k h a u sen , J oseph 342 ff. 8°. Basileae, Joannes Froben de Ham­ [Tractatus de pestilentiali scorra sive melburg, 1499. mala de Franzos.] F. ia. tit:] §Tractatus [Hain no. 7546.] de pestilentiali Sco[r]ra siue mala de In cu n a b u la 59

Franzos. | 0 [r]iginem. Remediaq[ue] eius- Ium p[r]esbyteru[m] Ma[n]- | dato [et] dem continens, co[m]piIatus a vene | sumptibus heredu[m] quonda[m] Nobilis rabili viro Magistro Ioseph G[r]unpeck viri domini | Octauiani Scoti Modoetie[n]- de Burckhausen. | sup[er] Carmina que- sis. Anno d[omi]ni. M .CCCCC. | sexto dam Sebastiani B[r]ant vtriusq[ue] iuris Kal. Feb[r]uarias. | p[r]o | fesso[r]is. | 68 fF. il. F°. Venetiis, Bonetus Locatellus For 12 ff. il. 40. [Augustae, Johannes Froschauer, Octavianus Scotus, 1500. 1496.] [Hain no. 4813.] [Hain no. 8091.] G u y de C h a u lia c . [Opera chirurgica.] [F. G r u n p ec k d e B u r c k h a u sen , J oseph 1 blank wanting.] [F. 2a:] Nel nome de [Tractatus de pestilentiali scorra sive dio co[m]me[n]za Io inue[n]tario | ouer mala de Franzos.] [F. ia. tit:] Tractatus colectorio che apartie[n] ala parte d[e] | Ia de pestilentia | Ii Sco[r]ra siue mala de cirogia: co[m]posto e compido del a[n]no | Franczos 0 [r]igine[m]. Remediaq[ue] | de Ia incarnation del nostro signore | eiusdem continens. co[m]piIatus a venera- Mccc.Ixiii. p[er] Io clarissimo e famoso do | bili viro Magi = | stro Ioseph Grunpeck tor maistro. Guidon de gualiaco ciroi | co de Burckhausen sup[er] carmina queda[m] i[n] Io cIarissi[m]o studio de mompolier. | Sebastiani B[r]ant vtriusq[ue] iuris p[r]o- [F. 239b:] Finisse Ia clarissima opera |*** fesso[r]is: | Sco[r]ra de Franssois | [F. 12a:] E t impresso per maistro Ni- | colo girar- A M E | dengho de noue: In uene | sia nel. Mcccc- 12 fF. il. 40. [Coloniae, Cornelis de Zierikzee, Ixxx. adi do del mese | de nouembro. *** circa 1497.] 240 fF. F°. Venetiis, Nicolaus Girardengis de [Hain no. 8092.] Novis, 1480.

G u a in e r iu s, A nto niu s [Opera.] [F. 1 blank.] [Copinger no. 1548.] [F. 2a:] Incipit tractatus de egritudinibus H a l y A b b a s. [Liber regalis dispositio nomi- | capitis, editus per Magistrum An |- natus ex arabico] [F. 6a:] Liber p[r]imus | tonium Guaynerium Artiu[m] [et] medi­ In nomine su[m]mi dei qui cu[m] trinus c in e | doctorem papiensem. | [F. 352b:] sit personis vnus est | ***[F. 191b:] Im- In hoc uolumine agregati sunt o[mn]es | p[r]essum venetijs. die 25. septe[m]b[r]is. tractatus *** studio papie[n]si et antonij i492. op[er]a bernar- | dini ricij de nouaria. de ca[r]cano o | pera papie i[m]pressa i[m]pensa vero excelle[n]tissimi artiu[m] a[n]no a natali domini | i. 4. Ixxx.i. *** [et] medi- |cine docto[r]is d[omi]ni mag- [F. 354 wanting.] [istjri Ioannis d[omi]nici de nigro *** 354 fF. F°. Papiae, Antonius de Carcano, 1481. 192 ff. F°. Venetiis, Bernardinus Ricius de [Hain no. 8097.] Novaria for Johannes Dominici de Nigro, Imperfect, ff. 342-353 mutilated. 1492. [Hain no. 8350.] G u y de C h a u lia c . [Chirurgia cum aliorum tractatibus de eadem materia] [F. ia. tit:] H a r d er w y c k , G erard u s [Epitomata seu Cyrurgia parua Guidonis | Cyrurgia Albu- reparationes totius philosophiae natur- casis cu[m] caute- | rijs [et] alijs instru­ alis.] [F. 1 a. tit:] In epitomata to | tius ments. | Tractatus de oculis Iesu hali | naturalis ph[iIosoph]ie que trito sermone Tractatus de oculis. Canamusali | [Ad rep[ar]at[i]o[n]es appellantur | Alberto finem:] §ExpIicit liber de curis omnium centonas [conjtinentia. in bursa Lauren- passionum ocuIo[rum] que[m] | fecit [et] tiana flo[r]en | tissimi Agrippinensis gym- composuit Canamusali philosophus De nasij castigatissime edita epigra[m] | ma Baldach. | Uenetijs per Bonetum Locatel- ad Iectorem: [F. 339b:] § *** scriptis con- 6o Annals of Medical History

fo[r]mia per Magistru[m] gerardum her- H er m es T rismegistus. Liber de potestate derwiccensem *** et *** Burselaurencij *** et sapientia dei. [F. ia. (c. sign, a) tit.:] emendatissime ad vtilitatem | o[mn]i[u]m MERCVRII TRISMEGISTI LIBER textu[m] Arestoteles [sic] intel | Iigere DE POTESTA | TE ET SAPIENTIA cupie[n]tium eIabo[r]ata. et per honestum DEI PER MARSILIVM FICI | NVM viru[m] Henricum | quentel Coloniensem TRADVCTVS: AD COSMVM MEDI- ciue[m] nitidissime *** Anno *** Millesi- CEM. | [F. 32a:] FINIS EST OPERIS mo quadringe[n]tessimo sup[er] nonagesi ELEGANTISSIMI | MERCVRII TRIS­ | mum sexto p[r]edie calendas martias *** MEGISTI | Mercurii Trismegisti per §TeIos totius operis multis retro tempo[r]i- Marsilium Ticinum [sic] Florentinum e | b[us] a | studentibus Iiberaliu[m] artium graeco in Iatinum Traducti Finis. | Vene­ desiderati. | tiis per Damianum de Mediolano. | 3 v. in i. 340 ff. 3 por. 120. Coloniae, Henricus M.CCCCLXXXXIII. die. x. Maii. | Quentell, 1496. [32] ff. 8°. Venetiis, Daraianus de Mediolano, [Hain no. 8362.] 1483. First edition. [Hain no. 8461.]

H en r icu s d e S a x o n ia . [Libellus de secretis H ippo cr ates. [Libellus de medicorum as- mulierum] [F. ia. tit:] Tractatus Hein | trologia.] [F. 45b:] Hyppocratis libellus rici de Saxonia Alberti magni discipuli de medico[r]u[m] astrologia incipit: | a | de secretis mulierum. | [F. 76a:] Explicit Petro de abbano in Iatinu[m] traductus. tractatus Heinrici de Saxonia AI | berti | [F. 49a:] Hyppocratis libellus de medi­ magni discipuli de secretis mulierum co [r]u[m] | astrologia finit: a Petro de Im | p[r]essus Auguste Per Anthonium abbano | in Iatinu[m] traductfus] Imp[r]es- So[r]g feria | sexta post Bonifacij Anno sus est arte ac diligentia mira Erhardi salutis Millesi- | moquad[r]ingentesimooc- Rat- | dolt de Augusta Imperante indy to tuagesimonono. | Johanne Mocenico duce Uene- | to[r]u[m]: 76 ff. 40. Augustae, Anthonius Sorg, 1489. Anno salutifere incarnationis. 1485. | [Hain no. 8434.] Uenetijs | [In- Prognosticon de mutatione aeris. *** 1485. H e n t is b e r u s, G u il e l m u s. [Expositio reg- ff. 45b~49a.] ularum solvendi sophismata.] [F. 2a (c. sig. a2):] [ ] Egulas soluendi sophismata. [Hortus sa n it a t is.] [F. i a. tit:] Herbarius *** [F. 58b. I.24:] Finis egredij hentisberi zu teiit | sche vnd von aller handt kreii- regula[rum] [et] sophismatu[m] | expo­ teren. | [F. 261b:] §Ged[r]uckt vnd saligk- s itio n s p[er] eximiu[m] sophismata[m] Iich vol- | Iendet dyser Herbarius [d]urch [et] phiIosophu[m] su[m]mu[m] | magis- | Hannsen Schonsperger in der | Keyser- tru[m] gayetanu[m] de tienis emendate Iichen stat Augspurg an | dem afftermon- p[er] acutis | simu[m] artiu[m] ac medicine tag nach Tybur | cij. Nach Cristi geburt doctore[m]. m. Franciscum | agubiense[m] tausent | vierhundert vnnd in dem d[r]eii mane medicine theorica[m] papie Ieg- undeneuntzigsten jare. | e[n]te[m] | su[m]ma cu[m] diligentia p[er] 261 ff. F°. Augustae, Johannes Schonsperger, 1493. me andrea[m] de bonetis d[e] pa | pia venetiis i[m]presse. *** M.cccclxxxiij die. [Hain no. 8954.] ix. d[e]ce[m]bris. Laus deo et beate vir- [Hortus sa n it a t is] [F. ia:] Ortus Sanitatis. gini. | Registrum | *** FINIS. | [58] fF. | De herbis et plantis | De animalibus [et] F°. Venetiis, de Bonetis, 1483. reptilibus | De Auibus et volatilibus | De [Hain-Copinger 8441.] piscibus [et] natatilibus | De Lapidibus In cu n a b u la 6 1

[et] in terre uenis nasce[n] | (tibus | De Mattheum Cerdonis de win- | dischgretz. Urinis et ea[rum] speciebus | Tabula medi- die. 23. Marcij. 1487. | cinalis Cum directo | rio generali per 59 ff. 40. Paduae, Matthaeus Cerdonis de omnes tractatus. | [F. 342b:] Hec Aui- Windischgretz, 1487. cenna. Egidius. Isaac. [et]c. Et hec de | [Hain no. 9267.] v[r]inis dicta sufficiant. §Finis. | First edition of the first book on diet. 360 ff. il. F°. [Argentinae, Johannes Priiss, Isido rus, B ishop of S e v il l e . [Etymolo- circa 1498.] giarum Iibri viginti] [F. ia. tit:] Isidorus [Hain no. 8943.] ethimologiarum | Idem de summo bono | Imperfect. Part of title supplied by band. ff. [F. 99a. col. 2:] §Finit liber tertius [et] 188, 208 & 333 missing. vltimus de summo bono sancti Isi- | do[r]i [Hortus sa n it a t is] [F. i a. tit:] Ortus Sani- hyspalensis ep[iscop]i: Imp[r]essus Uene- tatis | De herbis et plantis. | De Animali- tijs p[er] Bonetum] Ioca- | tellufm] man­ bus [et] reptilibus | De Auibus et volatili- date [et] expensis Nobilis viri Octauiani bus | De Piscibus [et] natatilibus | De Scoti | Ciuis Modoetiensis. MCCCCXC- Lapidibus [et] in terre venis nasce[n] | III. | Tertio Idus Decemb[r]es. Cu[m] dei (tibus | De Urinis et ea[rum] speciebus | summa Iaude. | Tabula medicinalis Cum directo | rio gen­ 100 ff. F°. Venetiis, Bonetus Locatellus for erali per omnes tractatus. | [F. 342b:] Hec Octavianus Scotus, 1493. Auicenna: Edidius: Isaac [et]c. Et hec de [Hain no. 9280.] v[r]i | nis dicta sufficiant. Finis. | [F. 343a- J a n u e n sis, S imon [Synonyma medicinae 360a. Tabulae] s. clavis sanationis] [F. 1 blank wanting.] 360 ff. il. 3 pi. F°. [Argentinae, Johannes Priiss, [F. 2a:] Incipit clauis sanationis elabo- circa 1490.] [r]ata p[er] venera- | bilem virum magis- [Hain no. 8941.] tru[m] Simonem Ianuensem | *** [F. 99a:] Imperfect, ff. 10 & 333 missing. Uenetijs per Guielmum de Tridino ex |

H ugo S e n e n s is . [Super aphorismos Hippo- Monteferato. Mcccclxxxvi. die. viij. | cratis et super commentum Galeni.] [F. Nouemb[r]is. *** 1 a. tit:] Expositio Ugonis Senensis super 100 ff. F°. Venetiis, Gulielmus de Tridino de apho-| rismos Hypocratis [et] super co[m]- Monteferrato, i486. mentum | Galieni eius interp[r]etis. | [F. [Hain no. 14749.] 159b:] §Uenetijs imp[r]essu[m] ma[n]dato J a n u e n sis, S imon [Synonyma medicinae s. [et] sumptibus Nobilis vi- | ri domini clavis sanationis.] [F. ia:] Synonyma Octauiani Scoti Ciuis Modoetiensis. Deci- Simonis Genuensis. | Cognata non plene [m]o | kalendas Junias. 1498. per Bonetum medici[n]e no[m]i[n]a reru[m] | *** [F. Locatellum Ber | gomensem. | 157a:] Opus imp[re]ssu[m] M[edio]I[an]i 160 ff. F°. Venetiis, Bonetus Locatellus for p[er] Antoniu[m] Zarotu[m] | parm[en]sem Octavianus Scotus, 1498. a[n]no d[omi]ni. M.cccc.Ixxiii. Die. | Mar- [Hain no. 9012.] tis. iii. Augusti. | FIN IS. | 157 ff. F°. Mediolani, Antonins Zarotus, 1473. Isaa c J u d a eu s. [Tractatus particularibus diaetis.] [F. 2a:] Eximij Isaac medicine [Hain-Copinger no. 14747.] monarce: de p[ar] | ticularibus dietis libel­ First edition of the first medical dictionary. ous] *** [F. 59a:] Hie tractatulo de par­ J o h annes P each a m u s, A rchbishop of ticularibus dietis: excellentissimi | medici C a n t e r b u r y . [Prospectiva communis.] Ysaac modus imponitur: cura solerti [F. 1 a. vacat.] [F. 1 b :] Reuerendissimo in padue im-1 p[r]essus: per magistru[m] Christo patri aposto!icoq[ue] p[r]otonota- 62 Annals of Medical History

| rio nec no[n] equiti aurato [et] comiti 18 ff. il. 40. Augustae, Johannes Schonsperger, palatino Amb[r]osio grif | fo artiujm] med- 1494. ici[n]eq[ue] docto[r]i p[rae]sta[n]tissimo ac [Hain no. 9472.]

theologo p[er]itissi[m]o | Facius Cardanus. K a m itu s, E piscopus A r u s ie n sis . [Regimen s. d. p. [F. 2a:] P[r]ospectiua co[mmun]is. contra pestilentiam] [F. ia:] Regimen con­ d. Joha[n]nis archiepiscopi Ca[n]tuarie[n]- tra epidimiam siue pestem | [F. 4b:] Trac­ sis | fratris o[r]dinis mino[rum] *** [F. 30b. tates] de regimi[n]e pestiIe[n]tico d[o]m- I. 28:] Optima que fertur uisus pars opti­ [ini] kami[n]ti ep[iscop]i Arusin[ensis] ci | ma Iecto[r]. | Faustis Co[r]neni clauditur uitatis regni dacie artis medicine exper- auspitijs. | *** tissimi p[ro] fessoris | finem habet | 30 fF. il. F°. [Mediolani, Petrus [Cornenus], circa 4 fF. 40. [Coloniae, Joannes GuIdenschafF, circa 1480.] 1490.] [Hain no. 9425.] [Reichling no. 957.] Rare work on optics. K am itu s, E piscopus A r u s ie n sis. [Regimen J ung, A m bro sius [Tractatus perutilis de contra pestilentiam] [F. ia. tit:] Regimen pestilentia ex diversis auctoribus congre- contra pestilentiam | siue Epidimia[m] gatus.] [F. 1 a. tit.:] Ein auszerwelt Iob- Reuerendissimi domini Kaminti Episcopi Iich tractat | v[o]n regiment in dem | Arusiensis Ciuitatis regni dacie artis schwaren zeit der pestilentz ausz | gezogen medicine expertissi | mi p[r]ofesso[r]is | ausz den bewarttn v[o]n weysisten alten Regimen sanitatis per circulum anni gsch | rifften der artzney. Durch Am- valde utile. | [F. 6a:] Fundamenta ruunt brosium jung der sibe[n] | freyen kiinst modicum tunc durat idipsum | v[o]n der artzney doctor, [die] zeit der wirdige[n] | herrn vom thiim aii Augspurg 6 ff. 40. [Moguntiae, Jacobus Meydenbach, circa 1495.] geschworner doctor. | [Icon. zyl. F. ib. [Reichling no. 582.] praefatiuncula. F. 2a. c. sign. X ij:] §Die auszteylung dysz tractats | etc. [F. 18a.] K am itu s, E piscopus A r u s ie n sis . [Regimen Hie endet sich diser tractat des regiments contra pestilentiam] [F. ia. tit:] Regimen | der pestilentz. Gedruckt und volendet contra pestilentia[m] | siue Epidimia[m] zii | Augspurg Durch Hannsen Schonsper Reuerendissimi domini Kamiuti [sic] Epis­ | ger am freytag nach Martini, nach Cristi copi | Arusiensis Ciuitatis regni dacie artis | geburt. M.cccc. und jm.xciiij. iar. | medicine expertissi | mi p[r]ofesso[r]is | 18 fF. il. 40. Augspurg, Schonsperger, 1494. § Regimen sanitatis per circulum anni [Hain no. 9473.] valde vtile. | [F. 5a:] Incipit regimen Rare German incunabulum. sanitatis | per circulum anni valde vtile. | *** J ung, A m brosius [Tractatus perutilis de 6 ff. il. 40. [Moguntiae, Jacobus Meydenbach, pestilentia ex diversis auctoribus con- circa 1490.] gregatus] [F. ia. tit:] Tractatulus peru­ [Not in Hain.] tilis de pe | stilentia ex diuersis auc­ toribus aggregatus Ab exi- | mio arciu[m] Imperfect, f. 6 torn. [et] medicina[rum] docto[r]i. Amb[r]osio K eta m , J o an n es [Fasciculus medicinae] [F. jung *** [F. 18b:] Imp[r]essum Auguste 1 a. tit:] Fasciculus medicine in quo | p[er] Johan[n]em schon | sperger Anno continentur: videlicet. | *** [F. 40b:] §Hec d[omi]ni Millesimo q[ua]d[r]ingete- | simo Anothomia fuit emendata ab eximio ar | nonagesimo quarto. Feria quinta | post tium *** §Imp[r]essu[m] Uenetijs per Jo- Elisabeth. | |anne[m] [et] G[r]ego[r]iu[m] de G[r]ego- In cu n a b u la 63

[r]ijs fratres. An | no d[omi]ni. M.cccc.xcv. de astrorum scientia.] [F. ia. tit.:] Com­ die. xv. octob[r]is. | pilatio Leupoldi ducatus | Austrie filij de 40 fF. il. F°. Venetiis, Joannes et Gregorius de astrorum scientia | Decern continens trac- Gregoriis, 1495. tatus. | [F. 2a. sphaera mundi. F. 2b:] [Hain no. 9775.] Reuerendissimo in christo patri et L a c ta n tiu s F irm ia n u s, L ucius C o eliu s d[omi]no Udalrico de fronsperg pontifici | [Opera.] [F. ia:] Lactantii Firmiani de tredentino Erhardus Ratdolt Augusten- diuinis institutionibus | aduersus gentes. [sis]. imp[re]ssor Salute[m]. p. dicit. [F. 3a. Rubricae primi Iibri incipiu[n]t. [Tab. (c. sign. a3):] § Incipit co[m]piIatio Leu­ expl. f. 9b.] [F. 10a:] Lactantii Firmiani poldi ducatus Austrie filij de astro[rum] errata primi Iibri q[ui]bus ipse | deceptus scie[n]tia. | [F. 109a:] Compilatio Leupoldi est per fratrem Antonium Raudensem ducatus Au-1 strie filij de astrorum scientia: | theologum collecta & exarata sunt. | ^xpliciter | feliciter. Erhardi ratdolt Au- [F. 11b in fine errator.:] His carminibus: gusten[sis]. | viri solertis: eximia industria frater Adam genuensis increpat fr[atr]em [et] mira | imprimendi arte: qua nup[er] Antoniu[m] | Hie male corripuit stolidis venecij | nunc auguste vindelicorum ex- Antonius ausis | etc. [F. 12a incipit lib. cellit | nominatissimus. Quinto ydus Ia | divinarum institutionum s. inscr.:] (M)- nuarij. M.cccc.Ixxxxix currente. | Laus Agno & excellenti ingenio uiri cu[m] sese deo. | n o fF. 120. Augusburg, Ratdolt, doctrinae | etc. [F. 218b in fine:] Arguit 1489. hie hominum sectas lactantius omnes | [Hain-Copinger no. 10042.] etc. Post regina premit quippe colenda First Edition. maris. | M. CCCC. LXXI. Adam. | L u c ia n o f S a m o sa t a . [Dialogus.] [F. 20a. 1. [218] fF. F°. [Venetiis], Adam [de Ambergau], 26:] LVCIANI PHILOSOPHI GRAECI 1471. [Hain no. 9809.] DIALOGVS DE VIR | tute, conquer- L eo n ic en u s, N ico laus [De morbo Gallico] e[n]te cum Mercurio. a Carolo aretino [F. 1 a. tit:] Libellus de Epidemia, quam graeco in Iatinu[m] traductus. | | uulgo morbum Galli | cum uocant. | [F. [In- Censorinus. De die natali. *** 1497. f. 20.]

28a:] Venetiis, In domo Aldi Manutii. L u c r e t iu s C a r u s , T it u s De rerum natura. Men- | se Iunio. M.iii.D. | [F. 1. blank. F. 2a. c. sign, all:] T. Lu- 29 fF. 40. Venetiis, Aldus Manutius, 1497. creti Cari. poetae philosophici antiquis- [Hain no. 10019.] simi | de rerum natura liber primus incipit L eo n ic en u s, N ico laus [De morbo Gallico] foeliciter. | [F. 95a. 1. 10:] Paulus hunc [F. 1 a. tit:] Libellus de Epidimia quam | impressit fridenperger in uerona. | *** Ab uulgo morbum Galli | cum uocant siue | incarnatione christi: MccccLxxxvi | Die brossulas. | [F. 32a:] Liber de epidemia uigesimo octauo septembris calen. octo- siue brossulas finis. Impressum Medio |- bris. | *** Finis. | Iani p[er] magistrum Guilielmum signerre 96 fF. 40. Veronae, Paulus Fridenperger, i486. Rothomagensem: | regnante Illustrissimo [Hain no. 10282.] principe. d. Ludouico duce Mediola | ni. Second issue of this work, but the first dated Impensa magistri Ioa[n]nis de Legnano, edition. Only work from this press. M.cccclxxxxvij | die. iiij. mensis IuIIij. | L u d o v ic u s P r u t h e n u s s . d e P r u s s ia . [Tril- 32 fF. 40. Mediolani, Guilielmus Signerre Rotho- ogium animae] [F. ia. tit:] Trilogium magensis for Joannes de Legnano, 1497. anime | non solum religiosis veru[m]- [Hain no. 10020.] etia[m] se | cularibus p[r]edicato[r]ibus L eu po ld u s, D u x A u st r ia e . [Compilatio co[n]Fes | so[r]ibus contemplantibus et stu- 64 Annals of Medical History

|dentibus Iume[n] intellectus et ar | dorem liciter. | [F. 142-143. tabula. F. 144b. full- affectus amministrans | [Ad finem:] §Post page woodcut printer’s device.] JEHAN hoc in imp[er]iali ciuitate Nuremberg ad RICHART. *** p[r]eces | fratru[m] mino[rum] ibide[m] 144 ff. 120. [Parisiis, Felix Balligault for co[m]mo[r]antiu[m]: p[er] Anthoniu[m] ko- Jean Richart, 1498.] ber- | ger ad Iaude[m] dei imp[r]essum [et] [Copinger no. 3748.] ad hu[n]c vsq[ue] fine[m] feliciter | p[er]- M a g n in u s M ediolanensis. [Regimen sani- ductu[m] Anno d[omi]ni. M.cccc.xcviij.vj. tatis] [F. 1 a. tit:] [R]Egime[n] sanitatis die Marcij. | Magnini medio | Ianensis medici famosis- 354 fF. il. 1 woodcut. 40. Nurembergae, Anthon- simi attre | bacensi episcopo directum ius Koberger, 1498. *** [F. 128a:] Explicit. | [Hain no. 10315.] 130 ff. 40. [Lyons, n. pub., circa 1495.] [L u m e n a n im a e s e u l ib e r moralitatum .] [Hain no. 10482.] [F. 1 a:] §Liber moralitatum elegantissi- M a ld u r a, P et r u s L udovicus [In vitam mus magnarum rerum naturaliu[m] | Lu­ Sancti Rochi *** ] [F. ia. tit:] Petrus men anime dictus. cum septem appari- Iudouicus Maldu | ra In Uitam sancti toribus. necno[n] sancto[rum] docto[rum] Rochi | Contra Pestem Epidimie Apud o[r]thodoxe fidei [pro]fessorum. Poetarum d[omi]n[u]m dignissi | mi intercesso[r]is etiam ac orato[rum] auctori | tatib[us]. Unacu[m] eiusdem Officio. | [F. 12a:] p[er] mo[dum] pharatre [secundu]m o[r]- Theoderici gresemu[n]di Iunio[r]is mo- dine[m] alphabeti collectis. Felicit[er] in- guntini Car- | men EIegiacu[m] ad huius cipit | [F. 2a. Tabula. F. 32b.] Tabula Iibri Iecto[r]em in Iaudem | sancti Rochi. moraIitatu[m] Secunda super Lume[n] j *** anime finit feliciter. | [F. 33a:] Prologus. | 12 ff. il. 40. [Moguntiae, Petrus de Friedberg, [F. 34b:] Titvlvs Primus | [F. 268a. In 1495.] fine:] §Liber lumen anime dictus feliciter [Hain no. 10546.] explicit.*** Annoq[ue] a natiuitate d[omi]- de M a n fr e d i, H iero nim us [Liber de hom- ni. Milesimoquadringentesimo sep | tua- ine, cuius sunt Iibri duo ***] [F. ia. blank.] gesimo nono quarta feria post vdalrici, [F. ib:] M EA interest magnifice ac gen- su[m]ma cu[m] dilige[n]tia [com]pIe[tus] | erose Miles Iohannes d[e] bentiuoliis | 268 ff. F°. [Reutlingae, Michael Greyff], 1479. [Hain-Copinger no. 10331.] *** [F. 2a. col. 1:] L IB E R D E H O M IN E: CVIVS Su[n]t LIBRI DVO. PRIMVS M a c e r F l o r id u s , A e m il iu s [De viribus LIBER DE | CONSERVATIOne SANI- herbarum] [F. 1 a :] Incipit Iibellus Macri TATIs | CAPITVLVM PRIMVM DE de viribus | herbarum. Et p[r]imo de Ca | VSIS & NATVRIS OMNIV[M] Eo |- arthemisia. | [Ad finem:] Herbarum var- RVM QuAE SVMVNTVR IN | CIBO. ias qui vis cognoscere vires | Macer adest QuESITA. LXX. QuAESI | TVM disce: quo duce doctus eris. | PRIMVM. | [F. 109-110 wanting.] 43 ff. il. 40. n. p., n. pub., [circa 1491.] 110 ff. F°. [Bononiae, Ugo Rugerius et Doninus [Hain no. 10419.] Bertochus, 1474.] M a g n i, J a c o b u s . [Zophilogium s. sopho- [Hain no. 10689.] Iogium.] [F. ia. tit.:] Sophologium sapie- Imperfect, ff. io g -110 missing. [n]tie magistri Jacobi magni. [Woodcut.] M a g n i, J acobus [Zozhilogium s. sopholo­ [F. 2a. woodcut portrait-initial:] Doctis- gium.] [F. 1 a. tit.:] Sophologium sapie[n]- simi *** Jacobi magni *** sophologium tie | magistri Jacobi magni. | [Woodcut.] incipit. | *** [F. i4ib.coI. 2. 1. 19:] Jacobi [F. 2a. woodcut portrait-initial:] DOctis- magni sophoIogiu[m] sapien-1 tie finit fe­ simi *** Jacobi magni *** sophologium in- 66 Annals of Medical History

sophica. E t | p[ri]mo ponu[n]tur tituli | M e t l in g e r , B artholomaeus [Regiment p[r]imi Iib[r]i | [F. 96b:] Presens liber der jungen Kinder] [F. ia:] [W]Ann nach que[m] mensa[m] phiIosophica[m] vo | ansehung gotlicher | vnd menschlicher cant: vnicuiq[ue] p[er]utilis: co[m]pen- o[r]denung *** [F. 27b:] da | mit sich das diose p[er]tractans | in p[ri]mis q[ui]d in vierd capitel endet v[o]n dar dur | ch co[n]uiuijs p[ro] cibis et potibus su = | dises biichlin Dar von got dem almechti mendu[m] est. deinde que sermones illis | gen Er wurd v[o]n lob gesagt sey vnd [secundu]m exi= | gentia[m] p[er]son- seiner | werde[n] muter der iungfrauwe[n] aru[m] habe[n]di su[n]t: etque q[ue]stiones marie Gesche | hen als ma[n] zalt nach | discutie[n]de: q[ue] insup[er] facetie siue xpi geburt tauset vier= | hundert vnd ioci intersere[n]di | Feliciter explicit. | in de[n] Ixxiij. jar an dem achten | den 96 ff. 8°. [Coloniae, Joh. Guldenschaaf, circa tag sant End[r]is des zwolff boten. | 1485.] 27 ff. F°. [Augustae, Gintherus Zainer], 1473. [Hain no. 11075.] [Hain no. 11127.] M e s u e D a m a s c e n u s , J o a n n e s [Eadem op­ /. 2 1 replaced by facsimile.

era cum additionibus et expositionibus M olitor, U lr icu s [De Iamiis et phitonicis aliorum] [F. ia. tit:] Mesue cum addi­ mulieribus.] [F. ia.] §De Ianijs [sic] [et] tionibus Francisci de pedemontium. Et phitonicis mu | Iieribus ad illustrissimum ad | ditionibus Petri de Apono. Et cum p[r]incipem dominu[m] Sigismundum | ar- commento Dini super | Cano, generales. chiducem austrie tractatus pulcherrimus.| E t cum co[m]me[n]to Christophori de [Woodcut.] [F. 22a. I. 26.] Ex Constantia honestis | sup[er] antidotariu[m] Mesue anno domini. M.cccc.Ixxxix: die | decima Platearius super antidotariu[m] Nicolai | mensis Januarij. | §Tue celsitudinis hum- Et Saladinus de componendis medicinis. | ilis consiliarius [et] seruulus | Ulricus moli- [F. 357b:] Hie finitur Mesue cum Mundi- to[r]is de Consta[n]tia decreto[rum] doc­ no super canoni- | bus generalibus Chris- tor]. | tofaro Geo[r]dio *** E t imp [r] ess a Uene- 22 ff. il. 7 woodcuts. 120. [Cologne, Cornelius tijs per Pelegrinum de | pasqualibus de de Zierikzee, circa 1490.] Bononia sub a[n]no d[omi]ni. 1401. *** [Copinger no. 4338?] LAUS DEO. | Most famous XVth century work on witchcraft. 358 ff. F°. Venetiis, Pelegrinus de Pasqualibus de Bononia, 1491. M o n tagn an a, B artholomaeus [Consilia [Hain no. 11110 .] medica] [F. ia. tit:] Consilia Magistri Bartholomei Montagnane. | Tractatus M e s u e D a m a s c e n u s , J o a n n e s [Eadem op­ tres de balneis patauinis. | De composi- era cum additionibus et expositionibus tione et Dosi medicinarum. | Anthido- aliorum] [F. 1 blank.] [F. 2a:] [I]N nomine tarium eiusdem. | Consilia D[omi]ni An- | dei mise[r]ico[r] | dis cui[us] nutu [ser]mo tonii Cermisoni. | Tractatus de theriaca: recipit | gra[tiam] [et] doctrina p[er]fec- a Fra[n]cisco caballo edit[us] | [F. 401b. tione[m] | *** [F. 391a:] Hoc Ioci consum- n. 405b:] §Hoc uolumen Imp[r]essum est [m]atur vniuersa opera Diui | Ioannis Me­ Uenetijs per | Simonem de Luere Impe[n]- sue cum complemento *** An | no salua- sis D[omi]ni Andree | To[r]resani de to[r]is cristi Iesu. M.iiij.Ixxviiij. p[er] | die Asula. xx. Aug. M.ccdfcic. | *** kale[n]das Feb[r]uarij. Imp[r]essa venetijs op[er]e et impensis Rainaldi Nouimagij.*** 420 ff. F0.. Venetiis, Simon de Luere for Andreas Toressani de Asula, 1499. 392 ff. F°. Venetiis, Rainaldus de Novimagio, 1479. [Copinger no. 4342.] [Hain no. 11108.] Imperfect, ff. 402-420 missing. In cu n a b u la 65

cipit. *** [F. 141b. col. 2. 1. 19:] §Jacobi M ath eo lu s P e r u sin u s. [De memoria magni sophoIogiu[m] sapien- | tie finit augenda s. ars memorativa.] [F. ia:] feliciter. | [F. 142-143. tabula. F. 144b. Tractatus clarissimi philosophi et me | full-page woodcut printer’s device.] JE- dici Matheoli perusini de memo[r]ia au- HAN RICHART. | *** ge[n] | da per regulas et medicinas. | [F. 144 fF. 120. [Parisiis, Felix Balligault for Jean 5b:] Explicit tractatus de memo[r]ia editus Richart, 1498.] in | Italia a d[omi]no Matheolo medicine [Copinger no. 3748.] docto[r]e | famosissimo. mo[r]tuo Anno d e M a n l iis d e B o sc o , J o a n n e s J a c o b u s d[omi]ni milesimo | quad[r]ingentesimo [Luminare maius.] [F. ia. tit:] Luminare septuagesimo. | [F. 6 blank.] maius. | Cinthius vt totum radijs illu- 6 fF. 40. [Argentinae, Heinrich Knoblochtzer, minat o[r]bem. | Illustrat Iateb[r]as sic circa 1475.] medicina tuas. | [Ad finem:] Opus dili- [Copinger no. 3912.] genter co[rr]ectum [et] a multis docto[r]- M ath eo lu s P e r u sin u s. [De memoria au­ ib[us] | examinatum. Imp[r]essum in in- genda s. ars memorativa.] [F. ia:] clita ciuitate Papie stu | dio[r]um omnium §TRACTATVS CLARISSIMI PHILO | altrice per magistrum Antonium [de] | sophi & Medici Matheoli Perusini: de Carchano MedioIane[n]sem imp[r]esso- Memoria. | [F. 4b:] §Hec igitur sunt uiri [r]e[m] dignissimum. | Anno saluatoris digni medicinalia que inter | alia elec- nostri. 1494. *** tissima pro seruanda memoria & ita 90 fF. F°. Papaie, Antonius de Carchano, 1494. fine[m] facio. | [Hain no. 10711.] 4 fF. 40. [Romae, Eucharius Silber, circa 1476.] M a r t iu s , G a l e o t u s [Liber de homine] [F. [Reichling no. 253.] 1 blank.] [F. 2a:] G A LEO TTI M A R T I I M ath eo lu s P e r u sin u s. [De memoria au­ NARNIENSIS | AD. R. D. ARCH IE- genda s. ars. memorativa.] [F. ia:] §Trac- PISCOPVM STRIGO | NIENSEM IN tatus Clarissimi philosophi et | medici LIBRVM DE HOMINE EPISTOLA. Matheoli Perusini de Memo[r]ia. | [F. 4a:] *** [F. 76a:] Galeotti Martii Narniensis §Hec igitur sunt viri digni medicinalia que Secundus & ultim[us] | de homine Liber | inter alia electissima p[r]o seruanda explicat. | memo[r]ia: [et] | ita finem | facio. | 76 fF. F°. [Budapest, circa 1470.] 4 fF. 40. [Romae, Stephanus Plannck, circa [Hain no. 7433-] 1490.] M a r t iu s , G a l e o t u s [Refutatio objectorum [Reichling no. 1570.] in Iibrum de homine a Georgio Merula] M a tt h a eu s de L u ch a. [De diebus criticis.] [F. 1 blank wanting.] [F. 2a:] Galeotti [F. 1 a. blank.] [F. 1 b :] Ad Lectorem. | Martii Narnie[n]sis Epistola Ad IIIu | stri. *** [F. 2a:] §Artiu[m] & medicine doctoris Pri[n]cipe[m] Federicu[m] Duce[m] Vrbini magistri M at | thei de Lucha de diebus Incohat | [F. 104a:] Impressu[m] est opus creticis Dialogus. | [F. 8b:] §Impressum Venetiis mirabili arte | ac diligentia Per Rome. Mcccclxxxxiii. Beatis | simo Alex­ Iacobum Rubeum Na | tione Gallicum andra sexto imperante quern de | us con- huius artis p[er]itissimum. An | no incar- seruet. | nationis dominice millesimo cccc | Ixxvi. 8 fF. 40. Romae, [Andreas Fritag], 1493. Andrea Vendremino indy to Duce | Vene- [Hain no. 10257.] tiarum. | Laus omnipotent deo. | M en sa philosophica. [F. i a. tit:] Mensa 104 fF. 40. Venetiis, Jacobus Rubeus, 1476. [Hain no. 7437.] philosophica. | [F. 2a:] §Incipit tabula Imperfect, ff. §3-68 missing. in Ii | bru[m] qui dicit[ur]. Men | sa philo- I n cu n a b u la 67

M o n tagn an a, B artholomaeus [Consilia Iibrarii: Ope | ra uero Platonis diligentis- medica] [F. 1 missing.] [F. 2a:] §Gerardo simi impressoris Bononiensium. | Anno bolderio Uerone[n]si tanq[uam] patri ob- gratie. M.cccc.Ixxxviiii. quarto calendas seruandissi- | mo Jacobus de vitalibus Iunii. | *** [F. 135a:] Amphorismi [sic] B[r]ixiensis. S. P. D. | [F. 395b: (c. n. 387)] Iohannis damasceni. | ***[ F. 154a:] §Finis. | §Gratias altissimo deo qui antidotis §Laus deo. | d[omi]ni magistri Bar- | tholomei de 154 ff. 40. Bononiae, Plato de Benedictis for mo[n]tagnana. Et [con]seque[n]ter toti[us] Benedictus Hectoris, 1489. huius op[er]is fi | nem i[m]ponere dedit. [Hain no. 10524.] Ma[n]dato ac sumptib[us] nobilis viri M o t is , J o h a n n e s [Invectiva coetus feminei d[omi]ni Octauiani Scoti ciuis Modoe- contra mares] [F. ia. tit:] §TractatuIi tie[n]sis. quarto nonas Au- | gusti. 1497. duo metrici b[r]eues, quo[rum] p[r]imus | per Bonetu[m] LocateIIu[m] Bergomen- continet recommendationem seu defen- sem. | sio- | nem mulierum contra viros seu 396 fF. F°. [Venetiis], Bonetus Locatellus for mares. | §Secundus remedium viro[r]um Octavianus Scotus, 1497. contra con- | cubinas atq[ue] coniuges [Hain no. 11552.] [et]c. | [F. 8b:] §Quinq[ue] sunr [sic] que M o n tagn an a, B artholomaeus [De uri- p[er]turba[n]t | rempublica[m] siue bonu[m] narum judiciis] [F. ia:] Tractatus de co[mit]e. | *** v[r]inaru[m] iudicijs p[er]utilis excel | Ie[n]- 8 ff. 40. [Memmingen, Albertus Kunne, circa tissimi viri Bartholomei de montegnana | 1500.] [F. 25b:] Imp[r]essus padue per Magis- [Hain no. 11623.] trum Matheum cerdonis de | vindisch- N ic e p h o r u s . [Logica cum aliis aliorum grecz. Anno d[omi]ni. i4. 87. die vero. i7. operibus Georgio Valla interprete] [F. me[n]sis feb[r]uarij. | 1 a. tit:] Geo[r]gio Ualla Placentino Inter­ 26 ff. 40. Paduae, Matthaeus Cerdonis de Win- prete. | [F. 156b:] §Impressum Venetiis dischgretz, 1487. per Simone[m] Papiensem di | ctum Beuil- [Hain no. 11553.] aquam. 1498. Die ultimo Septembris | de M o ntis, P et r u s [De diagnoscendis Cum gratia [et] p[r]iuiIegio. | *** hominibus Iibri sexti] [F. ia. tit:] 156 ff. F°. Venetiis, Simon Papiensis Bevilaqua, PETRVS MONTIS DE DIGNOS- 1498. C E N D I S HOMINIBVS | INTER- [Hain no. 11748.] PRETE G. AYORA CORDVBENSI. I N ic o l a u s P r a e p o s it u s S alernitanus . [F. 228b:] CONSVMATVM EST. | An- [Antidotarium***] [F. ia:] Iohannis Me- tonius Zarotus Parmensis Mediolani hoc sue Grabadin In | cipit Quod est aggre- Opus impressit Mille | simoquadringen- gacio [et] an= | tidotarium electuario- tesimo nonagesimosecundo: secto decimo [r]um et co[n] | fectionum [F. 45a:] [A]Nti- | Chalendas Ianuarii. *** dotarius Nicolai medi | cinalis cum omni­ 228 ff. F°. Mediolani, Antonius Zarotus, 1492. bus suis | receptis Incipit feliciter. | [F. [Hain no. 11608.] 67b:] Antidotarius medicinalis | Nicolai M o ses M aim onides [Abu Amran Musa Explicit. | [F. 68a:] Liber seruito[r]is de Ben Meimun] [Aphorismi medici.] [F. ia:] p[r]eparac[i]oni | bus medicina[rum] ta[m] §Incipiunt aphorismi excellentissimi Raby Iapidu[m] mine= | raliu[m] q[uam] radi- Moyses se | cundum doctrinam Galieni cu[m] pla[n]ta[rum] ac etia[m] me | dici- medicorum principis. | [F. 133b:] Bononie [n]a[rum] ex a[n]i[m]alib[us] su[m]pta- i[m]pressum impensa Benedicti Hectoris [rum] *** 68 Annals of Medical History

95 ff. F°. [Argentorati, Johannes Priiss, circa Orto lff [Heydenberger ] von B a y r - 1480.] lan d t [Artzneybuch] [F. ia:] Hie hebt [Hain no. 11762.] sich an das register des | nachuolgenden . Imperfect, ff. 45 & 46 mutilated, ff. 93-95 artzeneipuchs | *** [F. 4b:] Nach Christi missing. vnse[r]s Iieben herre[n] gepurt als man N id e r , J o h . [Tractatus de morali lepra.] zalt Tau= | sent vierhundert vnd siben- [F. 1 a:] Jncipit (sic) tractatus venera- vndsibentzig Iar *** Nurenberg 1st di­ bil[is] magistri. Joha[n] | nis Nider ordinis eses] Artzneipuch mit sunderm fleis durch p[re]dicato[rum]. De morali lepra | [O]- | Anthonij koburger Burger daselbs ged- Lim deum Iegim[um] [etc.] [F. 102b. 1. 19:] [r]iickt *** [F. 84a. 1.7 :] ein ende. | Explicit tractatus de lepra morali. Fra- 84 ff. 40. Nurnbergae, Anthonius Koburger, tris. Jo | ha[n]nis. Nyder sacre theologie 1477. professoris ordinis predicatorum. | [Hain no. 12112.] 104 ff. 8°. (22cm.) [Colon., Zell, circa 1470.] P a u lu s V e n e t u s , N ico lettu s [Expositio [Hain-Copinger no. 11814.] Iibrorum naturalium Aristotelis.] [F. 1 [Proctor no. 844.] blank wanting.] [F. 2a:] [P]Lurimo | ru[m] First edition. Extremely rare. One of the only astri- | ctus p[re]cibus: quo[r]u[m] p[ri]- two copies of this edition in America. de[m] mee i[n]troductio | nis *** [F. 215b:] [F. 103 & f. 104 blank.] Explicit sexta [et] vltima pars su[m]me d e N u r s ia , B e n e d ic t u s [Libellus de con- natu- | raliufm] *** [con]fecto Uenetijs im- versatione sanitatis secundum ordinem p[r]essione[m] habuit i[m]pen | sis Ioha[n]- alphabeti distinctus] [F. ia blank.] [F. nis de Colonia socijq[ue] eius Io | hannis 1 b :] Pulcherrimum & utilissimu[m] opus ma[n]then de Gherretzem. Anno a | natali ad | sanitatis co[n]seruationem. *** Incip- ch[r]istiano M.cccc.Ixxvi. | it foeliciter. | *** [F. 139b:] Tractatus qui- 223 ff. F°. Venetiis, Johannes de Colonia et dam de regimine sani | tatis opera & Johannes Manthen de Gerretzem, 1476. industria Dominici de | Lapis, impendio [Hain no. 12515.] tamen Sigismundi | a Iibris ciuis atq[ue] P etr u s de A ban o . [Conciliator differen- Iiberarii Bononien | sis feliciter finiunt. tiarum philosophorum et praecipue medi- | Anno. D.M.CCCC.Ixxvii. | corum] [F. 1 blank] [F. 2a:] ConciIiato[r] 140 ff. 40. Bononiae, Dominicus de Lapis, 1477. differentiarufm] phiIosopho[r]u[m] [et] [Hain no. 11920.] p[r]eci | pue medico[rum] clarissimi viri d e O r b e l l is , N ic o l a u s [Logica.] [F. ia. Petri de Abano Pata | uini feliciter in- tit:] Logica Magistri Nicolai de Orbellis cipit. [F. 280b:] §Exegimus deo fauto[r]e una cum | textu Petri hyspani. | [F. 134a:] op[us] Co[n]ciIiato[r]is magistri | Pet[r]i ab Explicit Logica magistri Ni | colai de Aba[n]o medico[rum] physico[rum] q[ue] o[r]beIIus vna cum te- | xtu Petri hispanus sua tempesta | te p[ri]ncipis: impe[n]sa feliciter. | Imp[r]essa Uenetiis per AI- |- v[er]o caractereq[ue] incundissimo ma |- bertinu[m] Uercellensem: die. x. | Marcii. gistri Ioha[n]nis herbo[r]t de Selge[n]stat M.ccccc. | Registrum. | abcdefghiklmnop- alemani cuius | ars [et] ingeniu[m] ceteros | qr. Omnes sunt quarter | ni p[ra]eter r facile supe[re]minet o[mn]es: Impres | sum que est ternus. | Uenetijs a[n]no v[m]. i483- nonis feb[r]- 134 ff. diag. 8°. Venetiis, Rubeus, 1500. uis. | *** [Hain-Copinger no. 12052.] 284 ff. F°. Venetiis, Johannes Herbort de Commentary on the writings of Petrus Hispanus Seilgenstat, 1483. who became the medical Pope, John X X I. [Hain no. 6.] I n cu n a b u la 69

P et r u s de A ban o . [Conciliator differen- [F. 1 a. blank.] [F. ib:] §Tractatus de tiarum philosophorum et praecipue medi- Uenenis: a magistro Petro de Albano [sic] corum. Eiusdem tractatus de venenis.] edit[us]. | [F. 18b:] §Finit Tractat[us] vti- [F. 1 blank.] [F. 2a:] ConciIiato[r] differen- Iissimus de venenis per magi | stru[m] tiaru[m] phiIosopho[r]um [et] p[r]eci | pue Petru[m] de Abbano [com]positus. Im- medicofrum] clarissimi viri Petri de Abano p[r]essus Rome | Anno d[omi]ni. M.cccc.- Pa- | tauini feliciter incipit. *** [F. 280b:] Ixxxx. die v[er]o. xvii. Marcij. | Exegimus deo fauto[r]e opus Co[n]ciIiato- 18 ff. 40. Romae, [Stephanus Plannck], 1490. [r]is magi- | stri Petri de abano medico[- [Hain no. 13.] rum] physicofrum] q[ue] sua tem- | pestate P e t r u s H is p a n u s . [Pope John XXI] [Prac- p[r]incipis: Imp[r]essum papie per Gab- tica medicinae, quae thesaurus pauperum [r]iele[m] | de grassis anno d[omi]ni. i490. nuncupatur.] [F. 1 wanting.] [F. 2a:] QVI die sexta. nouemb[r]is. | *** [F. 293b:] IN COMINCIA IL LIBRO CHI AMATO LAUS DEO. | TESORO DE POVERI COMPILATO 293 ff. F°. Papiae, Gabriel de Grassis, 1490. | ET FACTO PER MAESTRO | PIERO [Hain no. 3.] SPANO. *** [F. 70b:] Stampata in Vene­ P et r u s d e A ban o . [Expositio problematum cia per Gioan ragazzo & Gioan | maria Aristotelis.] [F. 1-3:] Tabula. *** [F. 4. Compagni. del. M.cccclxxxxiiii. | a di xxvii. cum sign. a2.] Expositio p[r]eclarissimi Marzo. Laus Deo. | *** atq[ue] eximii artium ac medi | cine doc- 70 ff. 40. Venecia, Giovanni Ragazzo e Gio­ to[r]is Petri de Ebano Patauini in Iib- vanni Maria [da Occimiano], 1494. [rum] | p[r]obIematum Aristotelis feliciter [Hain no. 8715.] incipit. [ [F. 312 a. cum sign. Q6, in fine:] Imperfect, f. ai title-page, missing. First dated Explicit *** ea nullo p[r]i | us interp[r]e- Italian edition. tante incepta quidem Parisius [sic]: et P e y l ig k , J o h a n n e s [Compendium philo- Iaudabiliter Padue terminata. arte hac sophiae naturalis] [F. ia. tit:] Philosophic impen | sa Joannis herbo[r]t Alemani *** Naturalis | Compendium] Lib[r]is phi | verum ut Iaute sint etiam eIabo[r]ata. | sico[r]um *** [F. 97b:] *** Imp[re]ssu[m] Anno. M.cccc.Ixxxii. die. xxva. Feb[r]uarii. est opus istud in insigni oppido Liptzensi | [F. 312b. Register.] ope- | ra [et] solertia Melchiar Lotter 312 ff. F°. [Venetiis, Herbort, 1482.] Anno salutifere incarnat[i]o[n]is Mil | Iesi- [Hain-Copinger no. 17.] mo quad[r]ingentesimononogesimonono P et r u s d e A ban o . [Tractatus de venenis.] p[r]idie idus septe[m]b[r]is | [F. 1 a:] Incipit p[ro]Iogus in Iibellum de 97 ff. F°. Lipsiae, Melchior Lotter, 1499. vene | nis: ExceIIentiss[i]mi medici m[a]g- [Hain no. 12861.] [ist]ri Pe | tri de Abbano. Anno d[omi]ni. Pico d e l l a M ir a n d o l a , G io v a n n i c o u n t i. 4. 8. 7. | [F. 34a:] Et sic imponit[ur] [Opera.] [v. 1. F. ia. tit:] Conmentationes finis tractatui de vennenis [sic] peritissimi [sic] Ioannis Pici Mirandulae in hoc uolu | medici magistri Petri de abba | no *** mine co[n]tentae: quibus anteponit[ur] uita Imp[re]ssus p[er]. p. matheu[m] cerdois per Ioanne[m] fran | ciscum illustris prin- [de] vni | dischgrecz. Anno d[omi]ni. i. cipis Galeotti Pici filium co[n]scripta. | 4. 8. 7. die i8 dece[m]bris. | *** [F. 151a:] Diligenter impraessit Bene- 36 ff. 40. [Paduae], Matthaeus Cerdonis de | dictus Hectoris Bononien. adhibita pro Windischgretz, 1487. uiribus solertia & dilige[n]tia ne ab arche- [Hain no. 12.] typo ab | erraret: Bononiae Anno Salutis. P etr u s de A ban o . [Tractatus de venenis.] Mcccclxxxxvi. die uero. xx. Martii. | 70 Annals of Medical History

[Registrum.] [v. 2. F. ia. tit.:] Disputa- Platyne opusculum de obso- | niis: ac tiones Ioannis Pici Miran | dulae litter- de honesta voluptate [et] valitudi | ne: arum principis | aduersus astroIogia[m] | impressu[m] in Ciuitate Austrie: | impen- diuinatricem qui | bus penitus sub | neruata sis [et] expensis Gerardi | de Flandria. cor | ruit | [F. 3a-6a:] Tabula. [F. 7a:] Venetiaru[m] | Duce Inclito 10= | hanne Prooemium. | IOANNIS PICI MI- Moce[n]ico. | Nono Kalendas Nouembris RANDVLAE CONCORDIAE COMI- | .M0.cccc°.Ixxx°. | Laus Omnipotenti TIS IN DISPVTA | TIONES AD- Deo. [F. 9oa~93a tab. F. 93b registr.] VERSVS ASTROLOGOS. | [F. 126a:] 92 ff. 120. Civitate Austrie, Gerardi, 1480. Finis | Disputationes has Ioannis pici Mi- [Hain no. 13052.] randulae concordiae Comitis | Iitterarum First book printed in Cividale. princi | pis aduersus astrologos: diligen- P l a t in a , B artholomaeus [De honesta vol­ ter. | uptate.] [F. 2a:] Platynae De Honesta 2 v. in 1. [152 & 126] ff. il. F°. Bononia, Bene- Voluptate: et Valitudine. ad Am | plis- dictus Hectoris, 1496. simum ac Doctissimum. D. B. Rouellam. [Hain-Copinger no. 12992.] S. Clementis | Presbiterum Cardinalem. | Imperfect. f. 24 of v. 2 missing. First edition, [F. 90b:] Habes splendidissime lector including his medical and astrological treat­ uiri doctissimi Platinae opu- | sculum de ises. obsoniis: de honesta uoluptate ac ualitu-

P in t o r , P e t r u s [Aggregator sententiarum dine di- | Iigenterq[ue] Bononiae Impres- doctorum de praeservatione curationeque sum per Ioanne[m] antonium pla | toni- pestilentiae.] [F. 1 blank.] [F. 2a:] §Ad dem Benedictorum bibliopolam necno[n] beatissimum [et] clementissimum Domi- ciuem Bono | niensem sub Anno domini. num nostru[m] dominum AIex[an]drum Mccccxcix. die uero. xi. mensis [ Maii se | xtum Pontifice[m] Maximu[m] Petrus Ioanne Bentiuolo foeliciter illustrante. | Pinto[r] arcium medicine Magister p[r]e | 95 ff. 40. Bononiae, Johannes Antonius Bene­ fateq[ue] sanctitatis medicus hu[n]c Iibel- dictorum, 1499. [Hain no. 13056.] Ium dirigit qui agregato[r] sentenciarum Imperfect, ff. 1 & 8 missing. doc | torum omnium de p[r]eseruatione curationeq[ue] pestilentie intitulatur. | [F. P l in iu s, C a ju s S ecu nd us [Historia natur- 92a:] Explicit Iibellus agregato[r [sic] sen­ alis.] [F. 1 a:] H ISTO RIA N A T V R A LE tentiarum doc- | to[r]um omnium de p[r]e- DI. C. PLINIO SECONDO | TRADOC- TA DI LINGVA LATINA IN FIOREN- seruatione [et] curatione | pestilentie inti- tulatus *** p[r]efateq[ue] sanctitatis medi- TINA | PER CHRISTOPHORO LAND- cu[m] Rome imp[r]essus | per venerabilem INO FIORENTINO | AL SERENISSI- viru[m] Magistru[m] Eucharium | Silber MO FERDINANDO RE DI NAPOLI. Anno salutis. M.ccccic. Die. xx. men | sis | PROHEMIO. | [F. 5a:] LIBRO PRIMO Feb[r]uarij. | DELLA NATVRALE HISTORIA DI. C. | PLINIO SECONDO TRADOCTA 92 ff. F°. Romae, Eucharius Silber, 1499. IN LINGVA FIOREN | TINA PER [Hain no. 13009.] CHRISTOPHORO LANDINO FIO- P l a t in a , B artholomaeus [De honesta vol- RENTI | NO AL SERENISSIMO FER­ uptate.] [F. 1 a:] Platyne de Honesta DINANDO RE DI NAPOLI. | PREFA- Voluptate: [et] Valitudi[n]e. ad | Amplis- TIONE. | [F. 413b:] OPVS NICOLAI simu[m] ac Doctissimum. D. B. Rouerel- I ANSON IS GALLICI | IMPRESSVM | Iam. S. CIeme[n]tis | Presbiteru[m] Cardi- ANNO SALUTIS. M.CCCCLXXVI. | nalem. | [F. 89b:] Finis. | Viri doctissimi VENETIIS. | In cu n a b u la 7 i

413 ff. F°. Venetiis, Nicolaus Janson Gallicus, P u b l ic iu s, J acobus [Ars memorativa] [F. 1476. 1 a. tit:] §Jacobi publicii in arte memo[r]ie. [Hain no. 13105.] | Item Regimen sanitatis salernitanum Believed to be the first Italian edition of any nec non | magistri Arnoldi de noui classic. villa. | §Venundantur parrhisiis in vico P l u t a r c h . [De invidia et odio.] [F. 37a (c. sancti Iacobi ab AIexand[r]o aliatte e sign, h):] PLV T A R C H I L IB E L L V S D E regione diui benedicti. | [F. 12a:] Explicit DIFFERTIA INTER | ODIVM ET ars memoratiua | Iacobi publicii. | [F. INVIDIAM INCIPIT FOELICITER. | 12b:] Regimen sanitatis | [F. 18b:] §FIoc [In- Censorinus. De die natali. *** 1497. ff. opus optatur quod flos medicine vocatur. | 37- 38.] 18 ff. 40. Parisiis, Alexander Aliatte, [circa P o g g iu s , J o h . F r a n c is c u s . [Facetiarum 1490.] liber.] [F. ia. tit.] Pogii florentini oratoris [Not in Hain.] | clarissmi fiacetiarum [sic] | [F. ib:] POGII FLORENTINI ORATORIS P u b l ic iu s, J u liu s [Artis oratoriae epitome; CLA|RISSIMI FACFTIARUM [sic] ars epistolaris et ars memoriae.] [F. 1 LIBER INCIPIT FELICITER. | [F. 58a. blank. F. 2a (c. sign. A):] O RATO RIAE I. 26:] fabulandiq[ue] consuetudo sublata. ARTIS EPITOMA: *** INSUPER ET | Finis | [F. 58L Device, with motto, PERQUAM FACILIS MEMO -1 R IA E CEST MON DESIR DE DIEV. SER- ARTIS MODUS *** [F. 51b:] Iacobi Pub­ VIR. POUR. ACUERIR SON BON licii Florentini ars memori[a]e feliciter PLA ISIR .] [58] ff. 40. incipit | *** [F. 66b:] Erhardus Ratdolt [Paris, Le Noir, circa 1495.] auguste[n]sis ingenlo miro & arte p[er] [Copinger no. 4787.] polita im- | pressioni mirifice dedit. 1485. Only two other copies of this edition known. Ac­ pridie calen[das]. februarii. Venetiis. | cording to Census of the Bibliographical Society 66 ff. il. 12 wood-cuts. 8°. Venetiis, Ratdolt, this is the only copy in America. 1485.

[P rognosticon d e m u t a t io n e a e r is . A c- [Hain no. 13546.] ced: Hippocratis Iibellus de medicorum Duke of Sussex's copy. Most beautiful book astrologia, a Petro de Abano in Latinum printed by Ratdolt. traductus.] [F. 1 blank.] [F. 2a:] Opus- P u rbach iu s, G eo rgius Theoricae nouae culu[m] reperto[r]ii p[r]onosticon in | mu- planetar[um]. tationes aeris tarn via astrologica | q[uam] [In- de Sacro Bosco, J. Sphaera mundi. 1490. metheo[r]oIogica vti sapie[n]tes expe |- ff. 3ob-47b.] rientia comperientes voluerunt p[er]- q[uam] | vtilissime o[r]dinatu[m] incipit [Qu a est io n es n a t u r a le s antiquorum sidere felici | [et] p[r]imo p[r]ohemiu[m]. PHILOSOPHORUM DE DIVERSIS GENERIBUS | [F. 50a:] Hyppocratis Iibellus de medi- ciborum e t potus] [F. ia. tit:] Questiones co[r]u[m] astrologia finit: a Petro de naturales anti-1 quo[r]um philosopho- abbano | in Iatinu[m] traduct[us]. Im- [r]um tractantes de diuersis | generibus p[r]essus est arte ac diligentia mira Er- cibo[r]um et potus *** [F. 10a:] Imp[r]es- hardi Rat- [ dolt de Augusta Imperante sum in Colonia apud conuentu[m] p[r]e inclyto Iohanne Mocenico duce Uene- | | dicato[r]um per me Co[r]neIium de to[r]u[m]: Anno salutifere incarnationis. Zyrychzee | 1485. | Uenetijs. | 10 ff. il. 40. Coloniae, Cornelius de Zyrychzee, 50 ff. 40. Venetiis, Erhardus Ratdolt, 1485. [circa 1500.] [Hain no. I3393-] [Reichling no. 706.] 72 Annals of Medical History

R a b a n u s M a u r u s, M a g n e n tiu s [Opus de Galieni, Hippocratis, Joannis (Mesue) universo.] [F. ia:] Epistola Rabani ad Damasceni aliorumque opuscula] [F. ia:] Iudouicum regem | inuictissimu[m] [et]c. Abubecri rasis filij zacharie liber. | *** incipit foeliciter. | [F. 166b. col. 2:] vna | [F. 218 a:] Imp[r]essum Mediolani per potestas vna coop[er]atio est. | p[r]udentes [ opifices Leonardum pachel 168 ff. F°. [Argentorati, Adolf Rusch, circa [et] UIdericum | scinzcenceller Teuthoni- 1467.] cos anno a natiuita | te domini Millesimo [Hain no. 13669.] quadringentessimo | octuagessimo p[r]i- R egiomontanus, J o h an n es Disputationum mo. xvi. k[a]I[end]as martias. | Ioannis de monte regio contra cremonen- 218 ff. F°. Mediolani, Leonardus Pachel et sia in planetarum | theoricas deliramenta UIdericus Scienzenceller, 1481. praefatio. | . [Hain no. 13891.] [In- de Sacro Bosco, J. Sphaera mundi. 1490. R o d e r ic u s S a n c t iu s Bishop of Zamora. ff. 22a~3oa.] [Speculum vitae humanae.] [F. ia:] Ad R h a zes, [A bu B ek r M uhammed B en Z a k - sanctissimu[m] et B. d[omi]n[u]m. *** h ariah A lr a c i] [Liber ad Almansorem, Paulum secu[n]dum | pontificem maxi- etc.] [F. 1 a:] Contenta in hoc volumine. | mu[m]. liber incipit dictus spec[u]I[u]m §Liber Rasis ad aImanso[r]em. *** [F. vite | humane. *** [F. 125b:] Finit liber 159b:] §ExpIicit hoc opus mandato [et] dictus Speculu[m] vite humane. *** rec- expensis nobilis viri do | mini Octauiani ta[m] [et] his specula[n]di | p[re]scribendo Scoti Ciuis Modoetiensis. per Bone | turn norma[m] a Ginthero zainer ex Reutlin- Locatellum Bergomensem. i497- die sep- gen | ciui progenito. vrbe aut[em] co[m]- timo me[n]- | sis Octob[r]is. | manenti Augustensi: arte | impressoria in 159 ff. F°. [Venetiis], Bonetus Locatellus for mediu[m] feliciter deditus: Anno a partu Octavianus Scotus, 1497. | virginis salutifero Milesimo quadringen- Hain no.]3i 893.] tesimo sep | tuagesimo primo: ydus vero Ianuarias tercio. [Register.] R h a zes, [A bu B ek r M uhammad B en Z a k - [128] ff. F°. Augsburg, Zainer, 1471. hariah A lr azi] [Liber nonus ad Alman­ sorem cum commentario Sillani de Nigris.] [Hain no. 13940.] [F. 1 a:] AImanso[r]is liber Nonus | cum Rare and beautiful specimen from the first press at Augsburg. expositione Syllani. | [F. 2a:] § Incipit non­ us liber AImanso[r]is cum expo | sitione R o l a n d o f P a r m a . [De curatione pestifero- eiusdem clarissimi docto[r]is Syllani de | rum apostematum.] [F. ia:] Rolandi nigris de Papia. | [F. 89b:] §ExceIIen- capelluti Chrysopolitani Philosophi. par- tissimi doctoris domini Petri de | Tussig- me[n] | sis: ad Magistru[m] Petru[m] de nano Recepte super nono aIma[n]soris gnala[n]dris de parma: Cy | rugicu[m] op­ fe | Iiciter finiunt Impresse Uenetiis per timum: Tractatus de curat[i]o[n]e pesti- Otinum | Papiensem de Luna. Anno salu- feroru[m] | apostematum. Incipit feliciter. tis. M.cccc | xcvii. xii. Cal[endas]. Augus- | [Ad finem:] Rome impressum p[er] In- | *** geniosu[m] viru[m] M a | gistru[m] Vdal- 89 ff. F°. Venetiis, Otinus Papiensis de Luna, ricu[m] gallu[m] de Almania. | 1497. 6 ff. 40. Romae, Udalricus Gallus, [circa 1471.] [Hain no. 13897.] [Hain no. 4374.]

R h a zes, [Abu B ek r M uhammad B en Z a k - R u s t ic h e l l i, P ie t r o T o r r ig ia n o [Com- h ariah A lr a zi] [Tractatus decern medici. mentum in Galeni Iibrum, qui Microtech- Eiusdem liber divisionum et alii tractatus. ni intitulatur.] [F. ia. tit:] Tursani monaci In cu n a b u la 73

plus[que] [com]mentum in | microtegni ga- S a le r n u m , S chool of [Regimen sanitatis Iieni | Cum questione eiusd[e]m de ypos- Salernitanum]. [F. ia. tit.:] Regimen sani­ tasi. [F. 2a (c. sign. A. 2 et n. 2):] Trusiani tatis [F. 2a:] § Incipit regimen sanitatis Monaci cartusiensis plus[que] co[m]men- salernitanu[m] *** Arnaldo de villa noua tu[m] in Iibrufm] | Galieni. qui microtechni *** M.CCCC. octuagesimo. *** [F. 83b:] in titulatur. [F. 1 36b. col. 2:] Explicit Com- Hoc opus optatur q[uod] flos medicine mentum Turisani in Iibrum Galieni qui | vocatur. | §Tractatus excellentissimus qui microtechni inscributur. [Acced. tab. et deregiminesa | nitatis nuncupatur. §Finit quaestio de ypostasi. F. 141b. col. 2.:] feliciter. | Turisani de FIore[n]tia, explicit de ypos­ 83 ff. 8°. [Montpellier], 1480. tasi tractus. tria | habens capitula. | Uene- [Hain-Copinger no. 13747.] tiis impressus ma[n]dato [et] expe[n]sis First dated edition—[Brunet.] According to nobilis Uiri Do | mini Octauiani Scoti Ebert and Cboulant, the first edition. Civis Modoetiensis. 1498. pridie | ydus S a le r n u m , S chool of [Regimen sanitatis apriles. Per Bonetu[m] LocateIIu[m] Ber- Salernitanum.] [F. ia:] Regimen sanitatis gomensem. | salernitanu[m] necno[n] et | mag[ist]ri Ar- 141 ft. F°. Venetiis, Bonetus Locatellus for noldi [de] noua villa feliciter i[n]cipit| Octavius Scotus, 1498. A[n]gIorum regi scripsit scola to | ta saler- [Hain no. 15684.] ni: [F. 135a:] Explicit regimen sanitatis d e S a c r o B o sc o , J o a n n e s [Sphaera mundi.] compositum seu ordi | natum a magistro [F. ia. tit.:] SPHARA | MUNDI. | [F. Arnoldo de villa noua Cathalo | no om­ ib. icon xyl. F. 2a. c. sign, a ii:] SPH AE- nium medicorum viuentium Gemma. | R A E mundi compendium foeliciter in- 135 ff. 8°. [Louvain, John of Westphalia, circa choat. | *** Co[n]tra- | q[ue] cremone[n]- 1480.] sia i[n] planetar[um] theoricas delyra- [Hain no. 13749.] menta Ioan[n]is de mo[n]teregio disputa- | S a le r n u m , S chool of [Regimen sanitatis [ti]o[n]es *** Nee no[n] Georgii purbachii: Salernitanum]. [F. 12b. c. sig. ciiii:] Regi­ i[n] eoru[n]de[m] motus planetar[um] ac |- men sanitatis | §Regimen sanitatis saler­ curatis. theoricae. *** [F. 47b:] Hoc nitanum necnon et magi | stri Arnoldi de quoq[ue] sideralis scientie singulare opus- noui villa feliciter incepit [sic]. | [F. 18b. c. culum Impressum est Venetiis man- | dato sig. ciiii:] §Hoc opus optatur quod flos & expensis nobilis uiri Octauini scoti medicine vocatur. | ciuis modoetiensis Anno Salutis | M.cccc.- Ixxxx. quarto nonas octobris. | [F. 48a:] [In- Publicius, J. Ars memorativa. *** circa 1490. ff. I2b-i8b.] REGISTRUM. | *** FINIS. | [Rubra typ. insig. c. Iitt. OSM.] S a le r n u m , S chool of [Regimen sanitatis 48 ff. ii. 1 wood-cut. 8°. Venetiis, [Bonetus Salernitanum] [F. ia. tit:]REgimen sani­ Locatellus], 1490. tatis Salerni | [F. 2a:] Regimen sanitatis [Hain no. 14113.] Salernitanu[m]: necno[n] et ma= | gistri Arnoldi de noua villa feliciter Incipit. | S a l e r n u m , S c h o o l o f [Regimen sanitatis Salernitanum] [F. 1 blank.] [F. 2a:] Incipit [F. 87b:] Hoc opus optatur quod flos regime[n] sanitatis salernitanu[m] excel- medicine vocatur | Ientissimufm] p[r]o [con]ser | uatio[n]e san­ [88 ff. 40. [Parisiis, Guido Mercator, circa 1484.] itatis toti[us] humani generis *** [F. 80b:] [Copinger no. 5063.] Regimen sanitatis. S a le r n u m , S chool of [Regimen sanitatis 80 ff. 40. [Lugduni, n. pub., circa 1485.] Salernitanum] [F. 1 blank.] [F. 2a:] Regi­ [Copinger no. 5058.] men sanitatis salernitanu[m]. necnon | 74 Annals of Medical History

m[a]g[ist]ri Arnoldi [de] noua uilla. felici- Regimen sanitalis [sic] salernitanu[m] nec- ter i[n]cipit | *** [F. 136a:] Explicit regi­ no[n] [et] | m[a]g[ist]ri Arnoldi de noua villa men sanitatis compositum seu ordi[n]a |- Feliciter incipit. | [F. 136b. (c. sign, sv):] tum a magistro arnoldo de villa noua Hoc op[us] optatur q[uod] flos medicine Cathalono o[m] | nium medicorum viuen- vocat[ur]. [F. 137 blank. F. 138a. (c. tium gemma. | sign, ti):] Incipit liber de co[n]seruatione 136 fF. 40. [Lovanii, Joh. de Westfalia, circa co[r]p[or]is de re | gimine sanitatis.*** [F. 1485.] 166b. (c. sign, y v ):] Explicit regimen sani­ [Copinger no. 5056.] tatis compositum | seu o[r]dinatum a mag­ S a l e r n u m , S c h o o l o f [Regimen sanitatis istro Arnoldo de villa noua Cathalano Salernitanum] [F. ia. tit:] Regimen sani­ omnium medicorum viuen | tium Gem­ tatis | [F. 2a:] Incipit regime[n] sanitat[is] ma. | salernitanu[m] excelle[n]tissimu[m] p[ro] 166 fF. 8°. [Coloniae, circa 1480.] [con]ser | uatione sanitat[is] *** [F. 80a:] [Hain no. 13751.] Hoc opus optatur q[uod] flos medicine d e S a liceto P la c e n t in u s, G u lielm u s vocatur. | Tractatus qui de regimine sani­ [Summa conservationis et curationis] [F. tatis nu[n]cupat[ur] | Finit feliciter. Im- 1 blank wanting.] [F. 2a:] In nomine p[r]essus Argen. Anno d[omi]ni | M.cccc.- domini nostri | iesu Ch[r]isti [et] matris xcj. In die sancti Thome ca[n]tuarien[sis]. | eius virginis Marie *** [F. 178a:] Im- 80 fF. 40. Argentorati, n. pub., 1491. p[r]essu[m] Uenetiis Anno domini. M.- [Hain no. 13758.] cccclxxxx. | die. viij. mensis Madij *** Genuine edition. F IN IS LAUS DEO | Finito Iib[r]o refera- S a l e r n u m , S c h o o l o f [Regimen sanitatis mus gratia Ch[r]isto. | Salernitanum] [F. ia. tit:] Regimen sani­ 178 fF. F°. Venetiis, [Johannes et Gregorius de tatis cum ex- 1 positio[n]e magistri Arnal Gregoriis], 1490. | di de villanoua | [F. 64b:] Hoc opus [Hain no. 14145.] optatur quod | flos medicine vocatur. | Tractatus qui de regimine sanitatis nun­ S avo n ar o la, G io vanni M ic h e le [Canoni- cupate: finit | feliciter. Imp[r]essus ar­ ca de febribus] [F. 1 a. tit:] Practica Sauon- gen. anno domini. M.cccc.xci. | In die arole De Febribus: [F. 2a:] Canonica de sancti Thome cantuariensis. | febribus magistri Michaelis sa | uonarole 64 fF. 40. Argentorati, n. pub., 1491. ad Raynerium siculum incipit. | [F. m b:] [Hain no. 13757.] Ad Iaudem omnipote[n]tis dei: ac gloriose According to Proctor this edition is a Venetian eius | matris Marie *** Venetiis imp[re]s- reprint oj the genuine edition printed at sum p[er] Christo- | ferum de pe[n]sis de Argentorati. Mandello anno Domini. MC | CCCL-

S a l e r n u m , S c h o o l o f [Regimen sanitatis X X X X V I. die. xvi. Octobris. Laus deo. | Salernitanum] [F. ia. tit:] REGIMEN SA= | nitatis cu[m] expositione magistri h i fF. F°. Venetiis, Christophorus de Pensis Arhal- | di de villanoua Cathellano Noui- de Mandello, 1496. ter imp[r]essus. | [F. 82b:] HOc opus opta­ [Hain no. 14488.]

tur: quod | Flos medicine vocatur. | S avo n aro la, G io vanni M ic h e le [De bal- 82 fF. 40. [Venetiis, n. pub., circa 1500.] neis et thermis naturalibus omnibus [Copinger no. 5052.] Italiae] [F. ia. tit:] SAVONAROLA DE S a l e r n u m , S c h o o l o f [Regimen sanitatis OMNI-1 BVS MVNDI BALNEIS. | [F. Salernitanum.] [F. ia. (c. sign, ai):] 32b:] Impressum Venetiis per Cristo- In cu n a b u la 75

feru[m] de Pensis | de Mandello die. xx. S can aro lu s, A nto nius [Disputatio de mor­ Nouembris. | *** bo Gallico] [F. 1 a. tit:] Disputatio Utilis 32 fF. F°. Venetiis, Christophorus de Pensis de de mor | bo gallico Et opinio [n] is | Nicolai Mandello, [1497.] Leo[n]iceni Co[n] | firmatio co[n]tra Ad | [Hain no. 14492.] uersarium Ean | de[m] opinione[m] oppug- S a v o n a r o l a , G io v a n n i M ic h e l e [Opus nan | tern. | [F. 16a:] Explicit disputatio medicinae, seu practica de aegritudinibus Vtilis de Morbo Gallico | Impressu[m] de capite usque ad pedes] [F. ia. tit:] Bononiae, Die uero. xxvi. | Martii. M.­ P[r]actica Ioannis Michaelis Sauonarole. | CCCC. | LXXXX. | VIII. | § | [F. 2a:] §Ad Sigismundu[m] PoIcastru[m] 16 fF. 40. Bononiae, [Benedictus Hectoris], 1498. Uiru[m] quippe ingeniosissi- | mum operi [Hain no. 14505.] p[r]actico deditu[m] amicum optimum. | S ch rick, M ic h a el [Von den ausgebrannten [F. 7a:] §Ioannis Michaelis Sauonarole Wassern] [F. 1 blank.] [F. 2a:] [H]Ienach Patauini clarissimi | ac sui te[m]po[r]is steend verzeichnet die au[ss]geb[r]anntten medico[rum] p[ri]ncipis opus p[r]acticum | wasse[r] *** [F. 3a:] [H]Ie nachuolget in sex tra- | ctatus diuisum feliciter in- ein niiczliche matery von man- | gerley cipit. | [F. 282a:] *** Imp[r]essum vene- au[ss]geb[r]an[n]tten wassern *** [F. 15b:] tijs ma[n] | dato [et] expensis. Nobilis §Ged[r]iickt vnnd vollenndet von Io- Uiri d[omi]ni Octauiani Scoti Ci- | uis | hanni Bamler zii Augspurg. An sant | Modoetie[n]sis. 1497. Quinto Kal[endas]. Margarethen abent. Anno domini. | M.- Iulias | Per B[o]netum Locatellum Ber- cccc.Ixxxij. jar. [et]c. [F. 16 blank.] gomensem. | 16 fF. F°. Augsburg, Johannes Bamler, 1482. 282 fF. F°. Venetiis, Bonetus Locatellus for [Copinger no. 5318.] Octavianus Scotus, 1497. [Hain no. 14484.] S cott, S ir M ic h a el [Liber physionomiae.] S a v o n a r o l a , G io v a n n i M ic h e l e [Summa [F. ia (c. sign. aii-2b tab.):] [F. 3a (c. de pulsibus, urinis et egestionibus] [F. ia. sign, aiiii):] Incipit Liber Phisionomiae: tit:] SAVONAROLA DE PVLSIBVS | quern compi | Iauit magister Michael VRINIS: ET EGESTIONIBVS. | [F. Scotus. *** [F. 46b:] Michaelis Scoti de 44a:] Impressum Venetiis per Magistrum procreatione & hominis Phi | sionomia Cristofo- | rum de Pensis de Mandello. opus feliciter finit. | M.cccc.Ixxxxvii. die | decimo mensis Feb- 46 fF. 120. n. p., n. pub., [circa 1490.] ruarii | [Hain no. 14546.] 44 fF. F°. Venetiis, Christophorus de Pensis de S cott, S ir M ic h a el [Liber physionomiae] Mandello, 1497. [Hain no. 14491.] [F. 1 a. tit:] Liber phisionomie | magistri michaelis | scoti. | [F. 3a:] [I]Nci | pit Ii |- S a v o n a r o l a , G ir o l a m o [Ricetto contra ber phisi = | onomie: | *** [F. 34a:] Mi­ morbo spirituale.] [F. ia:] §Frate Hierony- chaelis Scoti de p[ro]creatio | ne et homin­ mo da Ferrara del ordine de predicatori is phisionomia | opus feliciter finit. | a | suoi dilecti fratelli in Christo Iesu gratia pace & conso | Iatione dello spirito 34 fF. 40. n. p., n. pub., [circa 1489.] sancto. | [F. 2a. 1. 10:] §In conuentu [Hain no. 14543.] Imperfect, ff. 4-5 missing. sancti Marci Florentie. xv. Iulii. M.cccc. | Ixxxxvii. | Laude di fra Hier. ad infiam- S cott, S ir M ic h a el [Liber physionomiae.] mare il core al diuino amore | *** F. 1 a. (c. sign, ai):] (p)RIM A pars Iibri 2 fF. 40. [Florentiae, Bartholomaeus de Libris, huius Cap. i. | [F. 4 (c. sign, aiiii):] 1497.] © N C IP IT Liber Phisionomiae: que[m] | [Hain no. 14371.] compilauit magister Michael Sco- | tus 76 Annals of Medical History

*** [F. 77b. (c. sign, kvi):] Michalis Scoti I a | nuensis interprete Abraam iudes tor- de procreatione & hominis | Phisionomia tuosi | ensi de arabico in Iatinu[m] Inquit opus feliciter finit. | M .C C C C .L X X V II. Serapio. | [F. 136a. col. 2:] Opus impres- 77 ff. 120. [Venice, Jacopo de Fivizano], 1477. sum Venetiis per magi | strum Reynal- [Hain-Copinger no. 14550.] du[m] de Nouimagio AI | manum. Anno First dated edition of the earliest printed work on domini. MccccLxxix | die octauo mensis generation. Iunii. [Register.] [SCRIPTORES ASTRONOMICI VETERES.] [pt. I [2], [133] ff. F°. Venetiis, Raynaldus de Novi- wanting.] [pt. 2. f. ia. (c. sig. A ):] M A R C I magio, 1479. MANILII ASTRONOMICON | AD [Hain no. 14692.] CAESAREM AVGVSTVM | LIBER S e r e n u s S am onicus, Qu in tu s [Liber medi­ PRIM V S. | [pt. 2. f. 124a.] A RA T I cinae.] [F. ib:] Sulpitius Verulanus ad | PHAENOMENON RVFO | FESTO unumquemq[ue] Iectorem: | *** [F. 2a:] AVIENIO PARAPHRA | STE, | *.FIN- QVINTI SERENI SAMMONICI | LI­ IS.* | [pt. 2. f. 125a:] *** A R A T I SOLEN- BER | *** [F. 25b:] Q. SERENI SAM­ SIS PHAENOMENA | CVM COM- MONICI | FINIS: | *** M E N T A R IIS. | [pt. 2. f. 185a:] PRO CLI 26 ff. 8°. [Romae, 1490.] DIADOCHI SPHAERA, ASTRONOMI [Hain no. 14698.] | AM DISCERE INCIPIENTIBVS S er m o n eta, J o h an n es [Quaestiones super VTILLISSIMA. | THOMA LINACRO Iibb. aphorismorum et super lib. Tegni.] BRITANNO INTER- | PRETE, AD [F. 1 a:] Questiones subtilissime Johannis ARCTVRVM, CORNV | BIAE, VAL- | Sermonete super Iib[rorum] affo[r]ismo- LIAEQVE ILLVSTRIS | SIMVM [rum] | Eiusdem super Iib[r]um tegni. | P R IN C IP E M . | [pt. 2. f. 192a:] Venetiis [F. 72b:] §Uenetijs vero imp[r]essa man­ cura, & diligentia Aldi Ro. Mense octob. dato et expensis Nobilis | Uiri D[omi]ni | M. ID. Cui concessum est *** Octauiani Scoti Ciuis Modoetiensis. 1498. pt. 2. 192 ff. il. F°. Venetiis, Aldus Manutius, | p[r]idie Kal. ap[r]iles. Per Bonetum 1499. Locatellum Ber- | gomensem. | [Hain no. 14559.] 73 ff. F°. Venetiis, Bonetus Locatellus for S e r a p io n , J o a n . [Breviarium medicinae.] Octavianus Scotus, 1498. [F. 1 a. tit:] P[r]actica Jo. Serapionis [Hain no. 14701.] dicta | b[r]euiarium. | Liber Serapionis de S ilv a t ic u s, M ath eu s [Liber pandectarum simplici | medicina. | Liber de simplici medicinae] [ff. 1-7 wanting.] [F. 8a:] medicina. dictus | circa instans P[r]actica Liber pa[n]dectaru[m] | medicine: omnia platearij. | [F. 211b:] §Imp[r]essum Uene- medicine simplicia co[n] | tinens: quern tijs mandato [et] expensis nobilis viri | ex omnibus antiquo[r]um | Iib[r]is aggre- domini Octauiani Scoti Ciuis Modoetien- gauit eximius artium *** [Ad finem:] Opus sis per Bo- | netu[m] LocateIIu[m] Ber- pandecta[rum] medicine emenda- | turn gomense[m]. 17. kal. Ianuarias. i497 [sic]. | *** Et imp[r]essu[m] p[er] Her- | manum 212 fF. F°. Venetiis, Bonetus Locatellus for Iichtenstein coloniensem p[r]o- | batissi- Octavianus Scotus, 1497. mum Iib[r]arie artis exacto[r]em Uin | [Hain no. 14695.] centie | S e r a p io n , [J o a n .] the younger. [Liber Sera­ 321 ff. F°. Vincentiae, Hermannus Liechten­ pionis aggregatus in medicinis simplici- stein, [circa 1478.] bus.] [F. 1 a vacat] [F. ib-2b tables.] [Hain no. 15193.] [F. 3a vacat.] [F. 4a (cum sig. a2):] Imperfect, ff. 1-7 missing. Liber Serapionis aggregatus in medi | S ilv a t ic u s, M ath eu s [Liber pandectarum cinis simplicibus. Tra[n]slatis Symonis medicinae] [F. 1 blank.] [F. 2a:] Matheus In cu n a b u la 77

mo[r]etus B[r]ixiensis: Ad reue- | rendis- medulla totius materie ar | tium quat- simum in ch[r]isto patre[m] ac dominu[m] tuo[r] Iib[r]o[rum] sententia[rum] *** [F. Dominum Franciscu[m] de gonzaga Car- 147a:] §Fructuosum facileq[ue] opus in- di | nalem Mantuanum ac Bononie Iega- troducto[r]ium | in Iogicam phiIosophia[m] tu[m]. | [F. 7a:] Liber pandectarum medi­ *** Imp[r]essu[m] v[er]o | cura [et] indus- cine omnia medicine simplicia contine[n]s: tria Nicolai vvolff aIemani.Anno| [Christ] - quern ex om | nibus antiquo[r]um Iib[r]is iane salutis. 1500. die vero. 10. decem- aggregauit exi | mius artium & medicine b[r]is. | docto[r] Mathe | us siluaticus ad serenis- v. 2. 150 ff. 40. [Lugduni], NicoIausWolfF, 1500. simum sicilie rege[m] | Robertum. | [F. [Hain no. 15345.] 308a:] [Con]disi quid est lege Iiteram T h e o b a l d u s , b is h o p [Physiologusdenaturis condes. | duodecim animalium]. [F. ia. tit.:] Phisiol- 308 ff. F°. [Argentorati, Adolf Rusch, circa ogus theobal | di episcopi de naturis | 1470.] duodecim animalium. | [F. 2a:] () Uoniam [Hain no. 15192.] [secundu]m platonem nihil est [or]tu[m] S ilv a t ic u s, M a th eu s [Liber pandectarum sub sole | *** [F. 20a:] Finit phisiologus medicinae] [F. ib:] Matheus mo[r]etus de duodecim naturis a[n]i[m]alium. | B[r]ixensis ad reuerendissimum in ch[r]isto 20 ff. 8°. n. p., n. pub., [circa 1480.] patre[m] ac Dominu[m] D[omi]n[u]m fran- [Hain no. 15467.] First edition. ciscu[m] | de gonzaga Cardinalem Man- tuanu[m]: ac Bononie Iegatum. | [F. 206a:] T heophrastus , E r e s iu s [De historia et causis plantarum.] [F. 2a (cum sign, aaa Opus pandectarum medicine emendatum et n. 1) Incipit Theophrasti. hist, plan­ *** E t i[m]p[r]es | sum Uenetijs arte et ingenio Marini saraceni ( Anno d[omi]ni. tarum; deinde ejusd. Iibb. de causis plantarum, qui term. f. 227a (c. n. 226):] M.cccclxxxviij. xiiij. kal. Iunij. | FINIS | [In- Aristoteles Opera graece. 1497. v. 4. ff. 2a-227a.] 206 ff. F°. Venetiis, Marinus Saracenus, 1488. [Hain no. 1657.] [Hain no. 15200.] T heophrastus , E r e s iu s [De h is to ria et S ilv a t ic u s, M a th eu s [Liber pandectarum causis plantarum] [F. 1 b la n k .] [F. 2a:] medicinae] [F. ia. tit:] Opus pandectarum THEODORI GRAECI THESSALONI- Matthei silua | tici cum Simone ianuense CENSIS AD NICOLA | VM QUINTVM et cu[m] | quotationibus aucto[r]itatum PONT. M A X. | [F. 4b:] THEOPHRASTI Plinii galieni | [et] aIio[r]u[m] aucto[rum] DE HISTORIA PLANTARVM LIBER | in Iocis suis | [F. 154a:] Per Bernardi- PRI | MVS PER THEODORVM GA- nu[m] stagnin de | Tridino mo[n]tifferrati. ZAM IN LATINVM EX GRAE | CO M. | cccc.Ixxxxix. Die ve- | ro. xxvij. Mar- SERMONE VERSVS. |[F. 156a:] IM - cij | Uenetijs. | PRESSVM TARVISII PER BAR- 154 ff. F.° Venetiis, Bernardinus Stagninus de THOLOMAEVM CON | FALONER- Tridino de Monteferrato, 1499. [Hain no. 15199.] IVM DE SALODIO. ANNO DOMINI. M.CCCC. | LXXXIII DIE XX. FEB- T addeo F io ren tin o . Libellus de sanitate. R V A R I. | [In-de Nursia, B. Libellus de conservatione 156 ff. F°. Tarvisii, Bartholomaeus Confalon- sanitate. *** 1477. pp. 265-279.] erius de Solodio, 1483. T a r t a r e t u s, P etr u s [Totius philosophiae [Hain no. 15491.] necnon metaphysicae Aristotelis exposi- d e T h ie n i s , G a ie t a n u s [RecoIIectae super tio] [F. 1 wanting.] [F. 2a:] Questiones V III Iibb. physicorum Aristotelis.] [F. ia:] admodu[m] subtiles et | vtiles cu[m] Gaietani [de] thyenis vince[n]tini philo- 78 Annals oj Medical History

sophi | preclarissimi r[e]coI[I]ecte sup[er] Ientissimi p[ro]Iog[us] | [F. 14a:] Finis octo Iibros phy | sico[rum] Aristotilis [sic] huius. Deo gratias | incipiunt feliciter. | [F. 94a:] Finis recollec- 14 ff. F°. [Argentorati, Martinus Flach, circa taru[m] Gayetani de tyenis | phylosophi 1470.] preclarissimi f[elicite]r Iibris octo phy- [Hain no. 15244.] | sicorum a[ristoteIis] ad Iaudem dei amen. [V e r s e h u n g v o n L e ib , S e e l e , E h r e u n d [Register. In fine:] Deo gratias | G u t ] [F. 1 a. tit:] Versehu[n]g leib sel | er 96 ff. F°. [Tarvisium, Hessen, 1474.] vnnd gutt | [F. 2a:] In disem puch ist [Hain no. 15496.] geschribe[n] ein | notturftige nutzliche Important and little known work by the third trostliche | v[o]n der mass vo[r] vner- printer in Treviso, who printed only two works. ho[r]te vn | terweisung zu uersechu[n]g d e T o rnam ira, J o h an n es [Clarificatorium eines | menschen leib sell er vnd gutt. | super nono Almansoris cum textu Rhasis.] [F. 181 a:] §Ged[r]uckt in der erentreichen [F. 1 a. tit:] Incipit cIarificato[r]iu[m] | stat niirenberg in dem. Ixxxix. iare. | *** ioha[n]nis de to[r]namira | super nono al- 181 ff. il. 40. Norimbergae, [Conrad Zeninger], ma[n]so[r]is cu[m] textu ipsius Rasis. | [F. 1489. 160b:] P[r]eclarissimi opus Ioha[n]nis de [Hain no. 16019.] to[r]namira d o= | cto[r]is famosissimi *** V in c e n t iu s B ellovacensis . [Speculum imp[re]ssum Iug[duni]. p[er]. Ioha[n]nem naturale] [v. 1. F. ia:] Incipit speculu[m] trechsel | alemanu[m] artis imp[r]esso[r]ie naturale Vincentij beluace[nsis] | fratris mag[ist]r[u]m Anno n[ost]re sa | Iutis Mil- o[r]dinis p[re]dicatorum. Et p[r]imo p[ro]- Iesimoquadringe[n]tesimo nonagesimo | Iogus [de] | causa suscepti op[er]is et eius die v[er]o decimaseptima me[n]sis Iunij materia. P[r]imu[m]. | [v. 2. F. 327b:] finit feliciter. | [F. 161.] Tabula. | [F. perstricta sunt, sed Iatiore in fine speculi 162a.] Epistola. | hysto = | rialis. p[er]patescunt. Amen. | 162 ff. 40. Lugduni, Johannes Trechsel, 1490. 2 v. 368 & 328 ff. F°. [Argentinae, Adolf Rusch, [Hain no. 15551.] I473-] [Copinger no. 6256.] [T r a cta tu s de vino e t e iu s proprietate] [F. 1 a blank.] [F. 1 b :] §Genus hominu[m] W ir e c k e r , N ig e l l u s [Speculum stultor- hac nostra etate multis Iaborare | *** [F. um.] [F. 1 a. tit:] Brunellus in speculo 2a. 1.7 :] §Tractatus de uino & eius pro­ stuIto[rum]. | [F. 2a:] [S]Uscipe pauca tibi prietate. | §De uindemiis Capitulum pri- veteris guillerme nigelli | Scripta, etc. [F. mum. | [F. 8b:] Finis. | 60b:] Brunelli in speculo stultorum | Finis 8 ff. 40, [Romae, Johannes Besicken et Sigis- adest feliciter. Amen. | mundus Mayer, circa 1490.] [60] ff. 1 woodcut. 8°. [Leipzig, Kacheloven, [Reichling no. 351.] 1494.] [Hain no. 16217.] V a l e sc u s d e T a r a n t a . [De epidimia et Z e n o , A n t o n iu s [De natura humana.] [F. peste.] [F. 1 a:] Incipit tractatus de epidi­ 1 a:] PETRUS Barbus polensis Sacrae mia et peste | domini ualasti de tarenta Medicinae | Docto[r] ad Lecto[r]em. | *** artium et medicine | docto[r]is excellen- [F. 58b:] §Imp[r]essus Anno d[omi]nicae tissimi Prologus | [F. 20a:] E t sic est finis natiuitatis. M.cccc. nonagesimo p[r]i | mo totius tractatus Deo gracias | 20 ff. 40. n. p., [circa 1475.] Ianuarij p[r]imo p[r]imus hie: per Diony- [Hain no. 15245.] sium. Bononiensem | Uenetijs Iibellus est faustis ominibus. | *** V a le sc u s d e T a r a n t a . [De epidimia et 58 ff. 40. Venetiis, Dionysius Bononiensis, 1491. peste] [F. 1 a:] Incipit tractatus de epidi­ [Hain no. 16281.] mia [et] peste | domini valasti de tarenta: Imperject. v. 2 (sig. b-p)—Liber Mercurialis, artiu[m] [et] me | dicine doctoris excel- missing. EDITORIALS

RENE THEOPHILE HYACINTHE LAENNEC (1781-1826)

O u r cover illustration reproduces the a curious reflection on hospital conditions features of the great internist to whom we at the time. Laennec was led to his great owe the discovery of the stethoscope. Born discovery by observing some children play­ at Quimper in Brittany, February 17, 1781, ing in the gardens of the Louvre, at listening young Laennec grew to manhood during to the transmission of sounds along pieces some of the most troublous years in the of wood. The next day he experimented in history of France. He studied medicine at his ward at the Neckar Hospital, with a Paris, receiving his degree of doctor in piece of rolled-up paper, and the stetho­ 1804. While yet an undergraduate student scope was found. The early stethoscopes he had published a report of the clinical which he contrived were constructed of cy- and pathological findings in a case of car­ Iindroids of glued paper, the later of wood. diac disease with pulmonary complications. Laennec gave the name to the appliance, After graduation he continued his researches forming it from two Greek words, one in pathological anatomy. In 1816 he be­ meaning the chest, the other to observe or came chief of service at the Neckar Hospi­ regard. He communicated the result of his tal, and in the same year he discovered the observations before the Medical Society of value of a hollow tube for the purpose of Paris and to his students in his lectures and listening to the intrathoracic sounds and clinical teachings, but it was not until the interpreting their significance. The value of summer of 1819, just one hundred years percussion had been discovered by Auen- ago, that he published his book, “ De brugger in 1763, and it had been much PAuscultation mediate ou Traite de diag­ employed by Corvisart, Laennec’s chief nostic des maladies des poumons et du teacher. Auscultation of the chest by the ap­ coeur fonde principalement sur ce nouveau plication of the ear to its wall shocked the moyen d’exploration. ” Seven years later, modesty of some physicians, and Laennec on August 13, 1826, at the early age of states that the filthy condition of patients forty-five, he died in the quaint old Breton :n the hospitals made it repugnant to them, town in which he first saw light.

HENRY E. HANDERSON’S “GILBERTUS ANGLICUS.

T h e Cleveland Medical Library Associa- late Dr. Henry E. Handerson, but has done ;ion has not only rendered a graceful and a service to the profession in printing veil-deserved tribute to the memory of the posthumously for private distribution his 8o Annals of Medical History

last contribution to medical literature, Louisiana, now Tulane University. The “ Gilbertus Anglicus, a Study in Thirteenth outbreak of the Civil War interrupted his Century Medicine.” Dr. Handerson’s article course. Dr. Handerson enlisted in the was originally designed for publication in Confederate Army, in which he finally the Cleveland Medical Journal, which un­ achieved the rank of major. During the last fortunately ceased to exist before it could year of the Rebellion he was a prisoner of appear in its columns. The article was in war. When it was over he resumed his type at that time. Shortly after Dr. Hander- career as a medical student at the College of son died and the editors of the Journal, Physicians and Surgeons of New York, with the consent of his family, turned it over graduating in 1867. From that date until to the Council of the Cleveland Medical 1885 he practiced his profession in New Library, who, recognizing its value, have York City, then going to Cleveland, Ohio, given it to the profession in its present form. where he remained until his death, which To those who are aware of the erudition, took place on April 23, 1918. During the last critical ability, and accuracy of all of the two years of his life Dr. Handerson was total­ author’s previous work, this scholarly study ly blind. From a very early period Dr. Han­ of the “ Compendium Medicinal” of Gilbert derson was deeply interested in the history of England, the earliest complete work on of his profession. In 1883 he published general medicine by an English author, The “ School of Salernum,” an historical will be most welcome. Reviewing all the data sketch of medieval medicine, which is one available and adding materially to it, on of the best studies of the subject in English, the disputed points, as to the exact period but his magnum opus was his translation of of the life of Gilbert and the date at which Baas’ “ History of Medicine,” which appear­ his book was written, Handerson concludes ed in 1888. This is really much more than a that he was born about 1180, and that his translation, as the section dealing with the book was written circa 1240. The contents history of medicine in this country was of the Compendium are carefully reviewed really written by Dr. Handerson, and his and analyzed and the chief editions de­ notes on and revision of the German text scribed. It is curious that the Compendium add greatly to the value of the work. It is was held in such esteem by subsequent this book which is probably referred to generations, that a printed edition of it more often than any other by medical appeared as late as 1608. Dr. Handerson’s men in the United States, when seeking study will be found an invaluable addendum light on matters connected with the history to the previous studies by Dr. J. F. Payne of medicine. Dr. Handerson was a pioneer on this extremely interesting Father of worker in medical history in this country, English Medicine, and is stimulating as and his work has never received sufficient illustrating the method to be employed in recognition. The posthumous tribute of the such research. A word as to Dr. Handerson Cleveland Medical Library Association is himself is due, largely because of the ex­ most just, and we can imagine no other cessive modesty with which he was wont offering to his memory which would have to obscure his light. He was born in Ohio in been more appreciated by Dr. Handerson 1837 and began his medical studies at the himself. Medical Department of the University of F r a n cis R. P ackard HISTORICAL NOTES

CURRIE’S “JOURNAL”

D r . J a m es C u r r ie ’s manuscript “Jour­ The other letters sold related chiefly nal,” sold, with many letters, at Sotheby’s to Burns and his friends, many of which July 24th, 1918, has an interest for were used by Currie in writing the life of American readers. He is remembered as the the poet. There were three letters from first editor of the collected works of Burns, Benjamin Rush, in one of which he begs to and as an early student of thermometry and inform his friend, Dr. Currie, that “ peace, hydro-therapy. order, and plenty continue to pervade every As an apprentice lad at Cabin Point, part of the United States.” It is satisfactory Virginia (1771-1776), his Tory principles to know that the most important of these were the cause of much trouble. After many documents were secured by the Public difficulties, fully narrated in his “ Life” Library, Liverpool. (1831), he escaped. The “Journal,” which A few years ago a valuable group of with many letters was bought by the Public Burns’ manuscripts, which had belonged Library, Liverpool, is the diary of a voyage to Dr. Currie, were sold by the Liverpool from Nixonton, N. C., to the Island of St. Athenaeum, to which they had been pre­ Martin, between September 19th and sented by his son. There was a public October 29th, 1776. It is not of much protest, but fortunately the purchaser, a interest except as illustrating the careful citizen of Philadelphia, gave them to the self-education of a Scotch lad, and the Burns Library, Kilmarnock. horrid discomforts of a sea-voyage in those Currie had deservedly a most successful days. Much more interesting in the same career in Liverpool. His “ Life” is well volume is the manuscript of a letter which worth reading, and the two volumes of his Currie wrote in defense of the Scotch in “ Medical Reports on the Effects of Water,” Virginia, and which appeared in Pinkney’s 1797, are full of original observations on the Gazette on the 22d and 24th of March, 1775. clinical use of the thermometer. In this For fifty years the Glasgow merchants had study he was far in advance of his con­ the lion’s share in the tobacco trade of the temporaries, who looked askance at his colony, and their agents were slow in researches; so much so that the German joining the newly formed continental asso­ translator quoted them in illustration of the ciation, which made them unpopular, and backward state of English Medicine! Weir led to abusive attacks. Currie writes in Mitchell, who had a great admiration for defense of his countrymen, posing as a Currie, called my attention to his works, resident of forty odd years. It is a remark­ which he regarded as among the most able letter for a young man |of nineteen, valuable in English medical literature. full of good sense and well expressed. W illia m Osl e r 82 Annals of Medical History

LOCAL HISTORY

T he histories of local institutions which library was housed in the beautiful building have performed important functions in the which it now occupies on the Fenway. life of any community and their compilation Besides having one of the largest collections is a duty which, conscientiously performed, of medical books in the world, it also con­ furnishes material of the greatest value to tains a most valuable collection of medical the historian, as well as stimulating local medals, autographs, and pictures, and a pride in their continuance and welfare. number of very important medical incunab­ Two books of this character have recently ula. been brought to our notice, both dealing The other book records the great achieve­ with institutions situated in Boston, which, ments of the Humane Society of Massachu­ however, have exercised an influence for setts2 during one hundred and thirty years good far beyond the local confines of that of beneficent activity. The Society was city. “The History of the Boston Medical founded in 1785 by a group of well-known Library,” 1 by Dr. John W. Farlow, its dis­ Bostonians to whom the work of the tinguished Librarian, is of the greatest British Royal Humane Society had been interest, not only to the medical profession, described by an English traveler. Its first but also to all those concerned with library object was the resuscitation of persons work. The Boston Medical Library was drowned or suffocated, for which purpose it founded in 1805, by a group of prominent studied the various methods to be employed, medical men belonging to the Medical procured appliances useful toward that Improvement Society of that city. In 1826 end, and bestowed rewards on various it was merged in the Boston Athenaeum. rescuers. One method of resuscitation which In 1875, chiefly owing to the activity and the Society especially studied and for some zeal of Dr. James R. Chadwick, it was years approved, was the use of tobacco determined by a number of physicians to fumigations in the rectum, special fumiga- once more establish a distinct medical tors being provided in convenient places library, the drawbacks to having collections where drowning accidents were frequent. of medical books merely as sections of other Circulars were drawn up for distribution public libraries such as the Athenaeum and conveying instructions for resuscitation. the Boston Public Library, having become From its origin to the present day, the manifest to all. Thus was begun the Boston Society has numbered the most prominent Medical Library Association, the word citizens of Boston among its active members Association not being dropped from its title and friends. It early began to enlarge its until 1896. From its foundation it was scope by the erection of huts of refuge along successful. By the acquisition of medical dangerous points on the Massachusetts libraries belonging to individuals, either by coast wherein shipwrecked mariners would gift or bequest, and of libraries founded by find tinder and material for making a fire, other societies, such as the Medical Obser­ blankets and food. These huts were the vation Society, and the Massachusetts first organized effort at establishing any­ Medical Society, its growth soon assumed thing like a life saving service on our coast, phenomenal proportions. As it grew, it and they proved of the greatest value. became necessary to move its quarters from Stimulated by their success, the Society, time to time, until finally, in 1901, the 2 “ The Humane Society of the Commonwealth 1 “The History of the Boston Medical Library,” of Massachusetts,” an historical review, 1785-1916, by John W. Farlow, M.D., privately printed 1918. by M. A. De Wolf Howe. Boston, 1918. H isto rical N otes 83

which had launched the first lifeboat benefactions of the Society. It offered a known in the United States in 1807, in 1840 reward for the best collection of facts bear­ began the establishment of life-saving ing on the origin of yellow fever, hoping stations, equipped with boats and crews that if the cause might be ascertained, the to man them, at intervals on the coast of the recurrence of the disease might be averted. State. In 1869 there were no less than 92 of In 1843 ^ gave $500 towards the purchase of these stations in active operation. Two years a telescope for the astronomical observatory later, in 1871, the United States govern­ at Harvard. It contributed liberally, from ment instituted its coast guard system, its funds, towards the establishment of the thereby obviating to a great extent the Massachusetts General Hospital and other necessity for private enterprise, so that by objects connected with the public health. 1916 the Society had decreased the number It is doubtful if any other organization in of its stations to 36. The records of some of the United States possesses so long and the heroic rescues, made by its crews, fill varied a record of useful benevolence, and pages of the book before us, and cause a preservation of its history in permanent thrill of grateful admiration towards the form is well worth while. Society which rendered them possible. F r an cis R. P ackard Many and various were the other public

PASTEUR DRAMATIZED

T h e great French pictorial weekly L ’Il­ seventieth birthday. M. Guitry has used lustration has recently resumed its practice with dramatic effect some of the vivid of publishing as a supplement the current incidents in the great man’s life, and the plays of literary worth produced in the play gives a moving idea of his unswerving theatres of Paris. On March 1st it published devotion to scientific truth and of the in this manner “ Pasteur,” a play in five acts, irritation caused him by the unscientific written by Sacha Guitry, and produced criticism of his logical methods and the for its premier at the Vaudeville with the absolute accuracy with which he employed author’s father, Lucien Guitry, in the title them. We know of no similar dramatization role. M. Guitry states that he was stimulated of a great scientist’s achievements, and the to write the play by reading the classic value of such a production in its effect on life of Pasteur by Valery-Radot. The action either professional or lay audiences must be is based on facts narrated in the book, immense. Appended are a number of crit­ especially the inoculation of Joseph Meister, icisms by the leading French dramatic the first patient upon whom Pasteur used critics which are unanimous in their expres­ the antirabic virus. M any of the lines in the sions of approbation. play are Pasteur’s own utterances. The final act is the great reception in honor of his F r an cis R. P ackard BOOK REVIEWS

Aspects of Death and Correlated A spects of exhaustive iconography of death with a L ife in Art, E pigram, and Poetry. Contribu­ complete anthology. It forms, as the author tions towards an Anthology and an Iconography says, an “ essay on the mental attitudes of the Subject. Frederick Parkes Weber, M.A., towards ideas of death and immortality,” M.D., F.R.C.P., F.S.A. XI + 786 pages; 145 illustrations, third edition, revised and much and the various ways these have affected enlarged. Price $7.50 net. New York: Paul B. the individual, as illustrated in epigram, Ftoeber. poetry, and the minor works of art, such as gems, medals, jewels, etc. The byways of literature are much fre­ Of the four parts into which the work is quented by doctors—to their great benefit. divided, the first is general and historical, With a hobby a man is reasonably secure the second an arrangement and analysis of against the whips and arrows of the most the various possible aspects of death, the outrageous fortune. Among our English third deals with medals and coins, and the brethren an avocation is more common than fourth with engraved gems, rings, and jewels, in America, and in the midst of a busy and representations in pottery. It forms an practice a man will keep a keen interest in extraordinary study on the reaction of man’s literature or botany or archaeology. It is mind towards the last great act; and one is interesting to note that at present the Presi­ astonished at the industry and versatility dent of the Poetry Society, the President of of the author who has laid under contribu­ the Bibliographical Society, and of the tion the literatures of all time. Every aspect Classical Association, are physicians. of death is discussed, and he clothed the The volume before us represents the avo- time-worn skeleton by correlating every cational studies of one of the best known of aspect with the living. London physicians, and a student of ex­ Of special interest to the doctor is the long traordinary keenness. To-day Dr. Parkes section in Part 2, dealing with the medical, Weber is in medicine the successor of sanitary, and social attitudes towards death. Jonathan Hutchinson, and an anomalous It is astonishing how much medical his­ case or a new disease is sure to be illustrated tory may be read from coins. From the fifth at once from his wide experience. This work century B.C. are Sicilian coins illustrating is an outcome of his studies in Numis­ the freeing of Selinus from a pestilence, pos­ matics, to which subject he has made many sibly malaria, by the drainage of the neigh­ valuable contributions, and on which his boring marshlands. The special work by father, the late Sir Hermann Weber, was a Pfeiffer and Ruland—“ Pestilentia in Num- distinguished authority. mis”—deals with the medals and tokens The book has grown in a remarkable relating to epidemics of plague and other way; the first edition, 1910, consisted of a infectious diseases. The literary value of the series of articles reprinted with alterations work is enhanced by references from the and corrections from the Numismatic Chron­ authors of every period; for example, under icle. A second enlarged and revised edition this section of the emblematic representa­ appeared in 1914. The present greatly en­ tion of disease, Johnson’s striking statement larged and rearranged edition combines an is quoted:

V