OLD WATERFORD SOCIETY

.. - . . . . Number I3 January I980 I

Page

Medieval Waterford Parts 11 and 111

I.. . . .' II County Waterford in *the ~hirteenthCentury. by C.A. Empey.

111 The Goverment of the ~unicipal'ityof Waterford in the Thirteenth Century.

The Social and l$conornic Evnlutian of South Kilkenny kn the Settentegn and Eighteenth Centuries.

Life in Ring in the Nineteenth Century. . . .. 1 . . Veterinary ~ns~ec'tionat Waterford Port, I 1876 to 1900. by M.W. ~erild~. *. 8prfng Pragraaip of the Old Wat aaford Sw.ie>ty. . . Those names marked * have paid their subscription for 1980. All other - rubacripti~mof G2.50 for 1980 are now due and my be sent to the Hm. Treasurer of the Old Waterfor6 Society - Mrs. R, Lmley9 29, Daiay Terraoe, Waterford. New members .*relcone. . . Anthony, adisa M. KiPdalton, ~iltown,via Waterford Anmnclata, Sr. M. Convent of Mercy, Waterford Asaumpta, Sr, EB. Presentation Convent, -, Co. Waterford Bennis, Mias E, Church Road, Tramore, Co. Waterford * BeIfwt Library Society for Promoting Knowledge, 17, Donegal ~tree~wf-t. Bowe, Mra. EC,, 21, Thomas Street, Waterford. Brady, Bllr. P. Kilmgmge, Ki"lmacthom%s, Co, Waterford Bmsil, Mr. .XI. "SCilla~4~~,John1-s Hill, Waterford Brem, Mr. J, , 18, Main Street, Mooncoin, via Waterford Brennrtv -Smith, Paim M.A., 'lGliftonn,'Pramare, Co, bterford. Brem, Mr. R. Sweetbiax Park, 'Pramore, Co. Waterford' Buckleg, Mrs. M. 3, Clashrea Place, Waterford' +Burke, Mr. J. Ballyglan, Woodstown, Co. WaterGord Wke, I&. & %a. W ., "AislinI1, Xew S tree t , terf ord Ihcophy, Hra. ., 18 Noanlam, %amore, C?. pierford. Call, lib. & Mrs. 2. , ltl;eath Hillf1, Sltmmerville Avenue, Waterford Cahillane, W. & Mrs. 1. lr'Priberg", 106, Viewmount Park, Waterford Camoll, Nr. P. ~lSummerville~odge"', Smervi'Lle Avenue, Waterford +C~oll,Mr. & Mrs. S. flArdaun", Newt-, Waterford Wasaidy, Mr. IJ . ItLisacuLrt, Marian Park, Waterf ord Cassfn, W. P. J., I1Eden Court, Water Stree*, Waterford. Charles, Sr, I., Ursuline Convent, Waterfords Christof femon, Mrs. R., Boats trand, Annestown, Co . Waterford +Oolclough, Mr. B. 9, Pearse Park, laterford Cooney, Mr. T., 145, Rockenham, Ferrybat&, Waterford Cotter, Mr. D. "Padua", Springmount, Dungamran, Co. Waterfard *Cmrmn Mr. D., Knockane, Annestown, Co. Waterford County Library, Lismore, Go. Waterf ord Cmey, We. J., 6, Parnell Street, Waterford *Croke, W. & Mrs. J., 208, Viewmount Park, Waterfoxd Culleton, Miss K ., St. Killianfe Place, Ferrybank, Watsrf ord Culleton, Miss M., St. Killianfa Place, Perrybanlr, Wslterford. Cuddihy, Mr. P. 9, Queen Street, Wemore, Wahrford

Dalton, Mr. F., 92, Caldemooa Road, Dublin 9. De Lourdes, Sr. M. Convent of Mercy Waterford Denn, Mr. & Mrs. T. "Maria Monte1', Hewrath, Waterford Dillon, Mr. F. "iCrespann, The Polly, Waterford *DobQm, Mr. J. N., 18, Rossall Drive, CadLeg, Polwood, 'Preaton,Lanca,Bnglard Doherty, Miss I. Co. & City Infirmary, John's Hill, Waterford Doolln, Ms. Dm, "lonteuza", 27, Grange Lawn, laterford *Dowling, Mr. F. 146, Viewmount Park, Vaterford Dogle, ULr, A. 3allymountymare, Emiacorthy, Co. Wexford Dume, Idre. 33, Fdthlegge, Waterford *Egan, ma, J. G. ~~r!~lle~f,Johnt B Hill, Waterf ord Ellis, Mr. J. "Loftus Vfewu, Dunmore East, Co. Waterford

+Pslsning, &PI.17. Viewmount Park, Waterford Fanning, Edisia P. 1, RaLlway Square, Waterford Pemrell, &. Iain, "Lime HillT1,Newtown, Waterford *Fewer, Mrs. T. "Hill Crest", Passage Road, Vaterf ord JcPewer, Mr. N. %illcrest", Pmsage Road, Waterford Pinnegan, %f 3s A. 17B, Beau Street, :aterford Poleg, W. 0. Ballyduff Grove, Kilmeaden, Co. Waterford Poley l,actioneers, :.:illizm Stree*, is'aterford Galgey, Mrs. M. Dunmore East, Co. Waterford * Gallagher, Mr. L. wa lor na Naral1, Sutton, Dubliil Gallagher, Mrs. R. 12, Parnell Street, Yaterford Garrigan, Miss M. 4, Wellington S trcet, Waterloo, Liverpool ,England Gljm, Mr. & Mrs. R. M. "Malainn", Sumclerville Avenue, b!aterf ord Goff, Mr. J. IiHill View", Golf Links Road, Ferrybank, 7aterford Green, Mr. D, Ballydroichead, Cahir, Go. Tipperary Griffin, Mr. 3 Mrs. P. Ballindud, Vaterford * Griffin, Nr. & Mrs. W. 8, Pilarymdunt, Ferrybank, '-ratsrford * Grogaia, Mrs. M. 10, Marymount, Perrybank, !!&terf ord Grubb, Miss C . 55, Roselmn, Trai lore Ileights, Tramore, Co. :.laterford Grubb, Mr. & Mrs. T!. B. "Glanmirc", Eallycarnane, Tramore, Co. ''Jaterford * Guiness, 3on.s De~~mond,Leixlip Castle, Co. Kildare Halliday, Miss Y. Love Lane, Tra~~~ore,Co. !'!atcrford Hearne, Mrs. E. ltMossleighll, Sunmcrville Avenue, Waterford Hearne, Mr. & PiIrs. J. G. "Pair Viere", Tramore, Go. Waterford Hearne, Miss N. 4, Lady Lane, 'daterford Hearne, Mr. K, llDun-an-Oir", Newrath, Waterf ord. * Henchy, &!IraR. Hewtown Buildings, Bewtown, -Y!eterford Hennebry, Nrs. B. Bishopts Court, Tiatorford * He-messy, Mr. C. 84, St. John's Park, Waterford Iiennessy, Mrs. P. 'IS t . Albaml', LeperBtown Cross, Duninore East ,Co .';laterford Heylin, Mr. F,.Duagh, Trwore Road, Waterford. * Hodge, Mr. E. lfRosecroft" , UrsuLinc Road, Yaterf ord * Hodge , Mr. 3. uAvonlea", Ursuline Road, ',!aterf ord * Holman, Mr. D. Garda Station, Dmnore East, Co. Waterford * Holt, Dr. E. 14, Byngmorris Close, Sketty, Swansea Howett, Mr. R. Dept. of Geography, Trinity College, Dublin Hurley, Miss R, 34, St. Mary1s Terrsce, I-Ienrlessy' s Road, V!aterford Hpes, Miss IT. "Knockeaton", Tramorc, Co. 'aterford Jacob, Mr. C . 5. "Ardrnore" , Suurmerville Avenue, ,:!aterf ord Jordan, Mr. M. Lisnatigue, Huggins town, Co. Kilkenny * Kavanagh, Mr. & MWs. G. "Rosedale", Ballinaneesagh, Waterf ord Kelly, Miss K. "Bellavista" , Priest s Road, Tramore, Co. ;!aterf ord * Kelly, lIiss I&. "Bellavista" , Priest s Road, Tramore, Co. Xaterford Kelly, Mr. J. P. 53, Sweetbriar Lavm, Tranorc, Co. '!.'sterford Kenealy, Mrs. M. 25, Patrick Street, Kilke-nny * Kel?nt:ally, Mr. P. 16, Cork Road, i!aterford Keimedy, Miss I. "Kincora", Dwlmore East, Go. .laterford Kiersey, Mrs. M. IE. 7-~llyhussa, Xi~cthomas,Co. Waterford Kinch, Mr. J. 4, Percy Terrace, Lower Newtown, Pleterford Kirwan, Ws. B. 112, Cannon Street, Waterford Killeen, Nr. A. K. 2, lhdsleigh Villas, Tramore, Co. ',laterford Kraus, Mr. D. "Holmacre", Newtown, Waterford Limerick City Museum, City Hall, Hutland Street, Limerick Lincoln, Mrs. S . krd~~~orc,Co. Waterf ord * Lwnley, Mr. Ian, "Pormbg" ,Daisy Terr~ce,!!aterford * Lmley, Mrs. R . "Formby", Daisy Terrace, :'!aterf ord Maguire, ,'ire3. 1,. Dublin o on.) Maher, Miss H. 120, Sweetbriar Lawn, Tramore, Co. 'laterford Maher, Mr, J . Milepost , S lleverue , via Yaterf ord *Nadden, Nrs , B. 80, Rockenhnm, Berrybank, 'l'aterf ord Mayes, Dean, The Deanery, Lismore , Co. !iaterf ord *McCarthy, V, Rev. D. 3. ,POP., 67, Griffith Avenue, IZarino, Dublin 9 McCarthy, iiiss P. 17, Cathedral Square, 't7aterf ord McEvoy, I,Ir, P. 84, Roselawn, Tramore Heigkts, Tramore, Co. !!aterf ord XIcHenry, I~S.13. Kin&'o Charmel, Island Lane, Waterford. TSedlyco-tt, Ak. J . Mount Tenple Comprehensive School, l!Ielahide RoadsDublin 3 MemoriRl University of S toJohn, ITewfoundland , Canada * Merricks, Iks . 110, ?:Iackie Avenuz, Zrighton Sussex, England Mhic Mhurchu, Xrs. D. fin Linn Bhui, An Riiu, Dungzrvan, Co. Y!aterford Minahnn, hlr. L. 'lKylebegii, New Ross, Co. Yexford * Mulhol~~and;Kr . J . Ballynasissala, Sonm~~bon,Co . !!aterford * Murphy, Nr. J. ;I. "Ivy Lodge", Patrick Street, Tramore, Co. Yaterford Murphy, I:&. i;: ?;Trs. S . Hillfield, Kilmacthocncs , Co. Waterford * Mullally, Miss c/o Shaws, The Quay, 'ilsterfo-cd +McGrath, Mr. Ray, 3650 Nountain Street, Apt. 606, Montreal, Quebec,Canada * NcGratb, Nr. Toa, Georgestown, Kill, Co. Vaterford

IJationcl irusem of Ireland, KildCwe S trect , Dublin Newberry Library, 60, West Valton S trcct, Chicago, Illinois, U.S .a. Deylin, Tks . i'l . 21, Derron Avenue, South Yardley , Birmingham, England Uolan, Miss A. Old Deanery, Cathedral Square, Waterford Nolan, Mr. U. 24, Kennington Road, Teqleogue, Dublin 12 Norton, Dr. E. Westgate End Rousc, Wakeficlci, \,!est Yorkshire, England Nokn, Mr. T. Robin IXll, Penor, Tramore, Co. L!aterford

OfBpne, 1Nr. J. Oldcourt, ?ernpleoru:z, Piltown, via. :laterford 0 IC ezdagain, Mr. C ."Parranlea", Dunmore Road, Raterford OIConnor, Mr. E. 8, Parnell Street, Waterford OfDoherty,lilr. H. '"#eston", Patrick Street, Tramore, Co. Waterford OTDonnellgMG. El. 'lH1ll Cottage", CWning, Cmriclc-on-Suir, Co. Tipperary OfDonoghue, Nr. B. 2, St. John's Villas, i,!!aterford 0150novan, kh. B Nrs. J. "F4aril;al_", Grange Lawn, Yzterford OTHara, Tlr. P. G~rdaStation, portlaw, Co. Waterford *OIMeara, Kr. J. 35, Rockenham, Ferrybank, Waterford OINeill, Nx. & Zlrs. Ma 66, Grecedieu, Ya.terford *ofNeill, Eb. P. 38, Jokmstown, "aterford *O1ITeill, !Ir. S . 38, Johns town, '!ktcrford OIRegan, Kr. E. 3, The Grove, Ferrybank, Waterford OIRegan, Mr. I?. 3, The Grove, Ferrybank, Yaterford '$0 'Reilly, Niss E. 5, Railway Square, ?laterford @'Weill, Miss S. 14, Williaa Street, Yaterford OISullivan, Miss S. 19, The Mall, Vaterford OIBeill, M. J. Coolbuim?a Cottage, Cheekpoint, Co. Vaterford

Patterson, Miss B. 4801, Sheboysan Ave- Apt. 512, Nadison, Winconsin,U.S .A. Pml, Sr . Ursuline Convent, Waterf ord Pickard, Nr. & Mrs. G. 23, Patrick Strect, I!atcrford + Phelan, ?k.& Xrs. D. Grantstown, Waterford * Phelan, I&. & Mrs. J. 71, klarian Pwk, '7aterford Phelan, Elrs. Id. 10, College Road, Kil!cemy Power, Mr. C. 14, Davis Stseet, !Vaterford Power, Miss E. 82, Viewmount Park, Wa-t;erford Power, Nrs . 71. High Street, Kilnacthoms, Co , '.!attrf ord '"ewer, Rrs. 11. 27, St. Killian' s Place, Berrybcnlc, .i@terford . Fower, Mrs. B. Kilbride House, Tranore, Co. Caterford Power, F3ss P. 82, Viewmount Park, W:~aterIord Power, Xr. T. 57, Marian Park, Yaterford + Power, Nr. J. Tickincor, Clonmel, Co. Tippcrarg * Furcell, I&. P. 39, Tirconnell Avenue, Lisclore Latwn, [:aterl"ord Power, Mr. R. Eallygmmermore, Grantstovm, 'izterf ord Queen's University, Belfast Riordm, Xr. & Rlrs . J . ''Taraf' , Airmou~ntVillcs , '!/ateri"ord Royal Irish Academy, 19, Dawson Strect, C.a%Zin.2 Royal Society of Antiquaries, Merrion Square, Tlublin Ryan, Dr. & Xrs. J. L. 13, Parnell Street, Vaterford - 7 * Ryan, ;:a6.M. "St. I\i~rnes'~,Rilliney Road, Killiney, Go, DuSlip. Scanlon, Eir. 1.2. 40, Sallypark, V!aterford bI & 14. Co. Shcridan, &. Mrs. 3, Trarnore Zeights, Tramore, Waterford *-Sneyd, Miss M. 78, Cork Road, Yaterforct S tarkey, Mrs. E. 'Innishannonf , Cove Road, Tramore, Co. Vaterf ord Strain, Mr. F. 16, Sexton Street, ;:bbeyside, Dungarvan, Co.:.!izterford Stevens, Ilr. & lirs. R. \ire "Green Gates",Ballycarney, Tramore, Co.YJaterford Stewart, ;dr . J. "Tivoli" , Uarian Park, Jaterford Sullivan, a.21. Geor estown, Kill . Co. WBfelf~rd *Sherrdan, Nr . & ms. . ~uarrymount", Uppar Orango, ileterford . *Taylor, 1.k. A. 36, IZarian Terrace, Trc?m, Ca. Waterford * Thornton, Nr. A. 6, Johnt s Hill, !Vatcrf ord Traynor, Mrs. N. "Cherry Cottage", Rockshire Road, Ferrybank,Waterford Traynor, Mrs. N. "2oundwood", Grange Park Road, Y!aterf ord Turner, EZiss M. Cooleen, Church Lme, Thmesditton, Surrey, England

*Upton, I&. S. 99, LIount Sion Avenue, Waterford

Wzlsh, Miss d. 7, Bernard Place, Baterford 'iialsh, Fir. 8 ?Irs. J. J. "Cliff Grange", Church Road, Trmore,Co .'!laterford

* Yalsh, Mrs. Id. 82, Marpount, Ferrybank, Raterford Walsh, Mrs. N. 9, Thouas' Hill, ?!aterford Yalsh, Mr. Ec IIrs. 3. 47, Summerville Avenue, naterford *Walton, Nr. J. Sutton Park School, Dublin +Ware, Xrs .& 6, St. Laurence Terrace, B~terford Y!aterford Harquis of, Curreghore House, Portlaw, Co. Waterford. !7e bster, Hrs E. "Morven" Grange Park Road, rlaterford Wekr, Mr. & F:Zrs. E. 15, Rockfield Park, Waterlord *Wighain, Mr. & Mrs. M. J . "Green B~",Pwtnethally ,Carrigeen,Waterford ilcox s.I. 15, Cathedral Squzre, '2aterford -R1;!hite, Miss E. 7, Swwrhill, Y!aterford.

(~ote:%is brings the membership list up to date for early January 1780. However, those who normally pay by bankers' order have not been asterisked as havingpaid for 1789. Other subscriptions will be separately acknowledged. )

-7-

part9 111 h IV.

1 *I the cltg, I

slthough the irilo-Norraana were comparatively late arrivals in the Wa4ipriard area, the task of welding the older Norse and Celtic territorial fr-ts into a unit of system8tic regional administration, the origin of the modern county, fell to them. In spite of -:he inrosda mede by the revival of Gaelic culture in the later middle ages, rnd the upheavals of the 'Pudor and Stuart period, the fact remains t'flat the county has remailled substasitially unchanged since the thirteenth centuxy. Thus any attempt to Unde~~tandthe internal and external boundaries of the present ccunty must take into ?.ccount the original divisions of the county into the fiefs of the Uomm period. In a sense it is true to say that the history of modern Ireland began v~iththe Anglo-Xorman settlement: nothing demonstraJces this essential c~nti~uitymore effectively than an exami- tion of the origins of our county boundaries.

!Yithoutthe aid of maps the iInglo-IJ~m~had no alternstive but to use or modify existing Celtic and florse divisions. The county boundaries appear at first to have corresponded to the dioceses of Waterfaxd and Limore. That Lismore north of the Suir was originally included in Co. Waterford i.a -a-d by the fact that- iil the pipe roll of 14 John (1211-1212) the heriff of Waterford was charge? on his account v:ith the issues of the mrs01 'I'ibberaghny and Kilsheelan . It is also noticeeble that the pariehes of Inishlounaght, Clonmel, Killaloan, and Xilsheelan lie estride the Suir, indicating that the river did not constitute a boundary when the parishes were created in the wake of the Norman settlement. Just when Ilimore north of the Suir was detached froml~!aterford is not evident, 'out -it must have occurred sometime in the first half of the thirteenth century. Thereafter Waterford remained virtially un- changed with the exception of a small area between the Slackrrater and Bride rivers, which formed part of thc medieval co~mtyof Cork. 2

The ultinate origin of the internal boundmies lies shrouded in the mists of Celtic nnd Norse settlements. The fact that the names of the eight cantreds into nhich the county was divided aftcr the Bornan conquest are of Gaelic derivation suggests tb-t they mmt represent the territories of the OIPaolains and their client septs. Except for the area around 'Jate-rford city - the cantred of Offath - the Borse settlement had not penetrated deeply into the interior, being more in the nzture of the Greek poleis fo~mdedon the shores of the Idediterraman aiid Black seas in the dawn of the classical period. Norse 'hJaterford was a city-state, not a territorial kin@om. The enduring achievement of the . - -g7 '~n~lo- orm man settlement was the welding of these scattered territories into a cohesive unit through the impo,~itionof 'the English system of shire government '9 at the beginning of the thirteenth century, if not slightly earlier . The invaders introduced ip'io Ireland a culture which was Borman-French, but choae to or&iisg their cdlony by importing systems of law &id administration which were cha%acte$istically English. Thus it is well always to speak"of an'Anglo- Nomsett>ernen%, because it had features which were sinultaneously Bormm-. . . and ~wl%h.

The ~mra?ctgrof the Anglo-Norman Settlement: . . . . . ,-.... A certwg. sf unprecedented European expansion occurred in tho period i&rvsn- ing betmen.-the battle of Hastings md the arrival of Renry-31 ia -Waterfwd, and this expaslsion was destined to contLnue almost uni.ntemp.Wly~LL&w& the ~&L&Wf the -fourteenth century. This ?itres an age of unprecedenhed economic, institutional, intellectual,+ and political enterprise. To the south the: Muslims were forced back by a combination of crusang armies and Italian naval power. East of the Elbe there emerged a constellation of new states extending almost up to the Urals, while the Bltic becmc the northern comterpert of the kTediterrani$@~erthe impact of Gennan colonization and its attendant urban development. Spain, Portugal, anit the "CelLic fringe;' represented the western extreme of thi~centrifugal movement of Wopenn trade and colonization. Thus it ia highly isignificant tkt the conquest of Ireland occurred when it did bcceuae the new military aristocracy providcd the necessary political stability to enable -Large meas of Ireland to participate in this wider development. The aristocracy provided the initial. maimtay of the colony,,but what gave it permaneme was the subsiduary influx of tenants and townsmen who responded - as %by did elsewhere in Europe - to the opportunities of the *ontier. Without them the widespread network of mars, toms, and villages - so characteristic of the new lhropc - oouLd never have been established.

Thg Feudal Aristocracy: As..we might expect, the most purely French elmtent in the new colonial society waa -the feudal aristocracy and their military retainers, the knights. These men obta-incd large tracts of lmd collod fiefs, partly as papent for services rendered, and partly in order to provide for future militmy requirements. Although few of the original grcnts bvc survived, we can gain a fairly general picture of the process of subinfeudationby working backwmdn from thirteenth centnry sources.

At first sight, the to-t~lknight service due to the crown in Co. Waterford - 1& services in all4 - -seems surprieingly low when coupered with the amount due from other counties, but this may bo explained by the' fact that a large past af the county was reserved to the royal demesne in the form af the honor of Dungarvan (comprising six sf the eight cantreds and corresponding roughly to the modern baronfes of ~ecics). With the exception of Dunkill and Stradbally, the military fiefs seem to have bccn concentmted in the remaining cantreds of Offath Tmw. Chief among the military tenants were the le Poars of ' Dunhill (whp lordsbip extended to TranoAme sad partsof Islaadikane and Ballylaneen ) wtlq owed 4 services ; le Plemiag, & senrice (presumably for the . mcr of Dunmarc ); the hcirs of Th mas Pitzanthony $J service (for Stradbally ?) de Pembroke & service (for Lismkill ? ) . Other lordships were held dimetly of the crown by services unlmom. These include Faithlcgg (~~lward), Rathmoylan (de ~taplcton), Xiheadan (f~~~fordand later le ~oer),Kilmaleran (le ~ret), Killoteran (de ~eyhd). The bmony of Athmethan (~ffane), ori@nally a. enoment of the honor of Dungarmin, was held of the crown by a money 1f rent in 1299 . ~h6lordship of Outertyr (~fachtar-tire)nay have been held 'of Dmhill: the lzklds of John PiteBenedict lc Poer in Outeertyr were certainly remed by the cschnetor ns belonging to Dunbill early in the reign of Edward II The p2ecise extent of Outertyr is uncertain, but it probably corresponded to the eastern'parishes the barony of UppertHird @longingto the abbey of 1Ylothell in 15 (founded by G~.QIe ~oers) t the Dissolution Tcnosgh was probably another 12 . tenement of t-kis lordship . Enally, the episcopal manors of BTshopfs Court, i5 Lis~io~~e,Ardmore, rznd Kilbasrpednn, while owiag neither rent nor militzry scrvicc, were t&en into the lcZngt s hand srede vacmte just like -the manors of bcc~dm-t;cmnts-in-chief. The bishop8 were just as mch pwt of the feudzl hicrzrchy 2,s other tcnmts of thc crown.

T 'no Manor: Thc sign3.f icance of the manorial sys tciil which the Anglo4Torr;lrulls introduced into Ireland cap hardly be overstresaed. It wzs the fief-holding aristocracy who creztcd a political, social, cmd economic frmework favourcble to the developnrnt of the tom and manor. They provided thrae essentiel elenents; military ~ccurity,legal security, md - above all - rn abun3ancc of lmd, But their efforts to develop and exploit the potential of the new frontier would have cone to nothing had it not been for the fact tkt they were able to attract a sub- stantizl imdgratfon of land-hung7 tenants and townsmen. The chief instrument ~f this colonising activity was ths mnor, the focal. point af the new sock1 econonic ordcr.

The mnor wcs the tenurial expression of ~~wlo-?fomanlordship: all classes of men - free and unfree - cxlsting within its confines were bound to their lord by obligations detcrnined by their tenurial status. For freemen this generally ncant nilitmy scrvicc OF rent, coupled with suit ct the lord's court, while for the unfree it usually meant the perfo-ce of Inbow servlccs (often commuted. to rent) togethey with various seignorinl rights over his p,rson and property. Every class was therefore placed mder the jurisdiction of the lord or" the Lmor in varying degrees according to its tenuriel status cs defined by charter cnd custom. Thus the -or ms n0.t: merely cm estate in the nodern seme of the nord: ii was also "a loc~kpolice authority cad ... E local Egency for the enforcenmt of criainal lawft which, unlike the au%horl.ty of the state, touched tllc lives oi' the population at &gem In effect the -or wcs an instit~~tionin priv:.te hands which disclmrged nmy of the duties wuch !:auld now fzll to locd g;ovcrment authorities and the leascr coui-ts. Tlie arriv-1 of the European mar brought to Irclznl no-t only cm agrlcultur-1 revolution but a socizl revolu-tion as well. If the manor was the Bocial md economic cornerstone of c'>lonf21society binding all classes together by the ties of lordship znd tenure, it TLS also en inportant element in the provision of 1ocr.l wilitGsy security in an nge when there wae no such thine; as E. standing =may. Even today tho surviving nates andl ccstles give us a clear indicction of its nilitcry chmmter, but no 3mt not forget the existence of the fcx nore nmerous fortified honesteada - wkt we now call tlonted sitcs17 which homed cad protected the lesser tenmts on the pcrinetsrs of the wor . Apart from the militcry tenants who wore obl-iged to asaiat their lord in tine of war, the lords of thz greater nmors usually supplemnt ed their forces with levies froril their Irish tencmts, Vhen wmfcse becane nore or less endenic in the conditions of the f~urt-centhcentury, these loccL forces wore stiffened by bnnds of professional soldFers (kerns) who were billeted qn the tenantry. In the long tern it w&a thc tcmcity of these seignorial mmies rather than the occasional fits of nilitmy activity on the pcrt of the centre1 governnont which preserved the colony fron extinction in the lcter middle eges.

The onlylNf$!jerford mnor for which we possess my detailed inforxtion is Dmwviin, lczsed by the crovYtf to the Fitzgerzlds of Desnond in the second hclf of the thirteenth century , In extent it; corre~lpondcdapproximtely to the 'cwo kronics of Dccies, conprising in ell about 200,000 ccrcs. The nerve centre of this peat mnorio.1 conglcx wm the cnstlc,with it8 zttendant town denesne, and beyond that the brord hintcrlr.nd conprised of aubordirctc lordships tenements. The denesne itself consisted in 1299 of 100 arable ccres, together with 231 cx~bleccres in o&fm mcz ICcnscle, in ~13. porhcps 800 stctute acres by nodem reckoning , This emphmis on arable farming stonda in wrked contrast to the prepondermtly gnstorzd chcrocter of pre Nomn cpicultwe, md shows clezrly tlxt Anglo-Nomm cgriculturc wtxa geared towards production on a scelc siuikr to other Europem countries at the height of the thirteenth century boon in ~.gricul.ture. The rest of the manor was divided among vzu-ious kinds of tenants, not least mong them the burgesses of Dmga~vanwho held twelve ploughlands - about 3,600 statute acres - in burgage tenure . Some twenty-f ive hereditary free tenants held what in many cases were very large tenements by servlce of an annual rent and sat at the selgmrial court a-t Dungarvan. Many of theee tenements were lm$e emugh to be or@sed as manors wtth their own aemeane and tenements. Some 30 hold- ings were held by what appear to be farmers (leaseholders), including gavillers (tenants-at-will who usually owed Labour serv',ce as well a8 rent), and Irisbaen whose holdings were often larger than those held by hereditary tenants.

An unusual aspect of this tenurial arrangement 5s the smpr$sing absence of military tem$s, normally the preponderent elernent.in a manor of this size. . Their ,absence must be due to the fact from the beginning It was a royal manor: t& .orown must. have been more interested in rents than in military service. The fact that Irishmen held an appreciable number of holdings indicates that aome of them were left in wdiaturbed posseesion of their lands qter the conquestj and we must not forget that m@ny more Irishmen were undoubtedly temts of the Anglo-Ngman tenants abeady mentioned. The fact tbt the surviving manor survyvs do rzot say much about Irish tenaats is nqt amprising: ;such surveys were concerned only to record rents and services due to the lard of the manor whLch naturally tended to be Ln the hands of Anglo-hTorma;n tenan"os. These surveys certainly indicate the presence of a rairly substantin1 immigration of colonial tenants md townsmen sufficient to trmsform the soci~land econamic structure of the region, but hardly enough ta displace the mass of the native population. No doubt the native aristocracy suffcred worst, but the crown actively sought to encourage - indeed even to compel - the native populatFon to remain an its lands. This muck is clear when. King John sanctioned, an agreement between Donald 0' Bmlain and NeLler SitzEenry in 1204, whereby Donzld agreed 50 surrender one of the three cantreds ta the crown In ?etu1n for e swum tftle for the other two. Job further specified that Xeiler should cnapel tha Irish peasantry to return to the surrendered ca~tred:"et omm mtivos et fugii;ivos&s cantredo ill0 reverti faciatis cwn omnibus catallis et to3a wequela a@* The Anglo-Normans were anxicars to retain the service@ o-I the indigenous population whose labour was essential to the operation of t2e newly-folmded mnors. There is no reason to suppose that Irishmen found the mmorial regime particulzrrly oppressive. Their new lords at least afforded t!lern effective protection in a violent age.

The alae of manor varied according 20 the importance rf.the original @antee. Some, like ~ungarven, could embrace an area es extensive as a cantred (or combination of cantreds) ; othe-a, like Durrhill, might incorporate several parishes. But mom om this sca1.c were alrsays subdfvTded into smaller manorial units (tenements) which usually cosr~spondedto the parish. Nost &more, therefore, whether they were held in chief of the crown or as sub- tenancies, fell into this category. The relationship of the manor to the parish is not accidental. In the meas of Anglo-Norman settlement, the parish WEB normally endowed with the tithes of the tenants of the local lord, and since' there were no parishes before the conquestg the newly forned tithing area was directly related to the@rritory of the manor. This explains why so many pwishes Elre fragmented . Aglcrnce at e parish map of Go. Waterford quickly reveals exmples of such £'ragaentation. Comider, for example, the parishes of the barony of Decies within Drum: CLashmore, iirdmore, and Ballymacart have each two qutlying pocrts in surrounding parishes: Kensalebeg and Lis~nanhave one; only Aglish and Ringagonagh fonn unpmtitianed units. This means that in this region the tenants of these manors often held lands territorially isnlated from the lthcrne'lmanor. Thus a parjsh map frequently provides a good index to the origiml patterm of subinfeudation. The church, of course,has mEFinta2ned these boundmies long after tho disappearance of the manor: the community of the ma1 parish - still a living reality in Irish society tday - has a continuow, living tradition extending back to tho tine of the conquest. gven rn the pmi-sh has cu-tllved its origin~lmanorial context, so too have many PC the toms md villages of the county, Manorial 3ords were na-kally amiotas to increaae their revenues by every nml~bsli mans. Intensive cultivation of their demesne Lands wae one way of cchieving this, especially in the thirhnth century. The foundstion of mnorisl towns was mother possibility. In order to ettiract urb~nsettlers they endowed their foundations with bur& ibd {nwlng rent but no ltbour service) and %stowed additional &dwmta.ges Zn the fm of a charter, which in essence offered ae2P-government a3ld protection of +&€id That some of these town^ achieved a modest level-of-auccess js appaxxat from $he+.sot?.ls of the contributions cthich they made to the Scottish cmpaign of Edward I ia 1300. Xilmendan (log/-), Athmthan (LOO/-), Stradbally (loo/-), 2 3 a;rJ8 Dungarvan (215) . It is impossible: to give a modern equivalent to these sums, but we cain gnin some idea of the- relktive significance from the fact that other towns in certain instances offered lass than 50/-. Dungamants pmsperity seems to have been based pr-ily on fishing. Po doubt other Waterford villages olwe thcir existence to similar foundations - Dumore, for exmple - but docuiien-tmy widence is lacking. Bishops werc prominent town- builders: the existsncc of a hunared court $1 Liis95e in 1279 provldes positive evidence of the existence of a chrrtaed town there , and we may auspect the existcncc of aiiothcr gt Lm3mor~. In general it my be said that most lords of afiy oonsequeiice 2-ttempted to found towns on their demesnes, some of which enjoyed a modest pronpesity in thc thirteenth century but wew later deserted. Their existence could still he revealed by a systematic programme of serial Iphotos8PhY. A search for the deserted villcges oi Co. Waterford s uld reveal site st Paithlegg, which was described BS a town by r jury in 1312?? It must have been the nanor tom of thc i~yl;!ards, --the Old Norse. A1thoua;h the Old Porse were greLft~dinto the new aocial order with the atzitus freemen (which meant they could plezd i~ithe royal. camtgf, they retFLined onething of the* distinctiveness in the thirteenth osntmy. The exlstenct' CIT a ITorse taettlmwt in the area of Dungaman is indicated by s regpence to the "receiplxi of the Ostmentf in the 1260-1261 &ccomt of the manor. The papent of e colloctiw fine by the Ostnen of I~torfordin 1301 poiilts to th2 continued existcncc of the Horse suburb there, knbers of the prominent Old gorse MacGillam$,ge cleil occur both In the recorda of Bung~mran~xld in the Justiciary ~ollsf~.:!e c.1~0hear of a certen Philip HacGothmund of Waterf ord who in 1290 appealed to $$e ldng, o1aiain.g that he ond t'4W others of his race a English and Ostneni'. By "Englishtf he meant they were entitled to the Gnefits of comon 1m no befitted their free atahzrj which was at issue. We should not tekc this reference to mean that there were only about 400 s~viviiig Norse: the tern ltrac~"i-ci this context ahost certainly means tfqbanlt. We hear it used of the lc Poers i:~this sense by Waterford jury in 1305. The dietinc tiveneas of the Old Forse in tMs pwiod probably did not extend to the& cultural' or l;Ln@istic inberffance. The fact tht their legal status was so often at fssue in the comts auggestra their mmer of life nay wall have contributed to their repeated confwion with the hiberni~i~who dia not enjoy trEzgliahv legal statue. The me of the Gaelic tBac' instead of the Scandinavien '@an' au~ti&;lcste Irish speech, while the use of the tern %acet1 in the sense of. llkinsmenlt or "clant7certainly auggesta patterns of Irish M.mhi~. If the Ie %oem showed mmiatakeable signs of tzM.1a.r accullxration &rely. century ' after their srrriwl in the Waterford reglon, we may reasombly conclude thet the NoTS~ travelled the same road so mew ha.^ earlier.

The nooi81 composition of Go. laterford in tha thirteenth century appears bewilderingly conplioated to the modern eye with ita3 vnrying degrees of ersonal and -t;enwfal atatus, the coexistence of connon law (used only by Roloni~ta of jkee a ta-tua md the Old gorse) and brehon law, wbich governed relatiapshi~~between Irishen a-nd Wamn lorde, as well as between Xriahan an, the proliferation of courts (royal, scignorinl, urban, ecclesiaati ta say nothing of the WtuTa of rsoes (~rlsh,Ol&'Morse, Psench, qlish, and we~sk), Yet to cmtempoxaria~,acoustomed &s they were to think in terms of lordskip and personal alle&aace, it seemed just as mtural ae national sovereignty and ci-bizemhip s@euto w. But rio matter how rnaq lords a nwl mi.&t have, he still owed a prioa? allegiance to the Mng by reason of his oath of fealty. The one element therefore which camferred order aad system to this society was the ultimate lordship of tho kFng which found iCa effective expression in the administration of shire government. The Administration of the County. In considering the structure of the royal administration ia the county we must nat forget that it formed part pf a widely diffused administrative network knowL historians as the krgevin'Empire. Thus the kffect of the conquest was to bring Ireland into a closer relationship, not only with England, but with Prance as well - a matter of particular consequence in the case of Uaterford. The ties of trade and culture with fiance persisted long after the Empire was dissolved, The importance of "the French connection" emerged clearly in the period of the Counter Reformation, aad this assaciation was fmther strengthened by the poliCica1 emigres in the seventeenth centusy. The origin of thia relationship with France &ems from the fact that in the late twelfth century Ireland becane an integral part of the hgevin world, and not just qextension of Sr@and (one of the mom misleading and impoverishing notions of the nationalist school of Irish history).

8 -trictly speaking, this "Empire"waa a federation of feudal lordships owing allegimco to a common rd who exercised #qqing degrees of control over an area extendingfrouAntrimt$% yrenees. Thm,for example,JohngovernedB~lanrf,as k in@;, Normandy # duke, nnjou as count, Irclmd as Dominus Hiberniae, ad so forth. Even within the lordship of Ireland tho degree of his jurisdiction varied from place to place: some camties - like the Lcinster counties - were governed indirectly through the medium of the lards of the liberties, whereas others - like I'laterford - were administered directly hy the crown through the medium of the king's viceroy, the sheriff. As head of the county admhicstration, the sheriff was responsible for mintaintng the king's interests in his bailiwick. In a word he was the royal watchdog.. He presided over the county court held every monthj, made arrests, summoned jwies to appear before -the royal justices, ensured the appewance of defendants in court, exacted fines, and in general put judicial rind cdmln2strative orders into effect. In the absence of any pemnent garrison or polLce force such duties were never easy to enforce, which is one reaBon why sheriffs were usually recruited from the ranks of the larger landholders. He had Do be tough, not only on account of the nature of his duties, but because he wm alvmys hard-pressed by his lfbosses" in the exchequer inDublin who held him personally respomible for full payment of a11 $.terns on his account when he appeared before them ot Easter and Lfichaelmas. 32 If he failed rkpeatedly to discharge his account his own estates were liable to seizure until ths default wzs Thus the sheriff often found himself equeemd between an implnceb?p%%Lie opposition in his am tailiwicic. Yet in spite of these difficulties the offico was expected to bring profit to an enterprising sheriff: towerds the cloae of the thirteenth century he oould be expect ed to pay $20 a yeargkHthe profit of the countyft) to the exchequer over and above his regular account. These circw~stancesnot infrequently encouraged sheriffs to adopt rather high-Wed methods, though they wer nomlly more discreet than Robert de Stapleton, sheriff of Yiaterford IZB~-U~O,'~ if the charges brought him in his leat year of office by some prominent landholders are to be believed. The import of these cherges wes that Robert had used his position to extort both money and land by frzud, imprisonment, and the selective suppression of mits that were directed qplnst him. Reginald lo Brun, for instance, claimed that Robert had forced him to lecse to him land at a flfth of its actual value, and that when he tried to st evcn this derisory rent fronBobert, he was re-arrested and a imped-up charge of homicide WEB brought agai.nst him for good measure. Although an official inquiry into these allegations was ordered in June, 1290, it probabl~6 never got off the ground because Robert died some tine before 18th Jan~iary,X91. His actions my well have been prompted by desperation: he was 3yvily indebted to the exchequer as sheriff of Yfaterford and as sheriff of Cork, md for this reasog$is goods and chattels were ordered to be seized by the eschaetor after his deeth. Under this sort 09 pressure Robert could have been forced to cross the delicate line which divided the gtrict enforcement of duty from outright extortion. But if Robert erred on the tough side, the fact reaains that a weak: sheriff did not bring happiness and tr~quilxit~,Maurice Rttssel wu ordered tA myx-rend'er tk office of sheriff in 1305 beoauss his hedth was such th% he wuM &ope with "thc marry evils done in ths couaty by divers nelefectors d~ up -13 durn fbout;h the co~mty~~f nhori sone ?re of the race of the Poera, mil aMra their svowson, whon nelthcr the present sheriff r;or the peoile mm ti1It was therefore decided that Jahn fitzPe-ter le Poer, beron of Dunhill, "who'. 5~ mhlo to chastise to tQ5 full all auch malef8ctors of his r-ce and their hccbrrp'lice3, be Wade sheriff" Perhaps there were soae present on this occasion who recelled wistfinlly the good old c!~.jr~ ;!hen Robert de Stapleton {was sheriff.

There is 110 need to dwell 03 the subject 02 the organisation of Iri8h county administretion which has been well described by A. J .Otvray-Iiuthven. Watcrford, in comon with o+hcr counties, was divicicd iilto adrainistrativc arens called ccntreds, which closely reselnble the English hwrdrcd on which thcy are pl~inlyaodelled. In every cantred Lhere wm a sergeznt su.bject to the chief sergeant of the county, whose duty wss to aSsist the sheriff in the execution of his office. Sirzilarly there was a coroner $a every cantred to r2~~rd3-11 pleas belonging to royal jurisdiction (i,e . wlii cli visrc not ju.9 ticiable iil private jurisdictions or ecclesiaaticzl courts), and to present his record for scrutiny by the king's justices. The sheriff, too, held a minx court(ca1led the tourn) in each cantred twice a year in which he conducted a strict a;l.l met'ilodical inquiry into all breaches 01 the king's peace, all ir;frlngemen~.: of royal rights, obstructions of roads or n~.kemayc, EZ:~ ray miscondwt committed by the szrgeant. In this way the sherii':, coi-ant-ra, a~droydl juaticsa watched over the interests of the crown in every corncr of tlx county wiSh almost acroscopic precision, rnd, in theory z,t l?zst, mteh ;;8 ladegeadent checks ozi each om$. The OMeZ mnkness 2f such a csrefulliy d3signed system of losaP ~rristr~,~fo~Yay In the relative ineffectiveness ol" its executive am wMch might function vrcll enough in the more settled corditions of hut achcould not cope with the conditions of the v'nzrzhl' thn~ex5s-ted fn ell Irish counties by the addh of the fourteenth century, if sot earlier. In Waterford, as elsewhen, eiforts were made to shore up the cro~~kingstructure cf the county adain$gtmtioii by the appointment of two or nore keepers of the peace in each caatred, but ultinztely only the grezt lords could provide effect2.w sscurLty in a situation 02 deceriors-ting order, as we have seen in the appoin-tment of the baron of Dunhill ?o sheriff in 1305. The Eight Gagreds oc-Wa-brford,

For adninistrative purposss Co. Batsrford was dieded into eight cantreds: Off ath Obride Ohy-r#e (allaa Ohenius, Ohenqua, 0tt;~ntv~s) Slefgo (~lins--- . ~lesko) Dungarvm Ovm th (alias Oneagh, Oveagh, ~neagn) thethqlias ~tbrnean) - 42 Tarmun (alias Tarmod, Tn,rznrrn9 ~mm)

Unfortunately, given the fi%gczentmy natt~~eof the surviving records, vie cannot kace their bou;?cii?ries with any depoa of certainty, clthou& we can identify places nhich Icy witbin seven of the eight cantrods. 'lhrt we can sag with aonplete certainty Fa that fhey bear little resemblance to the nodern barorzes, which must derive 120m4fkt tniligbt period betmail :~edievzlend uodern Ireland, the sixteanth mtw;..

Without ksaid oi" a conprshcnsive survey like the peat Doomsday Book, the Rnglo-i:o= no doubt established the* cmtreda on thc bnsis of existing tribal brritoriss, The mmor of Dungarvan was probably fashioned froa the territories of OfFaolnin c:nd lils client septs, The three cmtreds mentioned in ee- aent of 1204 wcy bu identical with the tllree which c~iycar4q the 1299 survey of the mmor: Eleoto (=~~ef~ob~Oveagh (=hpath), and ObryCle. The avle survey mebles us to locrto Slein the region 01Seskinan, O'oride in the region M Yews @nd Rosrlirc, and%ath--. in the region of Ardsellcgh and Lisgenan. - Thc cmtred of Athmethan (= dfme) presumbly corresponded to the barony of ~it'methzm which in 1320 included Gallysg Anmgh, Athferne, Xeppagh, and Glasnore .46 if we t-ke Keppngh to be Cappa& in the pariah of Yfhitechurch znd Glcsnore to be Clashnore, then the cmtred nust have extended along the Blackvratcr to include the pcrishes of Clashnose, Aglish (= Gallys? ) , Whitechurch, 2nd Affwe. Since none ol" our lists indicctc the existenca of nore than eigh cantreda- we nay-surnise that Coshaore adCoshbride north of the Bride river, $7 consisting 1cxgeIy of the a: iscozcl nanor of Lisuore, Icy vjithin the confines of the centrzd of Athuethan, $The cani;red of Dunmvan must hcve included the pzrish of Dungzrvan and its outlying portion, stretching eastwards perhaps as fer as the western boundmy of Stradbally pariah, Ohynws certainly incorporated

A?cne are= cround Stradbnlly: in 1275-1276 Jordan d&an:yntonls lands in Xilrostai (= perish of Kilrosna.nty?) and Dronlouan (now Dronloh~n, parish of stradbally) were he1qgof Thorns de Dene, lord of Strodbilly, ad were stoted to be in "Ohenegus". Thorn was one of the heirs f Thouas fitzl:nthony, who nlnost certrinljr gcve theatown its first chnrter. 4g The uanor of Stradbally mst originally have been the capt ($&)lef =or) of fitzAnthonyl s lordship of O~JTNS .(''tenmentun new de ~megua') which pre -ably occupied the sme area cs the ca-ntrcd.

The slx aantreds m6er discussion seen to have corresponded approxinately to the tr:o bnonicc.: of Decies and thct part of Cosh.~orc.c;id Coshbride which wcls contrinecl n%t-hin the medieval county of Vlaterford. Precisely zt ~hctpoint they ;c?t the esstern cmtrsd of ---Offathis o mttg of sotx uncertcinty. The p~rishof Xillure certainly lay in this cnntred, but beyo-rld this we have no definite infomztion. !Two of the keepers of the peace nnaed in connection rnrith Offzth in '1300 include Rllia~Butler, who held lmds i morc, adRobert fitzJohn i,ylwerd, who probably held lands in Fai thlegg. '2D dl1 of thesc plzces, however, lie within the nodern barony of Caultiere, lewing as 2 gcogrcphicrl no-nants la.$- he uodem barony of T,liddle third. If we are correct in cssming that the six crntreds once represented the %erritorios ol OfFaolain 2nd his client sepSs, we nay suspect that Offcth represented ihe territory of the Norse. This hypothesis receives sone slight support fron a verdict delivered in 1282, which stated that "John fitc'llhomes died seised of 3& cantreds in Decies (i.e.the nanor of ~un~a+-~~)..,exceg%ing the barony of Donnul and. other lands in the said czntredstl' . This suggests thzt Dwdrill was originally ,,cost of the territory of 9'F~oloin fron which the maor of Dungwvan was formd . The fnct that Dunhill and the cdjoining parish of STewccstle lie in the diocese of Lisuore seem to confirn th5u suspicion, if we are correct in assuuing that Lisrlore Diocese represents the region under Irish control in the twelfth century. According to this equation the border between Ohynws anll Obrictc, on the one hand, md Offzth on thc othcr, shculd be traced eLong $he diocesan boundary.

We me left fimlly with the cantred of T~mun,concerning which - on the basis of the docmentary sources enployed for this study - lire k.ve no evidence to show where it was located, If, as we haw good reason to suppose, thl: extant lists of czlltrcds are coqlete, it seem likely that Tmm wns loczted north of t'ne nountains in wkt are now the bcronics of Glenahiry and Upperthircl.

It nay be said, by wey of concluaion, that t&cn cs a whole the volme of printed soves relating to Co. Waterford (a opposed to the city) is disappointir.@y snall, Ecclesiastical sources - noncatic and episcopal - are ~l~~ostnon-existent Coapnred with the neighbowing countles of Tipperary, Kilkemy, ~ndWoxford, surprisingly little informtion about mora-bs survived, with the notable exception of Dungmvan. Even the Irish ~,mr.lsme conspicuous by their silence. Hming said this, however, it shouid be noted th~tthis study is not based on a. thorough exmimtion of 211 available printed sources, nnd, what is probably niore inportant, not tcke into comider~tionc largc body of Irish exchequer nanuscript PeCOiti: which would elnost ccrtoinly riel6 lion infomation. SOURCES: The biogro.phicc1 abbrcviztiona riid short titles which follo1:r ncy be foun6 in T ,W. 1900dy, Rules for contribv.tor:: to Irch EIistoric&l Studies (rev. cd. ,Dubli,l%8 In order to condeme numerous rcferenccs ts Reports crf the deputy keeper of We pbaic records in Ira1 I: kvc citcd oiil:,r the nunbcr of the report eyld Wle page 'reference.

0. I)UVSSS &id D.B. Qu% (cd .) , 'The Irish pipe roll of '14 JobTin clladar Jourwl af Arobcology, 3rd serietf., IV (suppleuent, 1941)~p.46. Tibbexwgby WWI part of Co. Tipparwy in the middle ~ge8(see O.A.&pcy, 'W mmbmds of rledic~ral.Tippemz;~rf in North Nmster haztiquarirtn JO~~~~III (1970)~p.29). Si&fic:~ntljr, this perish lies in -t;he diocese of Limore. Lim OfBmchalZct, emly fourteeatti century planembe -list for Anglci- NomCork1 in Dimeemcht-@, I1 (19~5)~2.45 Watexfora nay hape been cargo3liscd as a.sbiro before We and of the thirtcc-nth cesturg. See' J'. Otnay-Xuthven, fAngJ,o-Irish shire @verment in the thirteenth century in I .II;s., V, (194~)~p.1 Cal. doc. IF-5" " 28% i10. 2329. See a180 the list of Waterford sesviceff i~iP.R.I. rep. D,K.42> p. 68. -- . The extent of the honor Duqpxua3 cnvl be deduced frm the e.aiAenoe of the inquisition pork uorton of 22.98 (G~I, doc .Zre. ,1293-2301, no. 551). It included tenemnts 2s fw.aprt cs Ardsallagh and Kensalebeg ~YI tihe muth-weat to Rossairc in the earst, rn area aorreaponding to the cantreds of &cvath,'Athtxt:iq Dun@rvcn, Slef'go, Obridc, md ohp!s. 2,R.I. rep. D.K.42, p.68; ibid.45, p.40; Cal. jwtic. rolls Irc ,1305-1337 p J12 fl P.R.L. rep.D.K. 42, p,68. Ti le Fleming fmly held XhJmrlore (ibid.xp.42; 38, p.78.)

17. For c cmefu.1 study of these sites See T.3.Bmry9 Eledievel aoated slltes of south-eastern .Ireland.(~sitisb Archsleologicnl Reports 35,1977.) ..Bee- aUo listing 09 County Wnterford sites, Dectes 10 p p. 32-36. . 18. Three tk-ri~teenthcenbry aocomts for the uanor of D- have aurvivedr the ncboun-1; of Willlm le II&o~dewrwfind Rabert f3 tzWmin, 1261-2 (P .LI. rep.^ ,K. 35, y .33) ; :.ccount of :lillim dc T:upcll>, sheriff of laterford, 1262-3 (p&dm3 in I3 .Curtis , Sllcriffa ' acc&wts ' of the honer of ~wg&van in R.1 .A.Froc., XXXIS, Section C, pp 1-4).; ond the account of the esebe%or9r, 7alter &e la Haye, 1298-9 (P.R.I. rap. ~,~.38,p.l~0). !l?&nuat det~ild sources, however, cre the inquisitians past rrtorten Pn 1282 @aL.doc.~r~,, 1252-1284,no. 1912j and 1299 (ibid.129%130lt.n.h552.tra 261-3). 19. The mmor of Du-ngzrvm waa grated to John fitz'Phmas in 1259 23g Edward, Lord of Irclan~l,in return far sn t~mwlrent of 500 tmks (-c~s..doc Jre-., 1252-1284. w - 629) ,-, 20. Inquisison posst norten 1299 (ibid.pl'E95-1301, no.551). 21, Rot.pat.H%b.,p.6br 22. S ae J. Qtway-Ru-khvq, 'Parochizl davelognent in the rurrl 3ennery of Skreenl in R.S .A.I ,$n, XGXV (1964) 111-32. 23. Gal.justic.mlls 1%. , 1295-1303, ~.30/';. 2/t. P.B.I.red2,13.R,76, p.60. 25. Cal.justic.rolla Ire., ~0&13119p.249. 26. P,B.I.P~~.D,K, 35, p.39, 27. Account of the Cfity of Waterf orcl 30 Bdwwd I (ibid.38,p.58). 28. See E. Cutis, op.cit., pp 3,14; Gal. jwtic.ro~fs 1G.,130&1311,~~ 8-11. 29. Czl.doc.Jp,, 1285- 1342 no.622, 3O,C&l,jus%ie.rolls Ire.,1305-33Ol,p.119 31. Ibid.'Pbe ~ao~o%humdcase; see also ib5da,1308-l3flpp 8-11. For tlx ~ecotantsof the sheriffs of W~terforilin the thirteenth md four%eenth cciituries see P.R.I. rep.D.K. 35, pp 35-6,78; 36, pp.24, 27, 38, 65; 37, PP 319-8, 43, 51; 38, pp 49, 63-5, 102-3; 39, pp 26, 68-9; 42,pp 27-28, 67-68: 4-4, pp 23-7, 49-50; 45, 9~ 67-8. Robert de Stapleton wcs chmged with &20 ~rofitof the county for 1290 (ibid. ,37, p,44). In 1285 'the king 'g&kited Robert the offices of ahe ff of Cork end ?laterford far ten y0cm (CII~.doc .I? e . 12~5~129~~~~~13% %c&t9 fop W~t~rford SYIY~VC for the period 1287 to Jan. 1290 T.R.1. rep.D.K. 37, pp 37, 43-4) Petition of Irelnnit deliverecl in Pmliment at Bestuinster in April 1290 Cal.doc.Ira., 1285-1292,no.622,p~ 311-4) 36. Ibid. ,~oa.696,@15. in Jcn. 1290 he owcd &90 on his 'Jcterfard account (P.R.I .rep.~.~.37, 8.44) , while in 1288 he owcd ng less than &I32 on his C~rk.cccount(ibid.,p.37). Calmdoc .IP~., 1285-1292, no. 845. 39. Pleos rtt Yaterf ord ,9 6%. 1505 (Cal. jus t.ro&ls Ire., 1305-1307, p.113) See J. Otway-Xuthven, 'Anglo-Irish shire govermmnt in the thirteenth century' in 1.H.S .-,V (1946), py 1i28. 41. See P.R.1.rep.D.K. 38,p. 64; Rot.pct. Hib,,p. 72, no. 15; p. 74, nos. 83, 54. For a detciled discussion of the functions of the keeper of the peace see R. Brae, 'The judiciol powers of the uedieval Irish Keeperg of the pmccf in The Irish Jurist, 113! (new series), pqt 2; pp 308-26. 42. Three appmeritly oou$e-tc lists of these cantreds have survived: the account of the sheriff of Waterford, 1300-02 .rcv.D.K. .38, n lF~tnf the collectors of thc subsidy, 1358 , *t.Hib. ,p.72) ; cnd a list of collectors, 1375 (~ichardsonand Sagles, kel. d councils ued. I ., i, pp 59-60). 43, See ny-mticles on the cmtreds of Tipperary znd Kilkcmy in Borth Uuns ter Antiquarian ~ourruzl,~~I~ (1970)~pp 22-9, ad in R.S .A.I . Jn., 101 (1971), pp.128-134,respectively. p'p ,261-2. 45 r I indebted to iJr. Julian Wclton for tQie--9ugg& tion thst Slefgo, usurlly r-lisread es tSlakot in transcription, represcnts.''31jntrh,Wf . His. view is ahwed by J ,T.Gilbert (3-d .) , Chwtularies of St. Mary's Abbey, Dublin , II, p.207,whcre a chmter of . !h&xs f+-tzLnthony ~efers'ta 'uric. cmcata terre iuxtr, uonten de Slef'gof. Sliabh Cua vcas the ancient rice f~rCnoc Maelaonhncig. Escbetor's cccount, 1317-20 (P.R.I .rep.~.~.42,;,p 16,25). 47. See footnotc 2, P.E.I;rep.D.K.36, p.32. 49; Like Ihoaastom, C G .Kilkenny, also founded by fitzkflthony, Stradbzlly sonetiucs bore the suffix 'Xhic And~ln!.. See (ibid. 44, p.59). 50. See fitdmthmyt s chnrtcr in Chcrtularies. .of . St. .Bbxyls Abbey, 11, p. 193. 51. The coroner of Offath recorded the cbjuration of -Q .fe1~nfrou the church of Kilhre' in or before 1311 (Calmjustic. rolls Ire., 1308-131.4, p.177). 52. P.R.1 .rep.D .K. 38,p.64: -38 pE Gal. doc, Ire., 1252-1284, no. 1912, p.425. Chiefly the Zr'mzcripts of the Neuorendr, rolls of the Irish exchequer in the Public Record Office, Dublin, and the Irish Issue and Receipt rolls in the Public Record Office, London,

Post Script. Mr. K.W. Nicholls kindly'read this article fcr me after I haid submitted it io the edito*. Amongat his valuable suggestiocs he proposed that the name Tasmupl muat be derived from %-and, indicating termon land, Be- sugests Lismare -as a strnng possibility. I think it is also worth noting that there was a Celtic foundation ir Ylthell tco. He dsc listed some of the Irish forms of the names of the eantreas aa follcWs:r

a Ui Fo'Ehaidh, Ui Higfidi, Ui hAonghwa, Sliabh @ua, ~i(bh) Eachach. OR1GIPJS . The Anglo-llormans who conquered and settled about two-thirds of Ireland during the late twelfth and emly thirteenth century were responsible for affecting a.n agric~lt~alrevolution in that country. Although these lapen were instmental in bringin& Ireland into line zith methods of fanning as practised on the continent, credit must also be given to the religious orders who cme here during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Most conspiciops among these were the Cister~ians,~afrontier order, who developed sheep rearing to a hi& degree in Ireland. This agricultural revolution, brought about by the combined efforts of those who fought, worked and prayed was to have a dramatic effect upon the establish- nent of EL new nerchant class. This new class had begun to establish i-tself as an integral part of society in twelfth century Europe; because of the new agricultural nethodoLqg imported into Isclmd it found a plece here also. The greater utilization of lad resulted in the production of a surplus which could be exchcnged in the towns and cities of Ireland for either home produced goods or imported luxuries and necessities. Consequently the more sophistic~tedIrish agriculture ~CCB~JO,the more sophisticated the towns . 2nd cities becane also.

nl~ic: - ficvelopnent of the Irish towns and cities under the Anglo Worms was further aided by the ?opulc.tion growth in Euro?e during this periAl This boom ensured tkt enough merchmts, traders and crnftsnen of centinent- a1 and English origin could be encour6gcd to settle here. We can appre-' ciate the great influx of foreigners to the towns and cities in the post- i&asion period when we note that ns emly as 1212 W~tzrfordcity had to be enlarged fron its original 19 acres by a further 33. We can better comprehend how phenoneml this influx of people was when we renmber that the original Osbm inkbitants had, with the exception of one fyily,bwn expellea fron the city when it fell to the: Anglo-Eomxms In 1170. The new city dwellers differed gxectly fron their Ostmen predeceasors in that they werc skilled in intermtional trade. Many of these new inhabit- ants had themelves cone fron the newly developing centres of'trade in Northern Prance, Flanders nnd Englc.nd. It was only natural that these irmigrmts would fird little difficulty in mintxLning trsding links with their towns of origin. Lcter in the thirteenth century because of the English nonarchs' need of Italicn beers Italian nerchmts were also encouraged to come ad settle in Il-imd. " They too brought with then the trading experience fron whnt werc then the most advanced trding centres in the known world. Indeed it is interesting to note that both Waterford and Limriclc had areas close to the old medievol town called "Lonbards hrchf', placenmes which probably owe their origin to the Italfan nercbnts who my hcve settled them during the middle ages. As the Englishnmchy be"cme more firnly eatabli~hedin Gascony in the second half 'of the 13th century, nemhants fron that g.mt of the LLng1s dominions also began to build new hones for theuselvcs in Ireland. We hwe a very intereating case of one Eyncr de Godm who is described in c. govermcnt docwaent of 1295 as 'b merchant !of Gasconyrf and only 10 yews later he is described as "nayor of ~aterford'~". Clearly, tho Irish towns wd cities of the thirteenth ccntury hnd, within their walls, nerchznts who were well versed in international trde and within close proxinity to the Ostuen who were well acquainted with Irish conditions. With the advance of the f~nglo-Iiomninfluence, trrding conditions changed dranatically within the uczjor toms and cities of Irelmd; so also dicl the nethod of regulating the fn~~lgoverntlerrt of the aet.t;leaent; The Os-tnen seen to h& been governed by. a kingwhw jwisdiction was confined to the city. He had no control over the surrounding countryside which ws governed in the Irish fashion. 5 under the new knglo-~ornm regin@ the Irish towns and cities received 1it;tIe direct attention fron Henry 15. Dublin was in 1171-2 gtven to the men of Bristol in the hope that they would inhabit it.6 Waterford on the other hmd, together pith the surrounding provinces as fd: as Limore was given in 1179 to the mtody of Robert le Poer, the mrshal.7 Although both Dublin cnd Vaterford were rsade royal toms under Henry 11, .it was not until 2215 that Waterford receiv- ed n charter of incorporation fro-LIKing John which nade it a separate entity from the cowlty.8 TbLs change in the legs1 sta- of Wnterfocd city did not brine with it o, new system of urban self-goverment. The systm alrdy enploycd in the ndninistratibn of the county by offlcids of the Dublin ~vementwaq reiained.for the purpose of adninistering the city. Govern- nent officials efter 1215 continued to collect rents and aid Elnd dispense justice cx they did in the county. The reason for %his continuity lies in the fwt th~tthe Anglo-Normzma hcd not, zmti1,rzfter their invasion of Ireland, developed 8 unique systa of urban government distinct fron the shire or county aysten which could cnter specifically for the needs of an urban population. Itwzs natmtjl the early 1190s that the Freenen of London received the right to e1ec.k r?. n0~or.9 The sstablishnent of this office cmbe seen as the corner s$one which coupleted the legal md &in- istrative independence of the city, independence which nanifested itself in the exclusion of =I1 govcrment officials fron the affairs of the city, transferring to the nayor the task of carrying out the cityls obligations to the king. Phis adainis-t-rative ref'inenen-I; w~snot &opted as o neam of strpmlining the Anglo-Plomm nedisval systeu of Governr~ent, it was a concession granted to the citizens of London by Richard I who nade the grant in order to raise noney. The crucial factor in the evolution of ~edievalnunicipal govement is thnt it involved nore than a trnnafer of the responsibilitbes for collecting uoney and duties and dispensing justice to the natives of the city. Much aore inportant, it conferred upon the inhabitants of the city the right to fora its om goverment which could regulate its internal affairs and ~~akerepresent~tians on the citizenst behalf when dealing with the king, his ninistcrs or officinls. The develop nent of raunicipal govermont in Irclmd was slow during the 13th centuryI probebly because Hemy 111 feared the creation of a new political farce within his do~linions. This fear was not however totally unfounded, for in 1285 themnajorIrish royal toms zncl cittcs, including YJaterford city, sent representatives to Kilkenny to endorse an agreegent whereby they ~11agreed to protect edch otherts rights cgainst encraa~hnent~~

Grzduerlly duriw the 13th centbury the English Mowchy becam aware of the econon3.c benefits which dght accrue by granting self-governing rights to a. ci-Q. For exanple, f reign ~lcrchc.ntswould be encouraged to do business in Q city which wes capeble of enforcing its own judgment on . legal mtters, without having to.await the arrival of goverment officials. Once the citizcm of Waterford received the right to adninister justice it was not long until a syaten for dealing with debt8 awed to foreign uerchahts was perfected. By the end of the thirteenth century a foreign uerchant who -shed to rehhone quickly had no need to delay until a royal official or 3 city judge wns available to hew his case against a citizen who failed to pcy his debts, The foreigner had sa$ly to wait three tides and then go, with Ljr~~fof the debtFothe cfty auth~ritiesand without further delay he would rcmzive paynent of the debt out of city funds. The city au~otities would recover the debt at their leisure fxou the local trader.11 Ihls . stmdmd of efficiency which could not cons frm a goverment official was needed in a place where financizl transactions were a comon preoccupation and non-papnt of debt n cmon cause of conplaint. Another econonie factor which favoured the grmting af self-governing rights to the city was the aavfng both in time and uoney by the king, who no longer had to send officials to collect what; wcs due to hix from tha citizens. Under this new aysten operations bocane auch nore efftcient md thue norc economLce1 because complaints by citieens against royal officials would be non-existant. The nen who aperated within the city under this new self-governing systen were locally elected and thus of no concern to the king. FLnally, in tines of need the king could raise noney by granting governing privileges to cities. In order to secure noney for one of his canpaigns Henry I11 allowed sone 20 English toms the privilege of 12 retuning writs, a responsibility nomlly entrusted to the Sheriff. This right wna not exten ed ta the.Irish towns until the second he-lf of the fourteenth cehtury. l4 in 1232 Henry I11 received 50 oarlcs from the citizens of Flaterford for the privilege of collecting within the city the rents due to hin and paying imtea3.a fixed sm (which was oa1led"f~") twice annually ta Us exchequer in 11ublin.l~

Althoqh the struggle between nomchjr and ~mlcipalityhas bean enphaaiaed it would be incorrect to see the relationship between the two as one of constant hostilities. Naturally disputes arose on occasions for it was only mtural. that people, then as today, dlsliked paying taxes and rents. However, just as today, ucmt people reeilised that they bad to be paid and oB$ectiom were usually raised so that conproaioe -ili#t be reached,

Living in a royal city had mny advantages which thc citizens abrished greatly. bong the nany pridlepa enmerated in the royal charters granted to Waterford during *he niddle ages wes the ri&t of its citizens to be free fron tolls, last~ge,passage, pontage anct all other custom throughout the king's reah. This intemetional passport to free trade within the king's dominiom was first granted to the city by King John in 1215 and confimed in the 1232 chmter granted by Henry 111.15 Under the term of these charters the citizens of Waterford bccaue part of a nini comon 13arket; which extended P~OLIIreland to England, through parts of Scotland, Vales, Northern France addom as far as CFQscony. In addition to this the citizens also enjoyed a trading ~lonopolywhich legally oblige8 all ships ente~tngthe harbour, with the exception of those of the 1-a of y7illimMwahal, to unLload ~t caterford .I6 &om this it is deer that the citizens of'i7aterford h~.$ to wait patiently for the privilege of self- govermont to be conferred on then, for to provoke the king's displeasure was sonething they amld ill afforc? to c3.o.

EmTI4ICIPAL OPFICTAIS: \/hen we .turn to trace the evolution of urban self-goverment in Waterford our task is hindered by the absence of docments relating to the ori@n of the posts of J'urate, Psovo~tmd Nayor. As early as 1215 King John allowed the citizens f Vnterford the right to adninieter jwMce wisithin the bounds of the cify.lq In this chmter of 1215 the , . also given pernission to elect 8 further 12 good and faithful rlenj dong with the 12 already elected by right of a cktcr from Henry 11. The charter aves no indication concerning the responsibilities of these i$entyfour uen, although it is probable that their task was to adninister justice. ICheec 24tgood and faithful =ent myhave been Jurates, an office which is nentioned in early thirteenth century English docunentsl' and also in docw~entsrelatjng to the early history of Anglo-Xornan ~ublin.lg ~nforkfolyhowever we only know of their existence in the Waterford Cit abinistratton fron a late thirteenth century copy of the borough custons. $0 As the.affice of Jurate is very obscure in both Englan6 and Irelend it would be idle speculation to continue to discuss the natter hem. Haviw ?wed the right to adninis-t;er justice within the city, the oitizem of Wataxfard could now exclude the govexqent appointed itinerafit justices and justices of assize frau operating within the city. Th@ second step which the city nade tow&ds self-govermcnt was to gain pernission to collect the rents due to the king fron the city. This taak was usually performed by the sheriff of the county and the conferring ad the collec%bn rights upon the clty usually implied that the office of povost would be created to col_lect~4henoney and %hat a fired sun would be paid. In the casa of the Burgesses of Drogheda in Louth, who in 1229 received the right to hold the tom in fee farr: (i.e. -to collect the rents &cm the tompeople and pay a fixed, sun twice annually to the exchequer), the offLce of provost was s.inulWowlg createdm2= In 1232, when the citizens of Waterford received the right to collect the rents t;her~swlwsandpy the fm~directly to the excheque no nention ww meconcerning the creation of the office af provoa t, " The 1232 chnrf erdid howewr grant to the provost the authority to represent the city should any of its citizens be unjustly charged to pay tolls in one of the king's cities. The inplication is that the office of provost existed prior to 1232 nsld although we have no direct evidenceuntil the last third of the thirteenth century, the suggestion is tbt the provost of Vatcrford paid the city's fasa at the exchequer in Dublin fmn 1232 onw~da.~3 The exclusion of the sheriff frou this task did not inply tkt the provasts incorporated in their persons the lugnI representation of rn aduLnistratively independent anil self-governing comruliCy. Unlike the election of a myor, their eppointmnt did not herald the exclusion of goverment offiaials fmn evesy sphere of the cityfs m'tivities. For exwple, the nurage grwts nade to the city in 123424 and 1247*5 contain the provision that the custous be applied to the enclosing of the ci* with- in walls, 'by view ofp$o lawful nen whm the juaticiar shall appoint. The nurage gsnnt a9 1291 contains no wich restrictive provision sinply became by that date the city hcd a Llayor whose responsibility it was to ensure -thet the custon was properly applied. Cle=ly govermnt officials could exercise jurisdiction within the city, even in mtters which concerned the city alone prior to the election of n myor,

The origin of the office of nayor is as ebscure as that of jurate or promat, i! poem written by the Vakerford Town Clerk during the reign of Hemy VIII claim "ct Edwccrd I grmtod to the freenen of Waterford the right to elect a mpr .*7 The first r-lention of a Waterford nnyor'$s in a goverment docment of 1272, 28 the first yeas 09 Edwmd I ' s reign, nnd it states that "the myor and cornunity of 'de%t;erfordowe £100 for trespnsau. As Edmd was not in Bm.glm& when his fathexi died in 1272 it is highly unlikely that the grant vas nade by hiw in that year. The fact that Dublin, Gork, Dmgheda and Linerick elccted myors prior to 12 029 suggests that '3atexford, the second nost iuportant town in the colony, 38 also had this inportant office by that date. The sixteenth century poe$-may sgl_l in fact be correct although perhaps a little inaccurate in his clabs. Henry 111, Edward I'a father, refused during the last 20 years of his reign, to sanctian arty new requests fron English towns ad cities for the aght to elect a nayor. If Henry I11 was SQ went; about thLs type of grant in England, it is highly unlikely that he thaw cauti~nto the wind when deal- ing with Irclznd. The suggestion is that -the "Lord Edward" panted -the mayoralty to Linwick, Cork and Vaterford prior to his becoang king of Englwad on the death of his father in 1272. Edward had a special relation- ship with I eland frori 1254 onwnrda by xi&+ of n charter granted to hin by his father. S1 Historians are still not certain as to the nature of his powers in Ireland under the terns of the 1254 grant, beyond the rather extensive ri@ts relatiq to the revenue he could draw from the colony. It is not beyond belief that Edwmdts position in Irolmd after 1254 allowed hin to eonfe~upon the cities the risht to elect u noyor. The absence of. the mayoralty grants for the cities of Liaerick, Cork and Waterford fron the recosda of Benry 111's adni.nis.tr~tionis unusual and suggests that the grants nay pwcr have been ltssued fmn Hem-yls cWcery but frorz that of the Lord Edwards, mny of the mcoras of which ma now lost. klthoueh this issue c&ot 'be categorically proven unless new evidence cones to Light, at the nonent the facts tend to suggest that Edward, through the provisions of the 1254 grm-k,, traa in fact the benefz?ct;or,

- Z Once the city elected s Yciyor the centrnl governnerzt in ~u'ol.in''~con- aidered hin and the Provosts,cs BailWf? as they were later called, as aemts of the Crown and ~cgardedthoo as a link between central cedninistm- tion ancl that of the sty. The cenbI alninisization bp;en to look upon the city as n unit f~snilitmy? jUdS~ia1md fixal pusposes. The nayor htld the reaponisbiliey to ensuse that the noneg c'allected for the upkeep of the city walls was p~~pe~lj-used, 3* Thc Borough Cwtons gave hira the further responsibility of ensur-llzt. that tho city's defences were not we&- ened by the p&l& of lads 2nd rents to ra1igiat.m houses or others who cauld not.help the city fn tiue of need,33 Indeed a9 late as 1375, the nayor and bwiliffs of the cLty ware slain when altenpting to save the city from attacks of the Anglc-Irish oyld lrLe!-i of the courlty.34

Very little is known about the type of nen who weredected nayom and provosts of the city during the 13th c~ntuq-. It is safe to say however that they were nm of ou'cstance as uost cf then rrre recorded as custous collectors, tax coliectcra and p:--~veyors. In ordc- to be elected to such a position the govemwnt d~3&r;cledthn'; those elecPtedhd sane property so t?pt+Aey rrnuld be insmed against .---, i~Ci-iidu~l1absconding wiSh the revenues they were spemhng w collecting on the h5n.g;~behalf. The government of the city, while ik was elected by the cit;y's freemen, was in myrespect3 a typical oligarchy in co far that c very snnll nunbex of individuals held nll the inportant posts. During Ed\-~md~sreign the docments contain the ~mesof some ten citizsnc of Vaterforil, naues which am constantly recurr- ing either as nayor, proves?, custom collector, tacollector or purveyor. This suggests tha-i these psts ecre beneficial to 1~~3;when the systen was working snoothly ayLd >ha%a cer-air. srmll ninority had the power to keep then within ";heir select graxp.

In the judicial sphere the nayor adninistered justice in the co&t !'en la Towderie" . This was a relatively poverful position as the Myor could dmad th~ta suspsct who lr~asappzehended with stolen goods on his person should nonethele~jsbe @ven a hearing in court. If the myor failed to Wethis donad tho nQortmte could be executed imediately without a trial. The ?myor's posi~ionas a link between ths city and the Dublin government cern be seen very cberlg in the sphere of justice where he acted as arbitrrtor Ln cases which imolved a conflict 09 jurisdictions. A cbnflict of jurisdi~tio~arosc ?ken a citizen hcd +to appear in court with non-citieen; such cases were left fox the juwticia:.; to judge. In these caaes the justici3.x svmoned %he citizen to cppem before hin by sending a writ to the r-nd bailif 2s im*tructing %hen to &we the person naned at his court, 3p'& the nayor nnd b~iiliffedid not carry out the orders contained in the rit tky were m3rxfl. (f~rted), This wm the result in 1305 when the myor and baili'lfs rc%wnel that z citizen who was to answer' a plea of debt at tk justixi>:. , cow; was It wes the task of the nayor and b8fliffs to Leyr fron tb~soocls axd property of the citizen the smih which he was anesced in tho jt~sticias~'court. If they failed to do sa the sheriff P uld'*ba aslied to enter the city and caxry out the jws tioiar ! s romands. 18 Iil 13C2 tho myor ar;l bailiffs of Waterford refused to levy o. debt becase the ixdl-&dual concerned had nothing except that which had been taken inLo the king's hmds prior to the arrival of the Wit. Hawever the excuae msnot acrapted, Sos ihc sheriff of Vnterford was order- ed "that he Sail n9-t on account of the liberty of the city to levy of this debtofts lands and chattels and deliver to the creditor1' the sum agreed upon in his court.

As the juaticiar was not always available to hear cases as soon 2s a charge ma brought, it became the responsibility of the mayor and bafliffs to keep in custody those suspected of crimind acta until the justiciar should come to deliver the gaol. In 1311 the mayor and bailiffs were chmged with allowing the escape of two citizens who had been committed to gaol on the suspicion that they had stolen goods fxon a house in the town of the Ostmen in the ciuburba .37 Indeed such negligence could be expensive, for the pipe roll of 1299 records that the mayo and bailiffs and commonality owe 100/- for the escape of Henry Russell. 58 The system of administering jmtice amears to have been very efficient. In cases involving a non-citizen the mayor represented the city and ensured that the victim received that which the citizen awed him (or so it was intended). Within the city the mayor and bailiffs organised a quick and efficient means of obtaining justice. The citizen who brought an action against another citizen did not have to wait for itinerant jmtices to come to the city before his case would be heard.

l?IIJ.~CIkLEEL'LTI ONSHIP WI TR DUBLIH :

In the fiscal sphere the mayor md bailiffs 2130 acted as 2 link between the city and the Dublin governnzent. In 1292 when the kina; askeu the Irish parl5ment for a grant of a fifteenth (a tax so called since it was levied at the rate of 1/~5th of the value of all movables) the mayors of the cities seem to have represented the citizens at the pafLia- rnent. Thomas Cantork, who was sent to Ireland to negotLate the tax, in a letter to the English Chancellor tells us that the mayora agreed to the tax.39 Indeed the mayor1s responsibility did not end here as he had to ensure that suitable persons were locally elected to collect the Again in 1300 it was probably with the myor that John Wogan, the jwticiar, negotiated the grant by the city of 100 marks to the king to help finance bis war in cotl land.^^ Here again there is little doubt that the collection of the money from the individuals within the city was left up to the mayor and the city adninistration.

In the collection of import and export duties the central goverment slso wed the machinery of local government to casry out this tcsk. The cityfa obligations to provide the officials neeaed to collect the various customs was extremely valuable to the Hng. The election of officials from within the city to collect these custonas gave rise to a very efficient system of local administration, thereby preventing the loss to the central government of valuable the. Unfortunakely we do not know when the system of electing local customs collectors started, but it is clear from the Nemorand~Rolls that at the beginniag of the fourteenth century those officials were, in fact, citizens who had been locelly elected. Writs were aent to the myor and bailiffs ofVN&terford ordering them to oause two 'good and faithful menf to be elected who muld be respomible for the collection of the custom on wool and hides92 Similarly when the small cuatorn was impased by Edward I in 1303, the officials responsible for its collectian were, in all probability, locally elected. 43 The reason we hove for swgesting tk~sis that Jordan of Briatol paid the issues of the custom 4t Waterford into the exchequer ia-1504. As Jordm was reliev~dfrom the office of control- ler of the custom on wool ad hides in 1304, a position he had been eleakd to fill, we can asswne that he was also elected to collect the &EU custom. Nothing is known concerning tho method adopted for the collection of the prise of wine during tha early part of Edwmd 1's reigp. During Henry 111's reign, the prise vms collected by t'ne king's bailiff in the presence of the city provost. 44 In 1303 a change occurred when the king, Edwerd I, substituted for the prise a money papent of two shillings on every tun of wine unloaded at the port, This chmp may have been followed by 2 change in the eysten of collecting the prise for in 1305 Eyner de Godor was elected custos of the prise of wine in l7a.terford.45

The advmitage of this system of locnl government was that fraud by the individual collectors was, 2s far as possible, ensured against. This insursnce was achieved by the fact that those elected had to be 'good and honest. men'. This term probably implied in Ireland, as it did in England, that the collectors were-to have sufficient mems and enough spare tirne to perf'omn WHta6k.b Obviously it was rauch easier to get redress fron a wealthy citizen thzn it was from a poor one. Secondly, the writs ordering the mayor and bailiffs to have these men elected contained the provision that the myor and community should be account- able for 'chose ahom they elect -47 'Phis surely nust h2.ve encouraged the election of trustworthy men, 2nd even if they proved not to be, the central adrninistratior_ could still claim satisfaction from the mayor and cornunity of the city. . Although those electec! ?.id on rccnsion take an oath at the exchequer concerning the office they administered, the responsibility for their ections seems to have been conpletely in the hands of the napr and beiliffs. For elranple even though the sayor and bailiffs sent the names of those elected as collectors of the custom to the Treasurer, the exchequer did not send writs directly to the collecters. Inste~dit employed the more general tactic of addressing the writs to the mayor and bailiffs to muse the collectors to come to the exchequer, together with their rolls of receipts, to pre-ent their account. 48 Even when the custon on wool rid hides was famed out to the Italian bankers and mrchants the city officials still kept an account of the custorns pid.49 Edward was therefore aned with a cheap end efficient rnethod of checking the cnount of revenue the Italians received. The third individual who was involved on a local level with the collection of the custom was the controller, an3 hts tarsk, as his title suggests, was to act as a control on the two collectors. During the early four- teenth century the controller was also elected locally. Jordan of Bristol, a controller, sought special pernission to be relieved of the duty in 1304.5~ The same year the king ordered the neyor and bailiffs of Waterford to elect another suitable person in Z?ia glma.51 This development vlas in complete contrzd-i-ction to the original plan which specified that the controller should be a governnent ap~intee.5~ One could argue that, because all three officials vmre rn~locally elected, there was a greater scope for conspirecy and fraud anong then, znd this might possibl;. have weakened thi. system. Indeed, the practice of nllow- ing the controller to be elected locally illustrates jwt hOW dependent on locally elected officials the centre1 ~ds~iinistrationhad became. A similar system of local elections opcrzted whe2 it came to appointing, the individuals responsible for the collection of the provisions necess~vy for the king's a~rny.53 For example JorGzn of Bristol 2nd Robert the clerk were elected purveyors at Waterford in 1306. Like those appointed to collect the custom on wool hides, they ha6 to keep a record of noney received and spent ~ndon occcsion account at the exchequer. Ir, 1310 a writ was sent to the nayor and tn:.~iffsof Coyk commending them to ca~eto cone to the exchequer the purveyors of -- victu~lsther2, so thct they night rendcr rccourit for the tine of King Edwxd I and of Edwerd I1 .5 4 The administrative obligations owed by the city to the king did not end vith the loccl clection of the offS.ciz.1~nzeded to collect the supplies. Indeed this was only the first stage in a long process which iilvolved nany individuals and an assortment of skills before the goods reached their destin:.tion. The cit;' zuthorities had the task of arrest- In6 merchant ships so that they could be eqloyed in the transport of the supplies to the king's army. '!!hen the ships had been arrested the mayor and bailiffs had t~ take security fron the nasters of the ships to ensure that they would not escape, Having done this they hzd to certify to the treasurer and barks of thc exchequer concerxing the tonnzge of those ships arrested .55 Clearly rluch of the work of purveyance could be transferred ;J the zoverning officials ~f the city. This hrd gmxt cdvantages for the lciw in an age v~hcnthe appointnent of individu~lsto aduinister local duties wcs not an ezsy task for the central govcrment. Frau by purveyors could be easily insured -- agsinst by transferring the responsibility of electing the purveyors to the loccl c01;1111'.~aLties, The fcrct that in 1310 the myor and bailiffs of Cork were ordered to cause the pm-eyors to cone to the exchequer suggests that, like those clccttd to colleqt the customs on wool and hides, the mtions of the pmvqrors were nlso the responsibility of the city.56

Apart from the ndrainistrative ad-mntnges offered by the city thc king could elso exploit the ser;rcos of the groat trading centres in his quest for supplies. Onco the mods collected they had to be pre- pared for the journey to either Gescony, Wales or Scotland. L'ine casks often ha to be repaired, so also had suitable containers for flour e~ld wheat. Ships had to be adapted to carry goods which they nay not have 'been designed to carry. The goods dso had to be weighed to ensure that, while on board shipythe sapplies were not depleted before thcy rceched the kingls rrnjr. Clearly there was z whole range of skills needed and the individ~~lspossessirig thesc skill8 mere easily found in the city. Another goin-;, to be conside-cd, i-n nn zge rI~encomw;icztions were slow and the transport of money a precarious -bask, wzs the fxt that money was ak~ablelocally to finmce the purchase of supplies. John le Taylor nayor of Waterford who was ~lectecfpurveyor in 1297 received sums of money from the collectors of the fifteenth in the counties of Xwry, Tippcrary and ~~terford.~~The city of Raterford was ~llowed2217-9-7 on its account in 1293 wid part of this money went towards buying provisions for ths kingls aruy.58 In 1307 John Lucas arad the sheriff of Cork receivcd R40 fr~nBmtholomew Malizardi late collector of the . cusBom on wool and hides.59 They also received cll the money )ha$ had been collected by Jordan of Bristol, keeper of tl-ie cu.stoQ of wool and 7nues -7 at ~aterford.~~Tr3 8 mmy was used to pay the wages of divers mriners who were bringing supplies to Scotland. Similarly money which was not spent 5y the purveyors could, without hzving to be sent bzck to Dublin, be transferred to the purveyors in another area. Iil 1301, for exanple, the purveyors st New Ross delivered to the purveyors 2t Waterford &46. There caa be little doubt a3 to the efficiency of this systen for obtaining supplies for the king's my.61

Along with ell these reaponsibilit'es it nlso becane the task of the mayor and briliffs by the end of the 13th cenkwy to tccount at the exchequer for the fmof the city. It is also evident fron our sources that the bailiffs, the traditional pnyera of the fm, held a subordinute, rather than coordinate, position to the myor when accou1tin~.6~ This is illustrated by the fact that if the mayor could not attend the cxchequm but sent h-is bailiffs instead, his presence was still demanded in Dublin before the account was closed.62 In 1307 when the records ere much more complete we find an account of three citizens of Water rd presenting the mayor at the exchequer tc take the oath of office, gq By the end of Edwardfs reign the exchequer hcd succeeded in transferring fron the bailiffs or jgovosts the responsibility for the farm. Thc proffering for the fcrm by the mayor 2nd the tcking of the octh WE?^ a syr-lbolic acceptance of his pcssoml responsibility for thc; city's debt. In 1304 for example the ~lsyor ~f Dublin was committed to the custody of the marshal beczuse; "the exchequer. h~dreceived little or no pcyncnt." Duz to the outbreak of fire in Dublin the mayor was relemed b~toa the third of riugust he w~~sc@n connitted to the marshalfs cus~odybecauso, "he came (to the exchecper) dingexcuses to defer papent .65 The burden on the Wor of Dublin was so great in 1304 thct in tho follawing yew a new rcgula-. tion hrd to be nade by thc !xmicip&l gcvernnent" . The regulation- - forbzde the refus21 3f any citlzen to accept tho office of nayor if elected. Ylose vho refused to take the office had to pay El0 tov~ards thc repir of the Guildhall.

Clc=.rly sonething was going wrong with the systen. By the end of Ednnrd. 1's rcign%cterford city owed six tines its am~~lfaru to the cxchcqu.cr. Tho cityts incc.pmity to pay wcs in 211 probcbility due to an cconoi1ic r2ccasion which was accelerated by the king's exploitction of ,the colony in order to pqr for his sottish wzrs .67

It is ironic that just zu the systelil of local goverivnent was reach- ing perfection other forces were at work ensuring its collzpsc. In rmny mys this developnent is very understnndable for the adva~ced systern of both urbm nnd rum1 adr~inistrationhad made Edward's exl-doikction . of the colony an easy task. This exploitetion left the country defence- less aga-Lnst the growing power of the Irish who gradually took edvcmt~ge of the kingfs lack of interest and be@ to regcin territorios within the Anglo-Noman sphcre of influence. By 1307, the yea- in vrhicli Edxmd died, the nayor adbailiffs of tho city of Wate~fordwere pardoned by the treasurer becewe, "they did n~tventure to cone tn proffer for the f=irr.~because of the &zards of the seas end the divcrs ncrs which ware taking plxc in Ireland l1 .67 This indeed wzs the first sign of thc collapse-of the systen which had developed during Edwcrd's reign. By 1331 the city rcveived c charter which excused the ncyor from taking the oath of officc ct the exchequer. 68 Fifty years hod not passed since the (lc~thof Edwnrd.n!icn in 1556 the city rcccived another charter which clloncd Ior the pcyrlcnt 9f the: fz!! b~ ail r-ttorney. 69 The links which had been e?-tgbLished. between thc city and the Dublin ::ovcrruent were padually being broken down. Tfic Dublin adninistration began*to con- centrqte _c_ndgfg-riding the aca which was to bc crlled the pale. Thm@ Yaterford wcs very much outside the 'Tale' i t in way way8 erected its own 'Pc1ef ?.11d remained loycl to the English raonmchy throughout the niddle ages. This loy~ltywas rew-ded in 1497 by Henry VII, the 1-t of the medievzl kings of England when he conferred upon the city &long other honours, the nottp, Intacta Ma iet ~nterfordia.~~

Sources : ' M. D, OISullivan, Italian Merchant Bankers iri IreLCand ia the Phirteenth Centmx, p.177. Calendar of Justiciary Rolls, Ireland. Vol 111, p p.185-8. M. D. OrSulTL-Pdn, op. cit., 3. 21. Eyraer de Godar appears frequently in the records of thc tine so that i-'c is possible toconstruct a short profile of hi:; career. This I have set out in the table bc?loW. Ch~rSesSmith, The fincient- md Present State OF the City of Jliaterford (1746) g. 114 - 5 . -.J . Otway - Ruthven, ir Historx- of Medieval Ireland. p. 50 G. H. Orpen, Ireland Under the Normans, VoL. I, p. 371 ------Charrtae, i'rivile[l;ia et Immunitatea,---- pp. 17-1~:. J. Tait, The Medievcl Elnglish Borough, p. 191 & Is$, 3 J. T. Gilbert, Zistoric arid ?6ulll7ipal Docments of Irelmd, p.lg6. C-. ljac l:iocaill, lBorough Custom of Y!!aterfordf Ba B~irgeisi~Vol.1,P.39 elid ?', Plucknett, &islation of Edward I, 11. 137 J. Tait, op. cit., p. 346

-- Calendar of Documents Relatinc to Irelald, 11 b Llal L,ze, Privilegia et Imw~t'~\.?;cs,pp, 13 - T. lait. op. cit., pp. 280 -- 230. R. Dudley Edwards 'The 3egj.rming of Nlmiciple Government in Dublin, ' Dublin Ilistorical Records, Vol. I, 9. 4. G. Ilsc 1,'incaill. op. cit., Vol I. p. 53.. Czlendar of Chzrter Rolls. Vol. I, p. 39

G. Mac 1: jocaill,, op- cit.,, --pp. 251 - 255. E. lJc%nez:ney, Edward I and The Cirty of Yfaterford, unpublished B.A. Thesis, T. 2. D. pp 14 - 15 - 15. Calender of Documents Relatinf: to Ireland. 1171-1251, iTo. 2133. ibid. Eo. 2613. znd Calendsr of Patent Rolls, 1232-1247.p.376 ibid., 1285 - 1292, Bo. 917. R. II. Ryland., Zistory of iV;:ietcrford, (1824). p. 221. Verse 7. Pige Roll 1 Ed.war.fi. I, Deputy Keeper, Public Record Office, Irelaiid, Report 36, g. 24. 6. T. Gilbert (cd) , op. cit,, p.91 and p.132. aid Xemoranda Roll 13 - 14 Edward I1 , Record Oormis~ioiz8/12. p. 318. G. Nac Biocaill, Ha Buirgeisi, Vol.11 p. 446. .T. Lydoil, The Lordship of Ireland in Thc iiic!r!le Ages. p. 120 Nernoranda Roll, 3 Edward 11, F.R.O.1. C~'Lkndar,p. 407. C. Xac I'Tiocaill, iTa BuirgeisL, Borough Customs of Ylleterford SrolrI .p.53. J. Lycion "The City of Caterford iil the Leter Iziddle Ages". Decies 12

-P. 6. Calendar of Justicisry Rolls Irelmd, Vol., 1, p. 117. ibid.-- Vol. 1, p. 452. 37. ibid. Vol.111, p.177. Pipe Roll. 27, Edwzrd I, O,;(. .l).!i.O.I.,- Rep. 38, p. 49 hT. Richardson an6 G. Szyles, (ed) Pmliments and Councils of Dledieval Ireland, pp. 198-9. J. :lillrrd, Pmliamentary Taxes---- on Tersonal Property 1290 - 1334,p.54 p 3. ~nit C.D. I. Vol. 1293-1301. ITos. S8,90, 113,130,140, 160, 183, 203, 222, 261. J. Lydon Consent adTix~ation in EIedieval Irelsnd, p. 12. Xemorand~.Rol1.l EdwzrdII. P.R.O.I., Czlendzr. p. 366 Memoranda Roll 31 - 35 Edwtird I P.R.O.I. Cal.endzr P. 50 G. Mac Niocaill, Na Buirgeisi, pp. 251 - 55. See table below. H. Brodie, Irish Customs, 1275-1527. p. 25 (unpublished B.i;.Thesis T.C .D) k1emoranda Xoll, 31 - 35 Edward I, i'.Z.O.I. Calendar, p. 96 Memoranda Roll, 3 - 4 Edward 11, Record Comission Calendar. Vol.IV p. 483 a-r~d 1 Edwmd 11. P.2.O.I. Csl., 11.367. Lemoranda Roll, 1, ~daardI1 P.R.O.I. Calendar, p. 366 .. - _. - .-- -* .- Elemoranda Roll, 31 - 35 Edwqd I, P.R.O.I. Calepdar, p. 94 idem. 52 .-E; -&odie, op. csik;;':'p. 32'. .- Memorsada Roll , 31 - 35 '~dwardI, P.R.O.I. Calendar, p. 1 Memorand a Ro 11 3 Edward 11, P.R.O.I. Calendar p. 549 Calendar of Do euments Relati-ng to Ireland, 1295 - 1301. iic Nenormda Roll 3 Edward 11, P.R.o.~. Calendar, p. 549. Pipe Roll XXV Edward I, D.K, P.R.O.I., Rep. 38, p. 32. Pipe Boll XXI Edwtird I, D.K.,P.R.O.L, Rep. 38, p. 46. Nemoranda Roll 1 Edward 11, P.R.O.I. Calendar, p. 367 ibid. p. 367. Pipe Roll SXIX Edw9rd I, DX,, P.R.O.1 ., Rep. 9..38 Po560 Memorznciz Ro 11 31 - 35 Edward I, P.R.O.I. calendar,^. 124. ibid., p. 196,

'J. Lydon, The Lordship of Ireland in the RiB'dle Age~,pp.l20 - 149, Calendar, of Patent, Rolls, 1330 - 27'34, p. 43. -Calendar of Charter &lolls, VoL.IV, p. 150-2. C. 3rnith, op? cit,, p. 134.

@able of Befer6ncea to ~.$er de Godar. Date Sources 1295 tlUerchant of Gascpnyif Plea Rolls, 23 Ed.1,Rec .Corn Calendar, Vol. 111, 9,249 The 'Sheriff of the C.ouity of Cal. of 3ocs, Rel. to Irelan 'laterford pays a fine for him. 1293-13019 i-io. 550. Paid thk fm at -the Exchequer EISa;l.Roll 31-75 Ed.1,P.B.O.I as Mayor of Yfaterforcl. y. 12flO Still mayor of Waterbford. Cal.Justicizry 8011s of Irelavg, Vol.11, p.121. Lcted as pledge for the slleriff ibid.,p.l78 of the countg'who Tailed to pay - i the queen's gold. itCuatosn of the prise of wine. ibid.,p. 166. Elkcted aollectop .of the custom ,Memoranda Roll, 1 Ed .I, on wool and ldderr. T.R.O.I.; bal.,p. 289'. Pzid custom on w~oland hides. Receipt Roll,. 35 Ed.1, E . l01/234/L6. Paid the farn of Waterfard. idem. Mayor of L'aterford. Receipt Roll, 4 Ed. 11, . . I3.*10l/236Jl. ,I,::-,, The Social and Economic Evolution of South Rilkennv in the- -the-

. .

As a region ~ilkenn~is particularly interesting.

First, it has had a more marked continuity than most regions 'in 1reland with its inhabitants and their material and non-material culture less disturbed by an . abrupt transition than other regions. Secondly, it was, to start with, more densely populated than many -. other regions, its central districts being probably the economically most developed part of late medieval and early modern Ireland. Thirdly, Kilkenny itself can be subdivided into three distinct sub-regions, thus repeating within itself some of the contrasts still rare sharply evident at national level. Politically, it was part of the Ormonde palatinate, dominated by its ruling

Butler family. As late as the 16201s, one third of the landed revenues of the county seem to have been in the hands of the Butler family and the Desmonds; the Butler lands stretched across the county from Kilcash to

Knocktopher, Kells and Callan to Kilkenny town and Dunmore and to Ballyragqet and Urlingford in the north. In acres and strategic location they dominated the

county. Loyal to the king, the Butlers lost some of their lands in the 1650's, hut also thanks to the Restoration, they continued to hold a dominant position.

Loyalty to the Jacobite cause later had its price: the Duke was attainted, the family losing its title and purchasing back its lands. The family 's landholdings were thus reduced by the early eighteenth century, but they were still the largest landed family in the county, and were related by blocd to other branches of the family, also large landowners, in the nsighbouring county of Tipperary, much of which had been within the palatinate. Under the power of ths Butler family, the palatinate had been relatively peaceful in medieval times in contrast to neighbouring Carlow which was intensely disturbed by intermittent warfare. The absence of warfare may account in part for the relative economic prospzrity of the palatinate, But only in part. Economic prosperity was also sustained by the strong town life of the region, which, while it may have reflected the political power of the Butlers, was long-established and had become an independent factor in accounting for the region's economic vitality.

In fact, next to its long-standing political stability, its strong town life was its outstanding feature. Its network of towns was by far the most extensive and most successful in Ireland: the Ormonde palatinate was the only region in Ireland whosz hinterland was characterised by a strong town life. Its seaport outlet, Waterfcrd, was tha second largest port in Ireland inta the seventeenth century; even as late as 1680 its customs revenue was comparable to that of

Cork. Kilkenny, thirty miles inland from Waterford, main urban seat of the Butlers, was the only largc inland town in Ireland. The Butler interest was evident in all three towns upstream from b7aterford on the river Suir: Carrick, seat of the most magnificent late Tudor and perhaps first non-militarised house built in Ireland; Clonmel, centre of the Palatinate court, and Cahir, a powerful frontier port for tha pal-atinace in the south-west of the Butler lands. On the King's River between Kilkenny and Waterford, the two towns of Callan and

Kells were dominated by Eutler castles, and with the towns of Thomastown and Inistioge. on the Nore, completed a chain of four towns within a stretch of fifteen miles, a unique feature in Ireland. The strong economic and town life of this compact region was carried through a gap in the hills beyond Callan to an almost equally rich district in Tipperary dominated by the walled town of Feth.ard and the neighbouri-ng ecclesiastical centre of Cashel whose archbishopric was controlled by the Butlers. Thus, a region no more than thirty miles long and as many miles wide, had no less than ten towns.

Such a developed conparztively we 11-populated region was not readily open to foreign settlement and external 'influences. The tenant class remained catholic, and evdn new families of English origin were successful in introducing a significant nurr3er of protestants only into the bleak limestone platrau in the north-cast of the county and onto the Slieveardagh hills along the western frontier of the county, The Butler family itself retained much of its land, and two branches of the family, those at Ballyragget in the north and Cahir in the south- west of the palatinate, rcmaincd Catholic throughout the period. Political and social continuity meant cultural continuity as well. An almost medizval-life style survived in the southern half of the county well into the eighteenth century; abductions, family feuds, and banditry were all in evidence. Intermarriage was very marked in tllc southern districts especially.

These districts elso retained a typical pattern of farm houses clustering together which is almost certainly

Anglo-Norman in origin, thus affording a contrast with the more dispersed settlement of mid- and north

Kilkenny. It was in fact in kne southern districts, tightly-knit by marriage with families still living even in the lowlands in hocse clusters Fnto the nineteenth century (or to the present day), that continuity was most marked and thak thc decline in thc Irish language came latest. Irish was the language of a third of the inhabitants of the two baronies adjoining the port of

Waterford as iate as 1.851. They were, along with adjoining Knocktopher and Keils,the most literate baronies of Kilkenny. The coincidence in mid-century of a high proportion of Irish syezkers with the highest literacy rates in the county illustrates the exceptional character of the south, and is consonant with their complex social organisation and evolution,

Kilkenny constituted a re1 atively self-contained region. Few extl2rnal influences pcrvaded it from east

Waterford, which showed the sam culture, and in addition to the south and thz sast the wide waters of the Suir and Barrow acted US 2. barrier. New influences could reach the county only Sron the north-west or north-east or in mid-Hilkenny through the grain corridor which ran from Cashal-Fethard on to Callan and the King's River. In the east, even vhen the Barrow narrowed above New

Ross, outside influences were greatly rcduced by the fact that south Carlow remaine5 in the hands of the

Kavanaghs, still Catholic, marri~dinto the Butlers and culturally not much differeat, North Carlow was however already highly anglicised before 1641, and it is not surprising that in 1650 the most widespread outside settlemeL~twas c-~identin the north-east around

Gowran, and in th2 north-west, in the barony in Galmoy.

It was a highly corn-lercialised county. The alliance between trade and land tlas ions established in its landed class not only in the 2crL of 'Jatcrford but even as far afield as the cFtj of Kllk~nnyitself, there being a rivalry between Rilltenny merl and Waterford men in the overseas trade of tk-. ~or.t. It had long been a tillage region for the urbail mrkcts of thc? south-east; it was also a centre of prcduction of wool for export, the wool coming in the mair, frcm the north of the county.

This helped to account f.2:: khc county's traditions in woollen manufactcre and late in the eighteenth century when Waterford's export trade in wool and yarn was small,

Kilkenny city was still 2. market through which wool was directed towards the growlny; woollzn manufacture of the south of ths county.

The central rsqion of thc county between the Nore and the King's River hzd been the most densely populated part of the county. The south was less densely populated, except on the lower j-acds bordering the Suir and Barrow,

But close to the city of Waterford, the upland region was probably as densely populated as its, upland character would admit. The relative population density of the southern baronies at the outset. can be measured crudely in a com2arison with conditions in the Slievcardagh hills north of the corridor from Callan to Cashel. In this region, in contrast to the south, there was heavy immigration, reflected for instance in the variety of surnames, protes- tant settlement, and isolated as opposed to clustered farms, a sure sign of extensive reshaping 05. land- holding. There was much tillage in the southern region before the increass in dairying in the 1750s and 176Cs, (2) In both the southern and central regions there was remarkably little variety in surnames, emphasising the dense settlement on the King's river, and the relatively closed and intermarried society of the uplands further south which limited immigration.

By contrast thers was a much greater variety of surnames in the parishzs of the north of the county, emphasising that they had been underpopulated and that low population combined with proximity to the centres of heavy English settlement pre- and post 1641 in the midlands and in north Carlow accounted for a movement into them that had no parallel in the rest of the county.

Kilkenny was the richest agricultural region in

Ireland, characteriscd in particular by two major gxain- growing rzgions, one along the Suir valley in the south, the other running from the Kinqcs River into Tipperary.

Kilkenny had very many mills cven ahead of modernisation of milling, although the civil survey does not survive to admit of thzir enumeration. The richest district in this region, thd land between the King's River and the

Nore, was the main cradle of the revolution in Irish flour milling in ths 1760's. (3) Three clear-cut regions can bz distinguished in County Kilkenny . The first was thc north of the county, relatively marshy pasture land in the north-west, limestone plateau in the north-east in the barony of Fassidinan. The region bore ail the marks of relative underpopulation to start kith. In contrast to the region further soukh, there were no medieval towns in the region, and medieval castles an2 monastic settlements were ;fewer and less impressive. English irilmigration -was marked in the seventee~thcen'i?zr;l, even abortively in the Butler stronghold of B~llyragget: the village was reshs.psd with an English triangular green. (4)

Johnstown, Fresh ford and Castlecclrncr represented typical landlord jnitiativa in shaping or re-shaping other village settleme3ts. The upper reaches of the Nore reached into an intense reylon of English settlement around Mountrath, Castletown and Durrow (the latter ever being at one stzge within County Kilkenny). In the north-east, on the lirnestori~"plateau,castlecomer waxed before 1641 on iron, and mainly after 1731 on coal. ., . The central lowlands cf Kilkenny, the second region of the county, include the land between the ore and the Barrow and to th? west the lands bordering the

Nore and its tributary the King's River, It included the city of Kilkenny, the scventeentk-century town of Gowran near its eastern border, four substantial' medieval towns or villagcs and the more modern settlements of

Kilmoganny and Stoncyford. As it- was densely populated and contained prosperous tillage farms, there was little scope for outside settlers on the land. But the region was attractive to outsiders with commercial interests who settled. .. in the towns and to landowners and gentlemen tenants from the outside - as opposed to occupying tenants - who held much of its land. At a later date this was the.. - region in the county in which landlord demesnes and estates were most nuns'rous. The barony of Kells in the main to the south of King's River was the most dramatic illustration of all of resistance to outside influences. Significant small communities of protestants grew in Kells, an2 in the villages of

Kilmogamyand of Stoneyford (the latter within the barony of Knocktopher) which were close to several demesnes, but there was no significant non-Irish settlement on the

land at all. Strikingly, too, reflecting the existing town life along the river, Kilmoga~yandStoneyford were

the only two village creations which could be regarded, . . as new. Even the Irish languagz was slow to give ground i I

in the barony, and in 1851 almost one quarter of .the . population. . still spckc Irish. Along both sides of the river the contrast between on the one hand the numerous demesnes and the largely anglicised towns and on the other

hand the unchanging farm population is a good illustration of the inability of landlords either to change the population

or to attract settlers. To the east of the Nore in the barony of Gowran the pattern was not dissimilar, except that more subject to outside influences, the Irish language was less spoken than in the baronies of Shil-logher, Crannagh

and Kells. The third region was essentially upland, embracing the two southern baronies of Iverk and Ida, the southern half of the barony of Knocktopher and a small portion of

Gowran. Its northern frontier reached from 1nis.tioge to Ninsmilehouse just across the border in Tipperary,

At both points the frontier is quite dramatic: Mount

Alto falling steeply into the t4ore below Inistioge, and the sudden vista. from Ninemilebridge of the Callan plain to the north. The frontier rcns sou.th of a line joining the villages of Windgap! Kilmoganny, Knocktopher and Inistioge. The Rower, south-east. of Inistioge on the north side of the Note, included in the administrative barony of Ida, was also part of the southern region cultural'ly, reproducing exactly the same characteristics of settlement patt?rns, way o? life and culture. This upland is intersected by a valley from north to south, which helps to make Mullinavat in thc shadow of Tory

Hill, the nearest approach the region has to a focal point.

But the archaic character of thc recjion is reflected in the fact that Mullinavat is larqzly post-1800, and the absence of seats and of ~sti.t~villagss within the uplands illustratcs the lack of residential appeal of the region and helps to explain how it yrzssrved its cultural ethos with very little change well into the nighteenth and even nineteenth centur-Tes,To thz north th~region falls to the great central plaip of mid-Iiilxcnny, To the south it slopes southwards to the 3u1r and eastwards to the

Barrow. The riverine str~tch~swcre the nost prosperous agricultural districts of thc rzaion, and anbrace in the great meander of the Suir above Watcrford, by far the greatest single extent of lowland within the region.

Isolated by the wid? barrier of the Suir znd Nore, and

consisting largely of the uplands, the region is quite

distinct from the south-east at large. The variety

of surnames was smaller than elsewhere, intermarriage

intense, and the general pattern of its life more

inbred, archaic and unchanging. The contrast is

especially dramatic if the region is seen as ringed

.:I round by small medieval towns and as reaching quite literally

into the suburbs of Waterford. It had no medieval towns

and. no wealth of medieval buildings, spart from the

castles or fortified houses of the gentry dotted across

the landscape, bespeaking originally a stronger gentry . . . implantation than in the backward north. There were no

towns eithsr except for vi1 lages like Mullinavat , Slieverue and Glenmore, all post-1800 following the lhe

of existing roads, It had only two estate villages

Pliltown and Fiddown side by side on the Ressborough

estate; even the Fiddown parish union was predominantly " \ catholic, and protestant settlement outside Pilltown

had virtually disappearad with the consequence that the

lands immediately verging on Waterford city, the riche'st

tillage lands in this region, werc among the mostly

monolithically catholic parishes in the entire county. . .3g However, because the entire region was close to the city

it was both highly populated in relation to its resources

and highly commercialised. Its gentry families had

traditionally an active role in trade and in the overseas business life of the city of Waterford: no less than

nine Kilkcnny families were represented in the merchant

community of Watzrford in 1560, son12 of its families like the Walshcs or Aylewards continusd to hold large . ,-; farms on advantageous leases. In the eighteenth century the region developed a textile industry, in part in the hands of the larger farmers who employed labourers to weave for tham, Its lower classes too from a com- paratively early date migrated seasonably to the

Newfoundland fishery. Thc continuity of this region, its remarkably stable social structure and the inter- , marriage which supported it, ensured also that it remained the most Irish-speaking part of the county, and that the western barony of Iverk where these features were more marked was more Irish-speaking than the eastern barony of Ida. Until the 1750s tillage had been widespread in this region, when it began to give way to dairying. Tighe . -' commented in 1802 on the traces of village communities that had disappeared 40 or 50 years previously, (6) But the

character of the region was still very resilient. Tiyhe noted that the fzras in Ida which comSined dairying and tillage

as the most comfortable in the county, and also commented on comfortable farms on th? borders of Iv~rkand Knocktophcr. (7

Significantly, while village communities mzy long have

been becoming fewer in the uplands, they were still

very numerous in the 1830s. They survived best of all

in the lowlands adjoining the Suir where the advantages of

tillage were greater than on the higher ground and gave the

district a striking continuity, In contrast to the

uplands, clusters of farm houses were still the dominant

form of settlement in the 1830s whereas in the uplands

villages and lsolated farm houses shared the landscape

betwcen them. The region threw up one industrial village, Kilmacow, where the upland fell down to low land and which became the major centre of milling in the south of. the county, because of its transport advantages and good water power.

The clossd character of the reqion is reflected also in the absence of protestant settlement, despite the fact that in 1660 this region, with its rich soil and access to transport hzd a~tracteda number of gentry families.

Their long-term impact was very limited. The protestant population of the parishes of Dunkitt and Gaulskill declined continuously from a sizeablc 39 families in 1731, which made them the largest rural community after the

Fiddown parish union in south Kilkenny, to 24 in 1766,

14 in 1800 and 55 individuals or about 11 families in 1831.

The parishes of Poleroan, Portnascully, Ulid and Clonmore exhibited a similar tendency, the 24 families of 1731 falling to 55 individuals in 1766 and 66 in 1831, Even

Kilmacow, dsspite its belated commercialisation did not acquire a Protestant community, its 7 families of 1731 rising only to 44 individuals or about 9 families by

The changes in landowners did of course lead to a widespread appearance of outsiders: in the 1659-60 poll-tax returns, the named "gentl~nen';and "esquires" have almost all English names riqht across the county, but the small number of poll-tax payers in most locations suggests that the new landowners 2nd large gentlemen tenants had been able to introduce rzmarkably few tenants or labourzrs to displace the sxisting population.

This was most dramatically evident on the Ponsonby (or Bessborough) sstatc in the south, The Ponsonbys wsre among the grezt whig magnztcs of the eighteenth century, but their estates had few protestants except in the . vicinity of the demesnc. The Protestant parish of

Fiddown had 302 Protestants in 1731, 483 in 1800, but the number had incrzascd only co 5.51 in 1831. This was in absolute numbers the largest community out- side the north of county Rilktnny at Every date between 1731 and 1831, But even here the farmers were mixed, with many '~atholicsamong tb.3 largest, and many of the Protestants a-mong the smallholders suggesting that they were sstate em~loyees.('1 1n addition no 1;e.s~than. lSCJ cf a population of 2141.

'above 14 years in ~FOOwci-a returneil as manufacturers, (10)

The Bessborough family had lorkg encouraged the

linen industry, althauqh with limited success as the woollen ind.ustr7 over,shadowed, i-t, and it is likely

that protestant artisans accounted for a high proportion of :;he protsstai?.t cormunity , IJr.oreover, on the

fringes of the parish, communal landholding structures were evident, suggesting that the landowner was

compelled to r~spectexisting institutions. The estate agent was Peter Yal.sh, a rnenber 01 the dominant old family of the region, In the townland

of .Turkstowi, (11) I9alsh, rchousinq small farmers, was constrained to respect tne communal structures,

thus not reshaping the r'zrns as was common in land-

lord improvements but buil3.ing the farms together as

a compact village at th? centrc of an unaltsred

field structure, Thz neighbou.ring Bessborouqh parish of Poleroan with its tight clusters of farm houses on richer soil had almost no outside names. (12) Significantly, with the minor exceptions of Kilmoganny and Stoneyford and the major one of Inistioqc, the only villages in the county which reflect firm direction or planning by the landlord were in the north, Pilltown an3 Fiddown themselves were poorly laid out villages, formed by the landscape and the road line rather than shaped by central direction as in Johnstown, Fresh ford and Castlecomer, the three most formal villages in the county, or in Ballyragget . On balance even at the end of the decade of most decisive upheaval in Trish history (the l65Os), the changes in Kilkenny did not reach beyond landownership and trade. At the lev21 of the country- side, the social structure remained based on an indigenous farming class, In fact, given the strong traditions of commercialised agriculture and the general commercialisation avident in the close links between cou.nt.ry gentry a.nd merchant classes, lif? in the coun.tryside was dominated by the stronger farmers, Even in the sixteenth century, a strong yeoman class may have existed below the level of the gentry This seems to explain the contrast between

Kilkenny and. the south-west of Ireland, where dispossessed landed families saw their sons set up as very large gentlemen farmers taking large tracts of land at low rents and subletting then at high rents to small occupying tenants in the eicjhteenth century. In Xilkenny by contrast there was a reWtiive absence of families who wsre characterised by large holdinqs which they did not farm directly and by distinct aristocratic aspirations. Large holdinqs in Kllkcnny, which were by no maans unknown, involved direct management; their occupiers do not seem to have been aristocratic in their pretensions.

Rilkenny because of its medieval character was still characterised by many signs of medieval violence 2 family feuds, abductions, and banditry. For instance an examination of eighteznth-century cases of outlawry shows a higher number of individuals outlawed in

Kilkenny than in any county exccyt Cork, Yet despite such evidence of a violent society, therz IS no record of the existence of the social aggressiveness of gentleman-farmers of the tyne represented by the

OsSullivans or the celebrated outlaw, Arthur O'Leary, of Co. Cork. The social values of the rural upper classes seem to have been different in the two counties. This is in part a conseauence of the century-long active involuement of the county's minor gentry in agriculture but the different social values of the two regions may be equally a consequence of u?ward social mobility by lesssr families in an agriculturally rich and relatively advanced region,

As they rose, they brought with t.hem the attitudes and social valuss they held orisinally, In consequence the rural uppr class may have come to a large extent

from its farming community. In county Cork, much more

backward to start with and with no tradition of a highly evolved agriculture, there was no intzrmediate class or yeomanry between the gentry and the small occapiers. The large gentlemen farmers of the eighteenth century in west Cork were very clearly a consequence of downward social mobility. 2% they sank, they retained their aspirations to a gentry life-style: they also resented the new landowners of English ancestxy who had supplanted them, and a sense of social rivalry based on racial differences was in evidence which had no parallel in county Kilkenny.

In Kilkenny, there is also evidence of the direct migration of younger sons of farmers as opposed to gentleman farmers into trade, (13) The Rice family of

Callan had no great social standing among the old families of Kilkenny; yet one of the Rices from

Callan was a merchant in overseas trade in Waterford city at the end of the eicjhteenth century.

The farm from which Rice came can still be idsntified in the hands of a manber of ths family in the 1820s: some 60 acres (90 statute acres) nlaking its occupier third largest occupicr in the parish of Callan. i 14)

This instance suggests a background infinitely more modest than that typical for recruits into foreign

trade in the seventeenth and eiqhtzenth csnturies and

seems to illustrate a path from modest faming into

trade which can be paralleled neither in the south nor west of Ireland.

Popular agrarian unrest was not sectarian, In

fact the agrarian unrest in 1.751 which once it sp~erd

to Clogheen acquired a sectarian dimension had actually originated on the estates of the Cahir Butlers, and in 1775 the most violent clash between the agrarian rebel5 and property owners took place in. Ballyragget in the north of the county where the inhabitants of thc town organized by the Butler family, cs~eciallythe archbishop, repulsed the

Whiteboys, in a virtual military conflict. 'The rapid growth of idreign trade in the third quarter of the ei~hteenthcentury had a dramatic impact on the agricultural organisation of the county. The impact was of course less on the wheat lands of the middle of the county where comrn~rcialisationof long standing had produced an individual as opposed to communal organisation of farminq and where the boom in wheat growing in the 1750s and 1760s prevented the advance of pastoral farms. The impact was morz serious in the north of the county which was more suitable for livestock and in the uplands of the south where tillage gave way in the third quarter of the czntury to dairyins. Some of: the farms which emerged were very large, one of the Vclsh family at Earlsrath havina according to Tighe no less than

2,000 acres. (I5) The structure of the area remained singular of course, In this ,closed region intermarriage . . was universal. among the propertied families . Families as they moved into dairying and livestock did not chosc to hous2 themselves in the fields, but remained in small communities of szveral dwellings. The

Aylward family for instance was one of the successful families who ~ioneeredthe movement into dairying: some fi-~efamilies at Knockmeilan and. Ballybrishan living side by side in a tiny community. (I6) Such communities wer2 scattered across tha southern baronies. They are to be distinguished sharply from the small communities of tillag~farmers which they replaced: they were large propertied families, akin to the other families in the pattern of intermarriage and community living, but otharwise quite different .

A number of these villages of propertied farmers were built around a green: a sure indication of the role livestock played in their economy. No less than four of these communities around a green can be identified . .. of which Soolyglass is the most remarkable. (17) It is possible to hypothesise that in this region , which was without towns before 1800, small livestock fairs grew up in proximity to the stronger farmers and that some farmers built thair cornrnunitizs around the green which served a commercial purpose.

It should be added that these villages are quite ...... , . . . .. , 3' different from the clachan the concc~tof which has Seen popularised by geographers in the study of settlement in parts of the north and west of Ireland. Anglo-Norman farmers often chose to live in tiny communities of several farmers rather than in isolation and the Kilkenny village or community ~atternis derived from this pattern.

Changes were bound to be resented, especially as they displaced the smaller or waaker landholders. There was also pressure in finding an outlet for younger sons. The seasonal migration from Waterford to Newfoundland which took up to 5,000 passengers

each year grew to large proportions in the same period (tha third quarter of the century) , and south Killcanny was the main region £ram which the passengers were drawn. The south was particularly vulnerable

in time or' change, both because of strong communal

characteristics in its social organisation and

also because it was on balance poorer than the

other regions. The re-.,organisationbased on

dairying combined with ths evidecce of emigration points

to very acute social pressure from the middle of the

century. The widespread diffusion of textile

employment is anothzr measure, and the fact that

Carriek [email protected] more important than Kilkznny as a

centre of the industry se~msto hint at the role

the industry was now acquiring among the smallholders

and poor of tha valleys and hills of Ivcrk. Both

in Iverk and Ida were to be found the only c3ses in

the county of the letting of dairy cattle by miadlenten

to smallholders too poor to provide their own livestock.

In the case of Iverk, Tighe quzllfied the number

taking dairy cattls as few. Within Ida a contrast

has to be drawn between its many prosperous districts

and a district such as Slievcrue wherz the dairy

system (i,e . letting of cattle to dairy.e ,) seems to havz been widesnread. Xe-.organisation was not

disastrous for all the community, In t!-12 uplands,

access to rough qrazing combined vith incor~~e

from woollens often left smal.lholders much Setter

off than on the lower ground. In the case of the latter, if ths land was poor and if as was the case

at Slievsrue (civil parish of kathpatrick) the parish was remotz from the textile centres of Carrick and

Kilkenny, the change was accompanied by growing

social problems, As late as 1834 much of the land

in Rathpatrick was held by large middlemzn sub-

letting to undertenants, (la! Ratnpatrick had a

ratio of labourers to farms employing labourers

almost as high as the high ratioes of a semi-urban

parish like Callan or a great pastoral parish

like Ballyragqct . (") ?y contrast in Fiddown or Dunkit, or in the hills there was a significant

number of smallholders owning their 1ivestock and

not beholden to intermediaries within ths parish.

Away fron tillage areas, the balance was of course

delicate because smallholders were vulnerable to

competition from larger dairy farmers anxious to

take more land into their own management, and

sources of conflict between 5mallholders and farmers

who both pushed rents up and took smal.lholdings over,

multiplied. As large farmers also emerged as

intermittent em~loyersof labour, another source of

conflict opened up in rkgs.r&..to wage -~ates.add-.the

price- of ,conacre plots which often constituted a

paymen-t in kind,

Given a conflict of interest occasioned by

accelerated economic change in the rural community,

it is hardly surprising that there should be evidence

of a virtual class war in the countryside. The Aylwards,

for instance, whose community of five houses has been mentioned, replaced thatch with slate for

fear of malicious attack. (20)' In the Yhiteboy unrest of the 1770s daught2rs of farm~rswere abducted . .

and put through a forn. of . forczd marriage by their captors: Young in 1776 rzfcrred to four instances

in the space of a fortnight. (21) ~hoattack on

Ballyragget was an attack by less well-off rural

inhabitants on a prosperous village: it is likely

that the very large middlsmen farmers lived in the

village, In Castlecomer, for inst-ance, they certainly

did so. ('22) Castleco~,er,.Callan and ~z1lyrafryc.thad the

largest ratioss of labourers to farms employing

labour of any parishes in county Rilkenny in 1831.

Rathpatrick, Dunkit and Fiddown, and Knocktopher were not dissimilar, although in Fiddown and Dunkit

the social contrast was softened by the very large

number of smallholdars or farmers not crqloying

labour 123) and by the known prosperity of textiles

in both parishzs till after 1900. It is very clear

that in such circumstances labourer-farmer conflict

could easily arise and in fact well into the nineteenth

century such conflict was characteristic of county kilkenny . An intrlcping feature of south Kilkenny was the trz-ditibnaT mores of'the.psoplc at large

with, for southern Ireland., ths high degree of

mobility at the lowsst social lev21 evident in

the migration to Newfound.land. T5e population

pressure such mobility implied conhined with

knowledge of the,.oatside world can only hav~added

to the combattivity of the population. Kilkenny was the county which first petitioned ~arliament against tithes in 1-787, The tithe was also resented by the ordinary people, especially as the tithe was levied on the potato in Kilkenny alone of Leinster counties thus snsuring that it would be resented by the poor as well as by the well-off, Popular resentment against the tithes made Xilkenny the main centre of the resistance to tithes in the 1820s and 1830s.

The most astonishing feature of all in the case of county Kilkenny, especially as Vexford which became a sectarian bloodbath in 179E was close at hand, is that the county, while it did not altogethzr avoid the witchhunt of propertied catholics in the 1760s (largely in fact because the. catholic

Bntlers owned land in Tipperary as well as in

Kilkenny ) , escaped the popular sectarian tensions evident in the 1790s, In the 1793 rcbellion, no outbreak took place in Co. Kilkenny. Whsn a rebel army entered the north of the county through

Goresbridge, they found themselves eyed with suspicion and were refused information about the movement of the enemy. The only group to join them was a group of miners in Castlecomer. Castlecomer, as has alrsady been pointed out, was the only part of the county with a protestant population, at once large and ex?ansive, but which was more evident among smallholdsrs and landless people than amonq the

farmers. This flicker o? su9port was the sole one in

RiLkenny in 1798, and to this day in county Wexford, the tradi.tion of bctrayal by the ~i1kcnn~rne.nis a strong one. Significantly too the white tzrror which follcwei! 1736 did. not over£ low into' Kilkenny.

Some forty catholic churches were burned in Wexford and Wicltlow over the next two pars by ~rotestant extremists, 9espite the extensivz camon border which Kilkenny shar3d with TJexford an6 thz county of

Carlow which was like Wexford affected with the religious -tensions of the year, onl~yfour churches were burn& in county Kilkenny, Mothinq r!ore than the contrast bstween the czlm bchavionr of the intensely catholic cou~tyof Ki1ke;lr.y and i-ts immunity to the

~zndge-tymnliqious fervour of Vexford catholics in

1795 underlines the s~ecialcharacter of Kilkenny.

The county's ccntinuity was marked, and ths tcnsions which characterised it sprang less from the great religious and lar~dedupheaval in Ireland in the seventeenth century and mcrz f rcm purely secular . currents of trad-ition versus modc!r?isation and of social con:flict between the colmty ' s f arminq class, whose very prosperity derived from continuity, and its smallholders adversely affected. in a rzlatively densely populated ragion bor9 by acccigrated population qrowth and increased comrncrcialisation.

To a dcqrec rara in Ireland it is qossiblc in the case of Kilkenny to look at social ~roblemswithout the

complicating intervenin~factors of race and. reliqion. C. S. P., Ireland, 1625-1632, p. 467

!a! !a! . I'ighe , S tatiatiqal [email protected] ve to the coun* of Kilhnqy, (~ub~in1802)~ p. PEL. L. 14. Cullen, tE$&tesnth~uehtuqflour milling in Ireland', Irish econonic W ,sacit!d- Mr~td& , Iv {1977), 7-10. L. W. Cullen, ~rii!iL"-towm'a' ;iilagc+rn (~ublin,1979). a census of Ireland c. 1659 (Irish manuscripts commission, 1939,ed.S.Pender. Tighe, op. cit.,p.261. Tighe, op. cit., pp.275, 413. Bishop Tenison's visitetioil book PRO N2462; Tighe, op.cit.,pp.454-461; U. Carrigan, History and antiquities of the Diocese of Ossorg (~ublin, 1905)~ iv, 404-408; Parliamentary papers, 1835 xxxiii. Public Record Office, Tithe applotment books,Tf~B 16128. Tighe, op. cit., p.461. Tighe, op. Eit., 415. Public Record Office, Tithe applotmeat books, TILB14/134. The researches of Professor John Wnnion are illuminating on this issue. Public Record Office, Titlie applotment books, TliB 14/47. Tighe, op. clt., p.308. Tighe, op. cit., p.384. Ordnance Survey maps, Co . Kilkemy, original six-inch survey,sheets 27, 32, 40. Public Record Office, Tithe applotment books, TLLB14/125. Parliamentary papers, 1831 census, 1833, XXXIX. Tighe, op. cit., p.461. A. Young, Tour in Ireleild, ed. A. V!. Hutton hu on don, 1892) ,i,82. See 7. Nolan, Fassadinin, land, settlement and society in south- east Ireland (~ublin,1979). Parliamentary papers, 1831 census, 1833,XXXIX.

(~ditorialISote: Due to pressure of time we have not been able to afford Professor Cullen the opportunity of inspecting the final proofs of this articlc. Decies therefore accepts responsibility for any errors in script).

By Sylvester lthrra~~.

The parlsh of RLngagoona or Rim o @uanach is part of the ancient Deisi Kin@on of East Mwlstert it is a mall pari~thlees tWfive miles Long about two miles wide. The Drum hills form the high western part while the eastern part atretches into Dungarvan towwds Bslvick Head. m8 &mall men has a nationwide reputation because the -1riah language still cont&nuw to be wed as an everyday means of cam~cation by some of the- irhabi.t;anf s; in fact Sing ia remarbble in so far a~ it-. was the non-t easterly Gaeltacht to ~u--viv&.

This.~treaof the Deid was one of the first p p3'ts of Ireland to bs converted to ChrMtianfty early in the 5th century.. St. Declan bad er monastery in Anlrnore about this time and more thm likely f-t was frw %ere th& the people of Ring received Christimity became the ancient parishes of %llm~~cartand drdmore once formed pmt of the present day parish of Ring . Later in the 10% century Helvick i~ med a3 a Xorse trading s tatlon3 althuugh no arch~eologicalcvfdence bs come to light;.to sub atantiate this an& it seema more likely that this trading station was *ther weat in Eallinagoul (~ailena &all - the town of the foreigners)) which would afford the Norsemen ah~lterfor their ships. Here the Irish carrged on a barker trade wikh them - hides md good for salt and other' articles from the Continent. It seems reasonable to presume that mia Hqa.~comty had close omectfons ~thGaultier and Waterford. The QfBml.#lns were Lords of! the Deisi at thia tiy an8 Dad OfBaolain ltq.uIt rentedu Dung- to King John in 1204 . Pbe King granted =tan pri.?&ages to the town afterwards and it; is named BS a mall t~adingtown in th 23th century - jmporting salt a3ld vdne Prom Bordeaux d Northern Spein ail axporting hides, linen, coarse wod7lem and friezes.ey: The ~er&iines of DJ?B~~&were the lords of thLs part of the Deciee in the hter Mirldl& Ages and it was Garret Nor Pitzgerald whbuilt homana Castle in 1488. The EtzgeraLds held this . lmd in the CsomwelUm Cw.fiscatiom in -the mid 17th century. At that time Sir Richard Osborne of Knocbun and the Earl of Cork were the other ownere of land in ~ing.~A cenaus tak;m dpw the Protectorate of Cronrrell pets the population of the pwsh at 200. At the end of khe 37th century an Engli~hgentleman oalled '. Villiem wried the heiress Elizabeth FitzgeraSd thw becomin~gowner of the estates. Tho Villfem held the titles Em18 of Grandison in tbe 18th centqy. By the end of the century they in turn were left without a ma e heir. In 1808 Lady Gert*rude Villiera mrxied Lo~dHenry Stuest ~f ate4 and from then the fmily were knawn aa Villiers Si~~art.

During the nineteenth century the Villiers Stuart family had a good reputation among their ten~nteand nany stories ere told amag the people of IUng of their lealentzy md kindness. Onmre thanone occmianin tb;e late 19th century they were said to have reprimended an oy8r zealous agent for being Revere on the fishing cocmd* in %ll~mgou1. They ?@It a summer ho&e 5aEelvick and browt tonants such as Be-Eeman md Graves inta tho parish. They also helped the fishisg industry i~thelocality, buildfng h~useafor fishemen and a small harbour in 1828. They hdd plans too far the development of Ballimgml but the~enever came to fruitbn. The fenous Soottish engineer Alexander Nimri drew up plans for a village and pier there in 1815.12 This pier was not Wlt until 1847 and the village of Ballinag0~1grew i.n piecemeal fmhion along the side of the river in a maze of lanewgys, botham and pota%o patches. To this day the legal ownership of many of these plats remiins confused,

This ellage was the henst an3 soul of the Hing Gaeltacht and its way of life more than aqy other factor helped 4x1 preserve the lmgwge. The people were very much et group apart; the men spent most of their time.fish- ing and rarely travelled outside the parish. Not many of them eoGht higher leducatiaq and those that enigrated rarely retuPed. Intermarriage waa quite commm; nsnea like Walsh, %healan, Ifially, Terry and Dxwmney were so numerous that it often was necessary to differentiate by using the &tlaepr~ s1&n~~T4~kwon.~kwPPaira(i?~~.Xav *aterna=Fthis wa rmstriarchal society, much of the work and decision making beLng done by the womenfolk. ve Pact Ghat they were less susceptible to out- s-ide influences and had such authority within the comwl;ity may also helg to explain the survival of the lmgwge here. This survival is all the nare renarkable in that Ring was under far more outside influenbe than the Gaeltachte of the west coast - Helvic had a coaratguard station; t&re was an R. I, C. bwrraclm fn T3allinagouL; and the Vifliers Stmarts bd brought in =i number of English-speaking temnta.

Apart Pron the fishing, the majori%y of theppulation were small famaem. Most of them held less than an acre; 21% had holdings between 1 &nd 5 acres; 5% had 5 to 10 WreSi3 and only twelve farmers bd over 50 acres; by mid nineteenth centmy. In the second half of tkne century pig fattening, dairying and barley growing proved to be the most profitable enterprises. The pigs were oftea walked to Cappoquin and the barley was carted to oughal. Butter was brought to Dungarvan for sale an Saturday DQ~." The phrases "thall" (over) and 'lag dull momu (going over) are atfll wed referring ta Bungam, posalbly as a swviving reference to the older mute taken at low tide along %&nn Bhatxw an Phoinnte".

Potatatoes were an important source of food especially for the snall Weza 898 Si&mxene Texxliag %he%*ws lmg@ly 8.f %@ WXYEPI while the men were out fishing - their "triehwad (three taskr~)were, ltpaiat.L, prate agus truscmlt (children, potatoes and sea-weed) . TUB last was gathered by then in baskets for the potatoes, It was sometimes mixed with sand and stored in n pit in the "nacha" (fmnt yard). 155Ma was enriohed with household refuse and efaent for use as amwe. These pits however were something of w health hazard and in1875 Dr.Graves, the sanitary officer for the distc5ct, orfgred then to be filled with 1Sme and clay to prevent iheqread of disease.

Althot#~ dried Me and ling were a reliable source of food, eapeoially during the winter months, nevertheLess, the failure of the potato in 184946 affected the people of Balllnaqyl. Edw of the fiehemea were forced to sell -their gem to obtain food. Rev, Jmes AZCOOB, the local vicmi obtained help however From the Socie$ of Friends inVlnterford and the fishemen were able to bug new gem. An outbreak of fever in the village claimed eight people; they were buried indsficld near the village - .ta this day the grave remains unmarked. l&my nore were forced to seek refuge in Dungaman Workhouse where the conditionsl were deplorable. St hatgbeen built to house 600 but it had more tW 800 timates in January 1847. An average of 15 to 20 people died each week here during Janwg, February and Narch 1847, e high proportion of them children under 15. This tragedy is remembexsd in the noving lines of the local. poetess WIaire Ni Dhroua: %a pratai dubhn sl dhein nr gcomharsana n acaipea& uainn A chuir aa poorhouse iad is anonn tbar farraigell The nwb& of oeople that died from hunger and disease in Ring waa small at^ compared wi%hother areas bscayg the population was higher in 1851 than it had been before the famine.

Before Ballinagoul pier was built the fishermen had small rowing b'oaks fishing tramaels in the harbow aYld cutting aeaweed on the Gainem and in Ballinclamper which they sold onDuaga;rvan Quay. A boatlo& of seaweed naa aold?t'or 15/-: "Iarraigi punt dibh ain cuigdeag in bhurp+8mha / Is mo shlan chughaibh a Ghaibhne beidfi me mom chuglvtfbh wwachrr. In the 18th century and up to the tbirtiee of the la& century, Dungarvan had dominated the Sishiw in the locality. The Dmgarvan men had a proud3 tradition stretching back to Mor times as aeep sen hake fishermen. Tho- Hacket of hed been fishing off the Old Head of Rim&& an 18th June 1631 =as forced to steer the Algerine to Baltimore. 24 Dried aod and hak9 from I)ungarmn were exported to Bilbao in Span during the 18th century. Dungmvan grev in inportwe aa a reeult %hich frqm a dserable wretched village is grm into sa place of very considerable inportanos chiefly fmm fisbries" we8 haw J. R. Barry the Fis&p Inspector far the South of Ireland described the tam in 1830, !The with- drawal of the bounties on fisheries in that year praved disastrous for Dungasvan and the Duke of De~onshire~tjeltit necessary t6 glve charitable payments to the destitute fiahemen. Phi8 howe~exis nut entirely the reason for the decline of Ihmg&r;-an flshfng, the failure of the fishermen to adopt new methods such as trawling wlri.ch bad been introduced towa~.dsthe end of the 10th centwy possibly cofitrlbuted as much %a the wltkid~awal.of the Wupties, They sLill continued the old nethod of band lines where- the Iliaen had begun to use the new methods by the niddle of the last century. The introduction of %he Poor Law proved an easy way out of their difficulties for %he Dungarvan fishemen, The newspapers aften refer to the.fa.ct that they pawned their fishing gear and entered the workhouse during the winter months. A stigma was attached %o the Workhome in the epo of the Ringnen, They still continued to flsh during the winter months as th~new pier at ~llinag~ulpve good shelter to the* hookers. In Pebmary 1868 they were landjng 60 - 120 ling and cod per bat each day on lhngmwmQuag, theIingm&ingl/6eachand thecod?d, The freshfish waa cart& to Tipggrmy while the cured hake were sent to Wales and the Live-001 -Ira%.

+ .The decline of its fieherie'e undau'atedly had a drastic effect on Dungaryar3 ap its trade and business seem to have fallen away pos~iblydue in ptwt also to a drop in the agricultural population in the surroun8ing area after the famine: '93esolatLon seemed to reign everywhere. 'Its may was proclaimed in the empty #haps, the roofless homes, the Pilt&y broken and neglec tea streeta and the woebegone25aces of the tradeepeopleTT- was haw a traveller described the tom in 1850.

On the ather hand these were the yems which saw the deve1epmen.t; of the fishing industry in Ring. In 1866 there were 24 hookers and 20 smaller tr~~nelboats in BaLUnagoul. Paid Mor af "Erins Hopef1 fame and Jerrnea Kelly af Ifelvick bath gave evidence before a Royal Comission on Pisheries in 1866. September to Christ.mas was the herring season whilcr the Spring was the long line season a.nd the rest of the year was spent trawl- ing and fishhg trammeLs for pollock agfi hake. The long lines were set about 15 - 20 miles south of Mine Head - usually in the evening md hauled

Nost of tile emigrants from Ring went to Boston, a great number settlingin Charlestown. At one stage Irish was widely spoken by the people of that area. Nany worked on the docks and in factories and some like the Powers from Helvick went to sea in the dory schooners on the Grimd Banks to fish for h~libut.4~X descendant OF the Vihealan family from Helvick became idayor of Gloster. This emigration slowly decreased after the founding of the state in 1322 and almost stopped altogether after the recession in iimerica at the beginning of the thirties.

Thestory of Ring College has been well recorded elswhere as well as the connection people like Cathal Brugha, Tod k~ndrews, Sean Moylan, etc. had with Ring. When the College began in 1909 the village of Ballinagoul was still a thriving fishing community. Thc building of a new Quay in Helvick in 1912 as well as the introduction of motor power and larger boats in the late twenties and early thirties led to a decline in the once busy fishing pier at Ballinagoul. The war years and the early fifties were good years for the Helvick fishermen as fish was plentiful and prices were good. Today, though bcsts are better equipped and use the most modern methods, the fish are not as plentiful and competition from OW E.E.C. partners does not auger well for an industry with a long and proud tradition.

Sources : IJacBiocai.1, G., Ireland before the Vikings p.22 Power, Rev. P., Parochial History ofT/!aterford and Lismore, p.188 Rya, Rev. J., History of Ireland, . p.19. Canon Power is not sure whether the name Helvick is of Norse origin at all. (Place Names of the Decies p .93). It is written as Helwickehead in the Book of Survey and Distribution, 1654. 4. Curtis E., A History of Medieval Ireland p.212. 5. iticholls K., Gaelic and Gaelicised Ireland in the Middle Ages, p.119 6. See Journal of the Cork Archaeological Society, 1941. 7. The Book of Survey and Distribution. ed. R.C.Simington, (1rish Mss Comm.) p.48. Census of Ireland 1659 S . Pender p.333 (1rish Rlss ~omm). Muir ldackenzie T., Dromana, The :llIemoirs of an Irish Family. Folklore: Deadan- 0 Muiriosa (79). . Baile na nGall. Lewis, Samuel, Topographical Dictionary of Ireland (1837). Villiers Stuart Mss . ~/1(Ballinaprke, Co . Uaterford) . Griffiths Va1uztion,1851.p.101 - 113. 14. Folklore: Mikey Neddy

(curran) (91) died 1979. - 15. Postal Directory of I!!1uns ter, 1886-p.80 Waterf ord Daily Mail 31/3/1875. 17. !Voodha~~Smith,Cecil,The Great Hunger, p .288. 18. 0' Cionnfhaolaidh,ldicheal, Beatha Xhichil Turraoin p ,134. 19. Relief Commission Papers 19/1/1847 9328 II~L (S.P.Olr 20. Prinute AGC@ of Dungarvan Workhouse 1847 (waterford Co. council) . 21. Toibin Bioclas, Duanaire Deiseach p. 19 P.P. Census of Ireland. 1851 (~opulation). - . 23. Vlorking Song - "Baile an Chlampairff from N. Hurley (84) ,Baile ne nGall. - Holland Rev. Xilliam, History of West Cork, (1949) p .2 47-248. Smith C. History of Waterford 1746 p.261. 26 .Min of Evidence Sel Comm. onstate- of Poor 1830 (667)~111 .I .p.183/4. In 1823 there were 163 boats and over 1,000 men employed in the Dungarvan fisheries. (R .H.R~M Topography and-hntiquities of Go. 'iiaterford (1824). Vatzrford Mirror 14/7/1830, 28'. Z.lm ter Express 15/2/1868. Stark, A. G., The South of Ireland in 1850. 30. Parl.Papers ,Fisheries, 1866, Vol V,p.903 - 913. 31. Folklore: Batt OIFaolain,Helvick (died 1964r. 32. 38 Protestants in 1858 according to Caulfield Nss. (P.R.o.) . 33. Henry 11. Fitzgerald was the local Magistrate. This family owned about 300 acres in Seaview from which they "cleared" mall holders at the end of last century, 34. Lewis' Topographical Distianary ,183 . 35. E.P. ,Census of Ireland,l821. SOURCES 36 to 41 contined en pw61, VETERINARY IBSPECTI 011 AT WATERFORE FORT, 1876-1900.

by TI. IT. Cassidy.

Preserved in the records of the District Veterinary Office, V!aterford is an interesting letterbook labelled "Portal Inspection, Yaterford. Y!hile nost of the correspondence is routine, some letters throw an interesting sidelight on exports of livestock here in the last quarter of the 19th century. iiilinctls leavink the harbour had to be inspected and branded under the supervision of the !'?ortal Supervisor". Up to 1890 this was always a member of the R. I. C. v,%th the rank of Sub-inspector but that year a vetefinary surgeon named Blee was appointed. Ships Inspectors seem to have usually been constables of the R. I. C. ?!Iost correspondence here was with the Veterinary Office of the Irish Privy Council whose director was Professor H. Ferguson.

A lot of incidentzl infomation comes to light in the letters. By 1876, it seems there were three qualified vets, in '3aterford - ZIIessrs.Blee, Johnston end Dobbyn. They were joineci by 7ir. Kaye md Ik. Logan in 1889 and '93. Four shipping conpanies h2d regular sailings carrylng livestock from Waterford - Cxyde Shipping Co. (7 ships) ; Grcrt \!estern R~ilwayCompany (5 ships); Vaterford Stem Shipping Co. (3 ships) ; Bristol Steam ilavigation Company (1 ship). Some detzil of inspection of animals travelling on these lines is revealed in a report of llir. TI. Hedley, Travelling Inspector for the Veterinary Dept., in a report datcd Dec. 11th 1878:-

1. I hercby report that I hevc visited the port of \'!aterford and find that thc inspection of cattls is zttended with danger and difficulty. These animals golng by the Great 'lestcrn Railway of England stem ships are inspected in the conpany's own private yard, a place well fitted up ~lthoffice and every requisite. The branding is done by the compeny's men.

The other enimals are inspected zt the Quay. The very reverse of tkt above described, being very danprous 'mvlng no protection to hinder anirials falling into the river and is flagged, making the foothold very unsafe, aild there is a large cargo traffic thereon. There hve been rmny conplaints made by the shop tenants, householders and those whose place of business are in that immediate vicinity.

The great shipping days are Tuesdays-.and Bridays.

ilo brsnding has been done to sheep aid swine 2nd there are no brands for that purpose. The oifice accormodation is very nuch too susll.

Upon visiting the several shipping conpanies they agree to brand sheep ard cattle as well as swine.

That the Wpterford Stemship Co. have a yard which is et present partly unoccupied and would require many additions to it before it could be used for inspection.

7. The Wateriord Steam Shipping Co. & tha Clyde Steaa Shippi-ng Co. have 20.. -.place for inspection. I beg to suggest that 1st brmds be forwarded to the constables for . v brzidifig hd informed that it is desireble that such should be attended to. 8. Unless the Privy Council have the power (or exercise it) th2-t the I inspectors shall not perfom their duties on the Quay becmsz such is i~peclingcargo traffic. Then I Go not think thnt the Shipping Co. (!7eter~ordSteam shipping) will put the yeit'd into proper order, altho' it is almost unused. They either cm' t or mn't see the advantage.

I ain myself satisfied the yard could be attended at little expense and would enswer the pwpoxo woll. I shell feel Very uuch obliged for your opinion oi? this last mztter.

I h~vethu honour sir to remain your ob L servant,

Nat t Hedlcy

New brn~dsnerc received 3 days ktor end immediate action was taken locally to get a lsrger office which comprised n room fifteen feet squere at a rent of 215 per amurn. ?hilo this may seem rather small and expensive, its attractions to the portal officers emerge from R rebuke to the supervisor

His Grace concurs with Professor Ferguson in thinking that it is not desirable to tzke 2 room in e house where liquor is sold retail, for the use of Portal OfficcF:-:. Can you find any othcr suitable place.?

TWO other rooms rere found but neither were suitable, one being too fzr from the place of shipment and the other being daq. Tenders were invited for the construction of a wooden "30X OFPICE" and the Harbour Comissioners' pcrrnission obtained to havc it erected on the Quay. The new office was supplied at the cost of C45.

idessrs. Blee aild' Johnston were sppointed 2nd and 3rd class Portal Veterinary Inspectors respectively oi? the l9t ipril, 1880.

Constable I-Ialligan was acting as Liceming Officer md aa his family were quzrantined, he wes relieved of duty. Sub-Constzble Murphy was appointed Temporary Licencing Officer.

Permissior, rims frequently granted to import animals. Small numbers of cattle, shcep 2nd pigs, both male and female were importcd by the larger landowncrn. I suspect thnt these were pedigree stock tc i~~lpravethe native stock, though iri 1887 a I ,r. Eltegerzld imported 24 bullocks. One of the more w~usualanimls corning mto the country through Vaterford was a goat, the rnascot of the Royal Welsh Fuailecss, stationed at Eemoy. 1:ore exotic animals nzrc, onc Zebu (~rahmin) bull for TIp. G innett, one deer for P. J. Power Esq. of Faithleg, 2 angora goats, one gazelle for Idasquis of Ormond, deer for Lord Castlerosw , 3 Japar~csedeer for the Marquis of +Lands- downe, 1 Peruvian dter for 902. J. )I.Chichester ai?d deer frorn Winsor Park for ;/iuckross Park, Xill~rney. Six asses arrived on board the S .S .Coinera& June 19tl1, 1335, They had trcvelled frou the Mediterranean via Liverpool. Yere these inported to improve the breed? Expenses for tolls pzir? was claimed. by Mr. Lavelle, Ship Inspector in 1899. The claim wsis returned to Uatzrford for 'ihc Portal Supervisor's observations.

I ,'ater-ford, 6th Dcc. 1899.

I beg to stete that by an Act of Parliament, every perso;l has to pay on crossing the Waterford Bridge except the Police and Milittry, who are frce from toll. Every evening a Ship Inspector has to cross this bridge to his duty at th:: idilford Boat and as Ship Inspector Lavelle is e pensioner hc hrs to pay toll each time on crossiilg.

.,. 5. Blee.

Vetcrinsry Dcpt ., Dubliil.

Deer i'fx, Blee,

If possible it rould be bcttcr to cr:lploy a Ship Inspector rho is not a pensioner on this duty in future to zvoid the necessity for claims of his description.

X. Cantwell Chief Clerk.

?!IT. Blec wss asked for his comments on the following extrect from the Preenansl Journal dated 17-11-1836:-

Our Y!aterf ord correspondelzt mites: -

Respccting reductions made in the pricc of pigs by the merchznts, as an additional proof of the pig buyers dutcrxinction to essert the rights and obtain an equitable market for the farmers9 they h2.v~chartered a special. -vessel to dispztch about 1,000 pigs tomorrow to Bristol and Wiltshire bacon ewers.

,it the fairs of Clogheen, Pethard and nbbcyleix today onda day) they purchcsed over fifteen hundred pigs, and ct Fetherd a meeting was held at which the pig buyers were cordially geated and rcceivcd from the farmers hearty promise of loyal support. This is gr~tifyingevidence thct the farmcrs recognise bold and generous fric~ids

Sir, I beg to state that yesterday (Tues

extra boat. :L second vessel is frequently sent on Tuesdzys fron here to 3risto1, the last being 3 weeks since Oct 27th.

Tho shipment of swine was vcrg large, the graater portion, 1 believe were consigned to Honnis B Co., Calne, Wiltshire, '.~ith, by ccmmissicn, the remainder to Bristol and Berminghan, but I have known ~llucbl~trges shipments of swine in one day than this.

n. S. Blee. &om the 'rEverzing Heraldtt 8-4-99.

IChe Bacon curing' Industry.

lPhs q chmgecs taking plwe in the worki~hame mxl daye for pig- w+llirgin the local bacon' ouring estab1i.ahmeats mgues Wly fbr their prosperity. Killing dap ma now restricted to Mon8ays, Wedne&ays aad Maya at Mesare. Dennys Cellar ma to !i?ue~daya,Thur~day.s azd S&turdfip at BPcheJdslons. A further amalgaaation to thftt rilready eating between Dennys and Richardsona is in the air in order to more perfectly narrow down oompt~tltion. The pipbuyers ham opened an export trade ~5thFrance. Last week Mr. I. CaulfteLd shipped some htuutreds of hn@ to Parf a. f t; is to be feared somebody is killing the goose of the golden eggs. Waterford. 12th April, 1899.

Nicholas Caulfield shippod 70 awine to Prance via SoutbSapton On the let irrst. Swine have been ahipped From this Port to France by the same rout@ since 1894 through the fo;llowing ~higpm?~b LmSlettery 30 in 1894 s 994 in 1893 70 in 1899, M. Caulfield 556 in 1893 1; 31 in 189% Paul CaUfieZd 146 in 1895.

I mi nut awme of any mi@ shipped to PPance other than the above.

The war in South Africa wm more than likely *he reaison for the 8hipiwn-t of 1450 asseer on 25th June and 2550 on 15th July 1897, mere are still etorles told bi the trickery involved in the buying and selling of these asses, partioular3.y in 3%-ryba.uk.

The amrage length of voyages Srom Wa.terford to ports in Englmd are given in tbe followi~table dated 31st kugu8t 18%:- Mllford 8 hours Bristol 17 hours Sriyergool 17 hours GLw&w 28-31 hours Greenook 24 hours Southampton 30 bows Plpouth 20 hms Dover 63-68 hours Newhayerr 48-50 hours Mancheater 23 hour8

I t~ mebted to W. Edmond Weir for mnmgimg wcess to the Dept. of Agriculture Records.

36. 'Ihia process ia described for Csllan, County KiXcenny in , ed. de kddraithe. p, 9,

a, 26/5/1892,