Recent Aquisitions to the Waterford Room Collection at the City Library

IXXX 0227 DECIES

Page No. 3 Editorial. 5 Settlement and Colonisation in the brginal Areas of the Catherine Ketch Comeragh htairu. 15 Early Qlstoms Officers. Francis bbrphy 17 A Century of C3ange 1764 - 1871 J.S. Carroll 2 6 St. Brigit and the Breac - Folk. Wert Butler. 31 Heroic Rescue near Stradbally, 1875. 35 19th Ceotury Society in County Waterford Jack Wlrtchaell 4 3 Recent Additions to the 'Waterford R&' Collection in the City Library. 45 Old Waterford Society bkdership. 52 Spring and hrProgramne. Front Cover: Tintern Abbey, Co. Wexford, by Fergus Mllon.

This early 13th century Cistercian abbey was founded by 'k'illiam the Marshall. At the time of the dissolutiar it was convert4 into a residence by the Colclaugh family and remained as swh until recent times. It habeen the subject of archaeological investigation and conservation by the Office of Public Works under the direction of Dr. heLynch who is be to &liver r lecture m the sibject'in'Apri1.

The Old Waterford Society is very grateful to Waterford Crystal , Ltd. for their generous financial help twards the production of this issue of Decies. kies is published thrice yearly by the Old Waterford Society and is issued free to 5miiZs. All articles and illustrations are the copyright of cantributors.

The Society wishes to express its appreciation of the facilities afforded to it by the Regional Technical College in the prodxtion of this issue. Editorial

ng eviden ce before a Royal Commis sion early in the last century the Town Clerk of Waterford confirmed that in 1813, when the City Council were leaving their former meeting place at the Exchange on the Quay, - the Mayor gave a direction that five cartloads of old manuscripts accumulated there should be destroyed as being "useless lumber". How much richer might the city archives now be if these documents had been allowed to survive.

Happily, we live in more enlightened times when the value of archive material is appreciated by public authorities. This is singularly evident from the fact that the Corporations of Dublin, Cork and Limerick now include archivists ontheir staffs and that Waterford Corporation has retained the services of a professional archivist on a temporary basis since last April, her brief being to compile a descriptive list of the archives in the Corporation and design a suitable classification scheme to facilitate access and retrieval. She will also be advising on the preservation of the City's Royal Charters which are at present on display in Reginald's Tower. We congratulate the City Manager and Council on making such an appointment.

It is safe to prophesy that when this official's report is made publi (as we hope it will) it will come as a great surprise to many citizens to realise the extent of the muniments and other documents of local historica value housed within the Corporation's premises. It should also encourage those who are in a position to do so to add to the city collection by donating original documents or archival value such as letters from the las century bearing on local matters, freedom certificates, old maps etc.

ooooooo.o..oooo.oo.oooooo* Our warmest congratulations to Dr. John de Courcy Ireland on having been made a member of the Academie de Marine. He is the first Irishman to be given such an honour.

Dr. Ireland is honorary Research Officer of the Maritime Institute of Ireland and has written extensively over many years on every aspect of maritime history as affecting Ireland. It will be recalled that he contributed an article in Decies XXX on Sir Thomas Stucley.

J.S.C. Fig. 1 The Study Area. Sett lememt and COIonisation the

Marginal Areas the

Comeragh Mountains

Catherine Ketch.

Introduction. In this sequence of papers the aim is to reconstruct some aspects of the econanic,social and cultural history of the area which surrounds the Comeragh mountains, The study area includes parts of three baronies and all or part of twelve civil parishes (see figure 1.) The themes of (i) land values and landuse, (ii) socio-economic structure and (iii) population and settlement are examined by a comparison of the mid seventeenth and mid nineteenth century situations. An attempt is made to establish and account for the changes which occurred in the intervening two hmdred years, with regard to the valuation, use, amership and holding of land along with population and settlement patterns.

The mid seventeenth and mid nineteenth century are pivots in Irish history. The former represents the advent of the New English colonisation and the latter the peak of the system of landlordism which emerged under its influence and which coincided with a peaking of population.

The margins we expect to be different. The higher slopes fon a watershed devoid of settlement and difficult of carrrmunication. The margins therefore are the edge - the fringe in an economic, social and cultural sense.

Part One - The Land. The aim in this the first of three papers, is to describe the extent to which the land in this area was developed for use by man by both the mid seventeenth and mid nineteenth centuries. The documentary sources for the mid seventeenth century canpare unfavourably with those of the mid nineteenth century with regard to the degree to which they allow us to reconstruct the intensity of landuse. Sources for both periods are not as canplete as we could wish for. However, there are indications of the relative intensity of landuse over the study area for both periods,

Three basic indicators are used here to measure changes in land utilisation, i.e., the expansion of the tmland network, the changing valuation of land along wit1 changing forms and methods of landuse. The factors responsible for the patterns which emerge and the changes which become evident over the intervening two centuries are seen to be a complex meshing of environmental and cultural factors.

The Townland Network. Figure 2 shows only those townlands mentioned in the official sources for the mid seventeenth century. 1 The areas which were not officially recognised as

Settlement and Colonisation in the Marginal Areas of the Cmragh Mountains.

tmnlands until a later stage were more than likely in the mid seventeenth century either unused or used extensively and were either sparsely settled or else completely uninhabited. The importance of the local topography is apparent in that the naming of townlands was almost complete on the more accessible and fertile lowlands while the greatest subsequent subdivision took place in the most marginal lands. (see figure 3.)

Few townlands were later created in the parishes of bbthel and Rathgonack where a steep scarp sharply divides upland from lowland,leaving little roan for further expansion. In the remaining areas the townlands later named are concentrated in the poorer margins. They occur only infrequently in the lowlands, indicating the later development of intensive landuse and the more recent extension of settlement into the margins of these parishes.

The southern side of the Nire valley which was comprised of fourteen separate townlandsin the mid nineteenth century W& in the mid seventeenth century incorporated under the single denomination of '?VyreU. According to the Down Survey map the greater part of the parish of St. Marys Clonmel was included under the title "Commons of Clonmel", did not form separate townland units and appears to have been uninhabited. In the interim this area was also subdivided into townlands along with sinilarly marginal areas in the remaining parishes, particularly Kilgobinet and Kilrossanty.

The later incorporation of less attractive or less fertile lands into the townland network is apparent in both upland and lowland. Many new townlands in the lowlands consist of poorer quality land e.g. Paulsacres and Carigmoorna (parish of Kilrossanty) which are composed mstly of bog and hilly land respectively. The nature of the environment is also reflected in the new townland names. From thirty- four new townland names, eighteen are toponyms while thirteen of these refer to what may be considered marginal topography. These include bog, e.g., huninane (parish of Mothel) and Curraheenavoher (parish of Kilronan) , glen, e.g. , Glendalough (parish of St. Marys) and Glenabbey (parish of Inishlounaght) , hill, e.g. , Knockalisheen (parish of Kilronan) and Knockavannia (parish of Seskinan) and rock, e.g. , Carigmoorna (parish of Kilrossanty) . References to poorer soils also feature among the new toponyms, e.g., Crough meaning the "stiff soiled townland" and Briska meaning "brittle land" both in the parish of Kilrossanty.

A nunber of both previously existing and new townlands were subdivided and given the suffix 'hountain" indicating the extension of settlement into previously uncultivated territory. The most extreme case of subdivision occurs in northern Kilgobinet where Barracree mountain townland was divided into separate units with the prefixes 'Vpper" and "Lawer".

Again, of those townland denaninations recorded for the first time in the nineteenth century, eight refer to fom of landuse which for the most part are associated with marginal areas. References to landuse in the names of these newly recognised tmlands are predominantly pas toral. The placename elements "tmaile" or milking place and "tuar" or cattle night field both occur indicating the use of these new townlands for the practice of booleying, e.g., Boola (parish of Kilsheelin) , Twrala (parish of Kilronan) and Ballintoor (parish of Kilgobinet). There are other references to milking, e.g. , Knockavannia 'hill of the milk" and perhaps buttermaking, e.g. , Poulnagunoge "hole of the churns". There is one reference to a '"ban", i.e. Bawnard (parish of Killaloan) and one reference to a particularly marginal fon of enclosure known as a "reidh", as in Reanadanpaun, which refers to an extensive

Settlement and Colonisation in the Marginal Areas of the Comeragh kuntains. enclosed area of flat mountain land bordering on the open mountain (parish of St. Marys), meaning "the yellow hole" is taken by Power Yoper*as a referencePoulabv to the gming of flax in this area.

Cultural elements also feature strongly in the new tuwnland names, some referring to pioneer settlement in the margins . ho "Ballys" occur, both in the extreme margins, Ballintoor (parish of Kilgobinet) meaning the "cattle field homestead" and Ballintlea (parish of Kilrossanty) meaning the "mountain hanestead". While ten of the new tuwnland names refer to settlement features, four of these are of specifically NW English origin, all of them occurring in the lawlands, e.g., Castlequarter (parish of Kilmssanty) . The only incidence of the placename element "tom" also occurs in this parish, i.e., Englishtown. The tuwnland name Cameragh House is a further indication of the influence of the New English settlers and most of this tmland fonned the demesne of the house itself in the nineteenth ceritury.

Land Values Perhaps the best indication of the condition of the land is its estimated monetary value given in the Civil Survey for 1640 and Griffiths Valuation for 1851. Conditions in the mid seventeenth century are far from clear, however, since the estimation of acreage given in the Civil Survey varies in its accuracy, with underestimates reaching ninety-four per cent in the extreme marginal lands to overestimates of fifty-five per cent on the richest lands when compared to the later 0.S. measurements.

Figure 4 shaws land valuation in 1640 using adjusted English acreage. The result is still far from accurate, however as all the boundaries described in the Civil Survey cannot be positively identified. Where boundaries are evident the area incorporated under one unit for the purpose of valuation is often too large and of too diverse a quality to allow for detailed description at local level, e.g:, the parishes of Seskinan and Fews which each form a unit in themselves. Broad variations can be identified in the overall pattern which emerges.

The most highly valued lands appear in the Suir lowlands to the north-west of the study area where lime rich soils and level land provide ideal conditions for intensive cultivation. A tradition of intensive cultivation in this area was likely, given that the area was long settled, was close to the important inland port and market town of Clonmel and had access to the port of Waterford via the navigable river Suir. Higher values for the remaining Suir lowlands were likely concealed due to the relatively small proportion of arable to pasture lands, a consequence of steeper slopes and a narrower valley floor. Greenan ( parish of Inishlounaght) described by the surveyors as rich arable land was the only tdand in this area to merit such a distinction and contained arable land valued as highly as sixty-nine pence per acre.

There was a general decline in land values between lawland and upland in the remaining parishes, with values rarely rising above fifteen pence per acre. The parishes of kthel and Rathgomck, despite widespread settlement in the mid seventeenth century had relatively low valuation. The lands were described by the Civil Surveyors as "coarse and cold","unsuitable for grain" with the exception of "rye and smale oats" and these only with the a lication of dung as manure. The explanation for the surprisingly low values, t R"erefore, evidently lies in the nature of the soil which in all the lwland areas other than the Suir valley are acidic in nature with lmi nutrient status. Andrews explains that non-calcareous soils in the south-east, while climatically fit for grain, became exhausted rapidly in the . Settlement and Colonisation in the Marginal Areas of the Comragh buntains. seventeenth ~entury.~In the absence of burnt limestone, areas naturally lacking in lime would have been relatively infertile, explaining the disparity in land- values be~eenthe Suir lmlands, where the underlying limestone gives rise to lime-rich soils, and the remaining lowlying areas. Fe wt only assume, in the absence of any comnentary either in favour or to the contrary, that land was in a similar condition in the other parishes, since they contain similar soils and were similarly evaluated.

The most extensive areas of land of lower valuation were in the extreme marginal areas of the Nire valley and northern Kilgobinet. These areas were invariably recorded as having little or no arable land. Lower values in the remaining marginal areas were, no doubt, concealed due to the lack of detailed description. Convnents by the surveyors tend to bear this out, e.g., Barravakeen (parish of Killaloan) was described by the surveyors as "good only for the rearing of cattle" while Ballymacarbry (parish of Kilronan) was regarded as being for the most part l%aste1*.4

The overall pattern of land values was similar in the mid nineteenth century, with some slight variation and change (see figure 5). When absolute values for both periods are compared, for each individual area, the most dramatic increases in valuation by 1851 appear to have occurred in the Suir lowlands of the north-east . This change can be accounted for by the fact that valuation figures in 1851 are provided on a townland basis and higher values are evident where extremely small townlands of uniform quality are composed entirely of rich arable land. Noticeable changes in valuation are also evident in the parish of Seskinan where both greater detail in information given along with actual improvements in the quality of the land were, no doubt, factors. In the renaining areas where large increases in valuation occuned withcut any major difference in the quality of the information provided, the explanation for the changes would appear to lie in improvements carried out to the land, e.g., in the lawer lands of Seskinan, Kilrossanty and most of that part of the barony of Upperthird included in the study area.

The areas where values increased least in the interim are concentrated to the north-west and the south including most of southern Kilgobinet and Kilrossanty parishes along with the margins of the parishes of Seskinan northern Kilgobinet, hbthel and Rathgormack. The north-west was already highly valued in the seventeenth century and the lack of any dramatic increase in the remaining areas seems to indicate the lack of any major improvements being canied out. Surprisingly perhaps, the areas where the greatest subdivision of townland denominations occurred in the margins display no great increase in valuation, while the opposite was true in the lcrwlands. Neither was there any great increase in land valuation where pioneer settlement occuned on the edge, e.g., in Ballintlea (parish of Kilrossanty) and in the southern and western margins which in some measure enphasises the very poor conditions in these areas.

The highest values persisted, therefore, throughout the Suir Valley while the value of much of the land in the remaining lowlands had risen to equal status. Improvements were camed out in many areas by landlord and tenant alike. The widespread distribution of limekilns thrcughout the area in the mid nineteenth century (0.S. maps) and evidence of the policies of various landlords from the Devon Co~ssionindicate a high usage of lime. Lime was supplied to tenants in northern Kilgobinet, Seskinan and in parts of bbthel and Rathgormack. Allowances were made in rent in lieu of improvements canied out and these varied from ten years in the west for the reclamation of muntain land to two years in the east for carrying out drainage. Witnesses giving evidence to the Devon Comnission in 1844 claimed that no Settlement and Colonisation in the Marginal Areas of the Comeragh Mountains. such allowance had yet been made for improvements in the parish of Kilronan but that steps were likely to be taken follwing a change in landownership . It was also claimed that high rents and insufficient length of tenure acted as a disincentive to improvement. The reclamation of mountain land was seen by the landlord as a means of curbing subdivision on existing holdings and as a means of increasing the viability of smaller farm holdings in the lowlands by the addition of upland plots to these units. The latter was probably the case in northern Kilgobinet and on the southern slopes of the Nire valley here individual "lots" of marginal land remain part of the lowland farm units to the present day. Witnesses to the Devon Cormission also stated that tenants in western areas received aid with the building of houses when settling in newly reclaimed areas while to the east, if such was the case, it went unrecorded. Disincentives to improvement, e.g., the raising of rents subsequent to any improvement were among the causes of agrarian outrages in the nineteenth century.

As in the mid seventeenth century the lowest values appear in the extreme marginal areas and had become confined to the extremely poor higher margins. Values again progressively increased downslope. Overall, land values to the west were lower, the product of higher altitudes and poorer soils described by the Ordnance surveyors as "craggy, poor and qrductive" .S

Figure 6 shws the distribution of woodland and bogland in the mid seventeenth century. Woodland survived almost exclusively in marginal townlands while evidence of deafforestation in the fonn of scrub was widespread. Bogland was extensive in both upland and lowland although Kilrossanty was the only parish which had sufficient acreage of bogland to merit inclusion on the Down Survey maps.

This pattern in sane measure helps to explain the spatial variation in land values. The existence of extensive woodland, scrubland or bog precluded any intensive cultivation and made for lower overall values, with the exception of comrcial woodland. Scrubland indicating the process of deafforestation in the north probably contributed to lower valuation in the seventeenth century - its subsequent removal along with partial re-afforestation partially explaining the dramatic rise in land values in this area by the nineteenth century. The removal of woodland in the southern part of the parish of Kilronan along with smof the marginal areas of the parish of Rathgormack and Mothel probably contributed to a rise in land values also.

By the mid nineteenth century, therefore, woodland had been stripped from most of its former locations and was reduced to a fraction of its fomr extent in the Nire valley.6 Som of the lands of Gurteen to the north-east remained wooded since the seventeenth century.

Apparently the only area capable of supporting intensive arable fanning in the mid seventeenth century was the Suir lowlands. Cornmills, however, located at Kilrossanty, Rathgoxmack, Kilronan and Kilgobinet indicate the existence, if only to a limited extent, of arable farming in the remaining areas. There was little evidence of enclosure except close to mansions and tower houses, while Park (parish of Rathgoxmack) was the only townland name to indicate modem hedged residence . Fig.6 Distribution of bogland and woodland in 1640 (Civil Survey Settlement and Colonisation in the Marginal Areas of the Comeragh Mountains.

'Ihe marginal lands appear to have been used relatively more extensively for pasture. Evidence of Booleying abounds among townland names, in existence in the mid seventeenth century, in most parishes, e.g., Boolacloghagh (parish of Rathgomck) , Boolattin (parish of Kilrossanty) and Boolavontee ( parish of Seskinan). The higher lands were mainly described as cmnage."7

By the mid nineteenth century areas of seasonal grazing had been pushed further upslope, as seen already in the evidence provided by the names of newly recognised tmnlands, and were confined to the most marginal townlands. Most of the former t'bbooleys" were enclosed. Higher ground; along with bogland, was used for rearing young stock. Evidence of goat-rearing in association with cattle remains on hillsides in the form of stone enclosures known as t%othrach" or "fothrachw Sheep were mre than likely confined to the higher slopes. The growing popularity of haymaking in the latter half of the nineteenth century saw a further decline in the practice of booleying. This transition may have resulted fran the declining availability of cowherds.

Enclosure had become extensive by the mid nineteenth century. Dry stone walls were used where soils were poorer forming the distinctive landscapes found in northern Kilgobinet and in the extreme margins of most tomlands. Intensity of landuse in the margins increased enormously with the enclosure of ind cultivation of former mountain land used only for extensive pasture. Potatoes, turnips and corn were grown as both fodder and subsistence crops. Evidence of tillage from the nineteenth century remains outside the min area of enclosure, with rks of ridges or reidh where rye was certainly grmn but possibly potatoes also.7

Pressure on land in the margins in the nineteenth century is expressed in the methods adopted to utilise the full potential of poorer soils. "Black oatsw, which afforded quality straw but poorer grain, were grown on soils incapable of supporting richer crops. Furze grown on waste patches of ground supplied fodder for horses on every farm. A method of manuring known as "fraech milleoge" was used locally to enhance croplands. This method involved removing the surface layer of turf known as "scra" using it initially as animal litter then spreading it as manure on potatoes and other crops. The practice of removing the grassy surface of "ban"fields, leaving it to dry, burning it, and returning it to the land known as %eateailw was also carried out here.

Agriculture experienced increasing comnercialisation from the mid nineteenth century onwards and this is indicated by a decline in root crops, the potato, and subsistence crops generally. Flax, which was grown within the area on the better lands, suffered a sharp decline in acreage also from the l851 onwards .g These changes were probably caused by the decline in population subsequent to the famine of 1845-'46 ~sultingin less demand and a fall in the available manpower.

The overall intensification of landuse in tha margins is illustrated by three basic indicators used here. The extension of administration further into the margins in the form of the expansian of the townland network was necessitated by the growing colonisation of these areas in the two centuries between the mid seventeenth and mid nineteenth centuries. The valuation of the land increased due to improvements including deafforestation ,reclamation, drainage, improved fertilizing techniques and better farming methods allowing for more intensive cultivation, deemed necessary by the growing masses surviving by means of subsistence fanning. Settlement and Colonisation in the Marninal Areas of the Comerah Mountains.

These changes towards more intense landuse came as a result of demographic, social and cultural factors, i.e. , gming population, the pushing upslope of population fran the better lands and a tendency for settlers to cluster in pioneer settlements in the margins. For myat the lower end of the socio-economic scale, without the resources to retain holdings on the better lowlands, the margins k-ere a last resort - a safety valve for both the population in general and society in particular.

1. Civil Survey, Jbwn Survey, 1659 Census and Subsidy Roll for Co. Waterford 1662. 2. Power, P. Placenames of the Decies. 3. Andrews, J.H. "Land and People c. 1685" ch.xviii in the New History of Ireland. 4. 'Waste1' in this context tends to suggest land which is of no profitable use since lands used for pasture were described as such. 5. Ordnance Survey letters for Co. Waterford. O'Donovan. 6. O.S. Maps 1st ed. 7. Books of Suney and Distribution. 8. Much of this &tail on land-use in the nineteenth century comes from infomtion provided by my father and other local people. 9. Agricultural statistics 1847 onwards. Early Customs Officers Francis hrphy.

Anyone who has had occasion to delve amongst records of three centuries ago may have wondered what exactly Tyde Wayters and Tyde Surveyors and Riding Officers and Land Wayters were, as we find them cropping up not infrequently around the Waterford area.

I formed a hazy idea as to what they might be but was pleased to find amongst the Miles Collection SS4761 in the British Library an interesting item dated 1687 entitled 'The State of Revenue of Ireland - An Essay towards the Methodical Collection of His Majesty's Revenue in Ireland arising from the Importation and Exportation of Goods to Collect Several Revenues Payable."

It gives an account as to how they set about organising the foundation of what in later years came to be all too well hown as the Customs and Excise Se~ce. The Taxes instituted included Prisage or Wltlerage which was called after the rights granted to His Grace the Duke of honde (a Butler) and his heirs for ever. Then there was Tunnage which was levied on wine and "oyle", and Poundage which was levied on all other goods at six pence a pound on goods from the Plantations - which, oddly enough, at that time included the Isle of Man. Aliens and Strangers were to pay double the Poundage that natives paid and French lhnage had an additional five shillings a tun on French ships.

To encourage the gmth of shipping there was double Customs on all goods imported by Englishmen in foreign ships except Scotch ships importing fish and corn.

Some idea of the canplexity of the organisation set up to enforce these dues can be gained from the many grades of staff carrying out their own special tasks. The list shows the following categories: Rideing Officer, qde Surveyor, Tyde Wayter , Katermen , Land Surveyor, Land Wayters , Porters, Store Keepers, Terquers , Customes Controllers, a Surveyor General, Searchers and Patent - Officers.

In Waterford and Ross were to be found all these grades except those of Storekeeper and Terquer where the Storekeeper 'S duty was canied out by the Land Wayter and the Land Surveyor, and the Terquerls by the Land Surveyor. The Essay then goes on to outline what their respective tasks were.

The Riding Officers took patrol of the coastline and were Officers of Prevention. They were instructed to ke a horse and were to be an the shore side either an horseback or an foot so that Xey could see any vessels or boats that might came ashore. "And if they see any cane ashore they are to imnediately repair to the place and examine them and, if they find any goods, to seize same and send or bring them with all convenient speed to His Majesty's store."

They were to pass on sightings to neighbouring Rideing Officers, to keep watch on adjoining stretches of coast, with a S cial watch an fishing boats and, finally, they were to give notice of incoming SR= ips to the Tyde Surveyor. Early Customs Officers.

The Tyde Surveyor at Passage was told to keep a special watch on ships that .ay at anchor waiting to go up river to Waterford and Ross. Being dependent mtirely on wind conditions, ships often lay there for several days during which $ere were obvious opportunities for smuggling. The Tyde Surveyor had to keep L Note Book in which he recorded eight items for each vessel: The time of the ;hip's arrival; the ship's name and burthen; the Master's name; the Place from hence she came; Her Loading; Place of Anchor; Officer on bard; and,finally, hen discharged .

To assist him he had at his disposal Watennen who were to do his bidding. c'atennen were told to watch if there was any danger of goods being slipped ashore and they were instmcted to sleep, each four hours, on deck except in extremity of ieather so that there was always a'watch on duty. They were "On no pretence to leave the ship without the Surveyor's leave".

They were to keep notebooks for their duties and each sheet was to be numbered 'and in his hand and seal the time put aboardu and they carried a Warrant not to land any goods. hhen finally goods were discharged they were to enter same "as the several parcels are put over the side of the ship. And when any lighter is loaded an Officer is to go with it to the Customs Office Quay, bringing a note of llrhat goods the lighter contains which he has to hand over to the Land Surveyor so that he may see that no goods have been embezzled on the way."

A full Account was taken of all the cargo and then the ship was searched for any concealed goods which, if found, would be seized and the Surveyor informed when he came "to lhamrage Ship" and discharge them.

The Land Surveyor had a Land Wayter to support him and Porters to load and unload stores. The Land Wayter's duty was to keep watch on the Custom House day and night, to check the security of and record all stores entering and leaving stores, recording all weights and measures. The Porters worked under the Land Wayter and Surveyor and helped in opening cases for examination as well as portering. "The business of the Terquerl',says the Essay, "is when the Land Officer is delivered him ye Warrant of any ship to compare them with the Master's entry and to account for everything before clearance".

.It quotes an exanple for the guidance of staff in which it shows the vessel 'Way" of Waterford, Master Edward Jones, taking 1,000 salt hydes to IXlblin and showing how accounts are made for this cargo.

Despite all this organisation, one imagines snuggling was a widespread practice because in 1698 seizures for the whole of Ireland in that year only munted to S405 worth of goods. The accomts for Waterford in 1695 shw Imported Excise S2,208 ~dditionalDuty 1284. Seizures 1142. Plantation Duty S27 with a total Port accomt of 18,022.

One is left wondering if, despite all their efforts, it amounted to enough to pay the wages of the army of Preventive staff involved. Change

J. S. Carroll.

The observations that follow illustrate the changing picture that emerges from a study of four maps of Waterford that were published between the years 1764 and 1871 - a span of 107 years. The sources are : Richards & scale/st map of 1764. Leahy's map of 1833, The Ordnance Survey map of 1841, and The Ordnance Survey map of 1871.

Looking first at the 1764 map it will be seen that ,whereas maps of about 1700 show nothing but marsh and a large millpond between the east wall of the city and John's Pill, this area is now shown as fully reclaimed and partly built upon. Developmnt has extended westward to Ballybricken and the line of Thomas Street. To the south there is no development beyond Castle Street.

Within the walls the pattern of the principal streets differed little from that of today except that Parnell St. had yet to come. Many of the streets were narrower for the whole or part of their length and many of them have different names. Going along the Quay fra Reginald' s Tower ( described, of course, as the Ring Tower) we find that Bailey's New St. is Factory Lane and Greyfriars is Holy Ghost Lane. The name Factory Lane is a bit puzzling since we know that David Baly had been given a grant of part of the Franciscan land in the mid 16th century and that Smith had described the street as "David Baly's New Street" in 1746 - a name that has stuck to it ever since. Brick Lane ran eastward from Holy Ghost Lane between the present Artwear premises and the bthodist Church. The present Coffee House Lane is shown, though not named. The lane nmnjng southward from it was Wallace's Lane. The Wallaces were prominent people in trade and shipping at the time. Then we cone to Goose Gate Lane, later to become Henrietta St., with Goose Gate, called after one John Goose, about halfway up. If the location shown is correct it would have stood about 150 feet back from the line of the city wall along the Quay which, of course, had gone by then. This anomly is hard to explain. The present Keyser St. was Kempson's Lane. The upper portion of Exchange St. was a continuaticn of Cooke Lane. The lower portion was very mch wider and was linked to the foot of K son's Lane by another passageway or lane nmning at the back of the Exchange and "P,t Cwtm House - the two mst prominent buildings on the Quay, as is evident fnrm the Van der Hagen painting of 1736. Halfway across this passage another one ran southward to High St. Conduit Lane was mch the sarne as at present but about midway between it and Exchange St. two narraw lanes about 40 feet a rt ran southward for a distance of about 180 feet. One of these is descrig d as Coffee House Lane. The 1950 O.S. mp shows both lanes as being still existent with tunnel entrances from the Quay. The one beside the hard's site was Coffee House Lane. The present Cathedral Lane was then Baly's Lane and somewhat to the south of it was Chapel Lane which ran in from Conduit Lane. A Century of Change, 1764 - 1871.

Barronstrand St. was quite wide up to a point about 60 feet short of Coadts corner where it sudQnly became very namand continued so up to the line of Little Patrick St. , where Broad St. began.

Gladstone St. was King St. and OtConnell St. was George's St. Thomas St. was the New Road and Bridge St. was Love Lane.

Manor St. was hling Green Lane and Castle St. was The Ramparts. Vulcan St., called after a local foundry, stood on or near the line of the present Parlimt St. The Apple Market area was then fully built-up as far as the head of John's Avenue. Kisby's Lane ran along the east bamdary of this built-up area as far as St. Martin's Castle but it did not link up with Spring Garden Alley which was a cul-de-sac, terminating about 80 feet short of the Castle.

The present Catherine St. was part of Colebeck St. and connected up with Grubb's Quay, now the Waterside, via Gmbb's Lane. As yet there is no sign of Hardy's Bridge. The present Jenkin's Lane was Norringtcm's Lane and fmn it a lane called Chapel Lane ran northward to George's St. This, hcwever, was not the present lane of that name but a much narmer one to the west of it, the lower portion of which is still there beside Quinlan's the butchers. Nearly opposite this another lane called Rogers' Lane, and later to become Long's Lane, ran northward as far as the city wall which was then still standing to the west of Barronstrand St. The wall ran parallel with the Quay and approximately 90 feet back from it for a distance of about 230 feet before striking southward in a straight line to the Beach Tower.

Across John's Pill there were two bridges - a stone arch bridge at Johnstown and a timber bridge on the line of the present Loinbard St. William St. is shown as the Scots Marsh. The present Morgan St. is simply Road to Grace Dieu, and Lower Yellow Road is Road to Three Mile Bridge, an old narrre for Killotteran. That portion of Barrack St. from Newgate St. .to Butchers' Lane was at least twice its present width. Its nam is given as Fahastoogeen, which suggests that it had been a public open space of some sort and was in the transit ion stage of becoming a street . In fact, the mid-17th century Dwwn Survey map shows this area, combined with what is now Mayor's Walk, as the Comnon Green. The Faha part of the name is obviously Faithche but I cannot guess at the derivation of the stoogeen part. Between it and Hennessy's Road ( then Hennessy's Lane) and close to Butchers' Lane there was a horse mill ,the track being about 70 feet diameter.

Of the public buildings the largest is the old Christ Church which is shown as being T-shaped with an overall length of 180 feet, not counting an annexe chapel at the east end, and a maxim width of 100 feet at the west end. The present cathedral is 1W feet long but cnly W feet wide at the west end.

WO Catholic churches are shown, namely, the Great (lapel on the site of the present cathedral and the New Chapel now known to us as St. Patrick's. It is interesting to note that, contrary to the nonnal practice, the axis of the &eat Chap1 ran north to south and also that St. Patrick's is shown as incorporating the Carew-Langton almshouse, the entrance being at the northern extremity of the almhouse via a short branch off Chapel Lane. The almshouse was founded in 1754 and the church dates from abwt the sam period. The h'idcrws' Apartments were as at present and the street on to which they abutted was Apartment Lane. There was a Latin School on the other side of the street where the Friary now stands.

The Quaker Meeting House was to the rear of the site occupied by the Manor St. Christian Brothers school. Some slight remant of it still stands. There was a Baptist Meeting House in the centre of what is now the forecourt of the De la Salle school in Stephen St., opposite the De la Salle Hall. Not far away was the Poor House- later the Sailors' Poor House - still standing in Bachelors Walk,though no longer occupied.

St. Patrick's Church was just as it is now and near it was the Barracks which had been built in 1626 as a feature of St. Patricks Fort (or The Citadel) now taken up by the Garda Station and the Department of Social Welfare.

The city basins or reservoirs at Stephen St. and Thomas's Hill are clearly shown, as also are the conduits at the Custom House and the Fish House on the Quay, at Amndel Square and at Michael St. opposite Alexander Lane. These basins were fed by springs, and wooden pipes conveyed water from them to the public conduits or fountains.

Thomas's Hill had not yet been laid out. The site of this street and of Francis St., Wellington St:, Jail St., Barker St., Kings Terrace and Meetinghouse Lane, together with the adjoining properties, is shown laid out as a deer park and ornamental gardens with fountains and other water features. All this belonged to Aldem Samuel Barker who lived in the building that is now the Garter Lane Arts Cent re.

The main portim of the Dominican foundation of Blackfriars is shown as the County Court House. It was from Blackfriars that certain Inquisitions or certificates of land grants were issued under Elizabeth and Charles I. Another of the Dominican buildings had become a playhouse.

The Bishop's Palace was already in being as also was the Deanery and, of course, the Holy Ghost Hospital. The Guildhall at the corner of Peter St. and Broad St. is shown as a T-shaped building, the head of the T being the Market House, having a width of about 60 feet to Broad St. and the stem the City Court House running back about 60 feet parallel to Peter St.

The Mall had been laid out though not as at present. It consisted of a linear par1 well planted with trees, having a width of from 50 to 70 feet. This was sumded by a fence, except for gates at each end. It extended fran opposite Lcnnbard St. to . near the line of Colbeck St. There was a carriageway about 20 feet wide along the west side. Between this and the city wall were gardens except at the Colbeck St. end and for a length extending between points 80 and 230 feet from Reginald's Tower. Within this stretch are shown what evidently are two public buildings close together and with a combined frontage of 150 feet and a depth of 50 feet. This would correspond to the stretch from the north side of the City Hall to the angle at what used to be Merry's. It is not hm what these buildings were. The map sections above and opposite are from the O.S, town map of 1841 and that of 1871 respectively. Both are to the scale of 5 feet to a mile or 88 feet to an inch. In the former the boundary lines of buildings were indicated by fine lines on the north and west sides with hea~ylines on the south and east (follming the convention of aswing light fran the to left-hand corner). Convers ly,voids such as lighting shafts %ere indicate hy lle3i-y (sfadm) lines on the north mt west ualls. In the 1871 map buildings are shown by hatching, voids being left blank. This sensible convent ion has persisted. These random sections illustrate the remarkable accuracy and extent of detail to which the mps were sun-eyed, drawn and engraved.

Dnnr-l~ ,,.oil tn 1.3r ppmi t no. 4487- A Centuryof Change, 1764 - 1871.

There is a map of the neighbourhood of h'aterford that also appeared in 1764 and from the same firm of cartographers. From this we see the corn mill the remains of which were standing up to about 25 years ago on the left hand side at the entrance to the Tramore bad in the field knuwn as the Castle Field, presumably fmn the appearance of the ruin of the mill tower. We also see the Glass House paper mill, then a going concern.

There are two grim reminders of the past, namely the City Gallows and the County Gallows. The City and the County had their separate court houses and their separate jails so it is not surprising that they even had their separate places of execution. The city gallows was on the rocky waste pund at the sumnit of Gracedieu Road while the county gallows was on the south side of Dunmore Road just beyond the entrance to Ardkeen. Both were close to the roadside.

From 1764 we have to skip forward to Leahys map of 1833, which was an excellent production and is drawn to a scale of 4 chains to an inch, which is 264 feet to an inch or 20 inches to one mile.

Leahy was a Civil Engineer who lived in Clonmel and ho carried out a lot of work at a later date in connection with the early Irish railways.

Here we see the river bridged for the first time,Lemuel Cox's structure being then already 39 years old. A shipbuilding yard is to be seen on the Ferrybank side with a launching slip and small dock. This, no doubt, was Pope and Cots. yard where several fine schooners and brigantines were built in the eighteen twenties and thirties. Popes were prominent merchants and shipowners before they turned their hand to ship-building. It was they who erected the look-out towers that bear their name.

On the south side &velopmnt is seen to have extended to Manor Hill, College St., and Bath St. - none of which appears on the earlier map. But among the new streets to appear the mst praninent is Beresford St., now Parnell St.

Development has spread westward along Gallows Road, now Gracedieu Road, and eastward it has reached Canada St.

The Artillery Barracks on the site of St. Carthage's Avenue has given its nam to Artillery St. - the present brrisson's Road - and , presumably, to Military Road and Cannun St. also. The present Barracks in Barrack St. was for the Infantry section of the garrison. Both these barracks were in replacement for the old one on the site opposite Mayor's Walk. Here we now find a group of buildings dedicated to the preservation of law and order. They are described as County Court Hwe and City Court House ( side by side facing Mayor 'S Walk), the City Jail (adjoining the Court House on the east side), two buildings marked Criminals' Prison, a Debtors' Prison, a Fci~~i;~s'Prison, a Hospital, a Chapel and a Governor's House.

These twin court houses were designed by no less a person than Jms Won of Dublin Custom House f-. They were built in 1784 but for some reason they seem to have had an unexpectedly short life, and there does not appear to be any surviving record of what they looked like externally, though Marc Gimuard reproduced a contemporary view of the interior to illustrate an excellent series of articles an A Century of Change, 1764 - 1871.

Waterford that he wrote for "Country Life" in 1966. They fell into disuse about the middle of the 19th century when the present Court House was built and the whole complex was later cleared to make way for the jail which stood there up to 1948.

A new feature on the Quay is the Market House which evidently replaced the Fish House. The latter was a large building that stood opposite Bamnstrand St. where the Clock Tower now stands. The Market House measured 110'x401 and stood on the quayside midway between Gladstone St. and Hanover St. where now there is a Filling Station.

Allied to the heavy emphasis on the penal system we find the House of Industry, with its treadmill. This later gave way to the Fanning Institution which, in its turn, is now gone. Again, we find on Hennessy 'S Road the Penitentiary - a rather unusual building of octagonal design that was taken dam in the nineteen fifties to make way for Roanmore Park.

On the industrial side the mst striking addition is the Gas Works in one of the buildings that is still standing. On the health side we find the Leper Hospital transferred from Stephen St. to John's Hill and the Fever Hospital behind it.

An R.C. Chapel is shown on the site of the Manor St. school and an R.C. College on the south side of College St. near Manor Road. The Quaker Meeting House has been built and Meeting House Lane laid out.

Hardy's Bridge has been built and Grubb's Quay,called John's Quay, has been extended to form what we now call the Waterside.

Wyse Is Bridge has also been built and an odd feature is an unnamed road running from the nearby former entrance to John Hearne 8 Sons' yard in a straight line to Mdicity Lane by the side of which the river wall collapsed a few years ago. This may have ken only a proposal that never got further.

The Town Hall building has appeared but is described, of course, as the Exchange. The present Coffee House Lane is called Warehouse Lane.

There are two more city basins to add to the water supply, namely, those at Philip St. and Dyehouse Lane ( nclw Sumer Hill Terrace).

From this map we learn something of the names of those who occupied the big houses in the vicinity of the city. Thus, we see the site of the present St. John's College as "Kingville" the residence of Capt. English. "Newtown Park" is occupied by Capt. Knight, R.N. His successor in tenancy was to be Lord Robcrts. Major John Snow lived at "Abbey House", Ferrybank, then calledWAbbeyView", while a Capt. Snow lived nearby at "Rock1 ands" .

From Lewis's Topographical Dictionary published just faur years later we get a further insight into the names of those who at the time occupied what Lewis calls A Century of Change, 1764 - 1871. the principal seats. In New Park we find Sir John Newport M.P. ,in Belmnt House Sir Henry Winston Barron, in Mullinabro we have J. Hawtrey Jones, Esq., in May Park, G. Meara, Esq., in Belmont ( as distinct from Belmont House) J. Roberts, Esq., in Mount Pleasant S. King, Esq., in Ballinamona T. Carew, Esq., in Killaspy Alexander Sherlock, Esq. , in Bellevue P.Power, Esq., in Bishop Hall S. Blackmore,Esq., in Faithlegg buse N. Pawer, Esq., in Woodstom Lord Carew and also in Woodstown the Earl of htingdon, in Swrmerfield Lord Ebrington, in Harbour View Capt. Morris, in Dromona T. Coghlan, Esq., in Grantstown the Rev. Francis Reynett, in Blenheim Lodge Pierce Sweetman, Esq., in Ballycanvan J. Stephens, Esq., and also in Ballycanvan M. Dobbyn, Esq.

The disappearance of the Liberties is indicated for the first time in a small scale map prepared in 1839 by Thomas Larcom of the Royal Fngineers to illustrate the new city boundary that was to come into force the following year under the lbicipal Corporations Act. Larcom was then only a Lieutenant but was to become Lt. -Colonel and Director of the Ordnance Survey. The new boundary ran along Military Road and Morrissonts Road, Manor Hill, College St., Bath St., Polebeny and Passage Road. On the north side it ran in a straight line from the Catholic Church to Mr. Charles Gatsonts cottage at Mount Misery. This house later became 'Mmt Misery Lodge" and then Knockane Villaw. commonly called Flemingts Castle.

We now come to the era of the Ordnance Survey. The first of their magnificent maps of the Waterford city area appeared in 1841 . As to be expected, there is little change from Leahyts map of 1833. There are a few name changes and a few new names. The present OtConnell St. is now King St. east of Thomas St. and Queen St. west of it.

From the top of Bridge St. to the top of Wellington St. was call& Pound St. The pound itself masured 80'x4St and was attached to the police station. Together they stood isolated in the middle of the triangular open space now called the Glen. Wellington St. and Francis St. have now appeared. Thomasls Hill from the Quay to Barker St. is shown as Henry St.

The present open space opposite Coadts is still built up but intersected by two lanes which are now named - Royal Oak Lane which ran along by Coadts towards Georget s St. and Garter Lane which ran from Coadts corner to Blackfriars in a diagonal direction. A third lane called Little Georgets St. continued the western line of Barronstrand St. to Little Patrick St.

Amdel Square was, in fact, square with a drinking fountain in the centre. The square was roughly mid-way between Peter St. and High St. Peter St. was linked to it by Milk Lane and Trinity Lane with houses between them. Blackfriars St. was linked to the square by a single lane. This was brown as hdelLane, formerly Carrion Row, the present Anmdel Lane being then Amdel Rcrw.

The Shambles or public slaughter house was a glass-roof& building 100t80t extending down Exchange St., then called Quay Lane. The Shambles site was so described on the 1764 map. Quay Lane was only 8' wide opposite the Shambles. Grahamls Iron Foundry extended for the full length of Keyser St. cm the east side. A Century of Change, 1764 - 1871.

The Diocesan Academy is now in Stephen St. beside the Baptist Meeting House, and the Trinitarian Orphan House is in John st. occupying the building at the corner of John's Avenue that was the Radium Polish Factory, then IMX) and is now an amusement centre. Close by was another iron foundry occupying Spencer 'S Yard at the corner of the Waterside.

Between Lombard St. and Bank Lane is shown as Hanover Square. The name Bolton St. does not appear on the map although the name plate of this street bears the date 1817.

Finally, we come to the Ordnance Survey Town Map of 1871 - undoubtedly the finest ever published. The street pattern is much the same as before but more lanes and courts are identifiable in the congested city centre. lfiese were terraces of tiny cottages flanking one or both sides of a passageway,generally about 10 feet wide, that branched off a street under the upper portion of one of the houses in same. Thus, we had four such entrances off the west side of John St. between the Car Stand and New St. Between them they accounted for 40 cottages. Similarly we had Usher's Arch and Walsht S Lane off the south side of Patrick St., Barront S Court off Little Michael St., and Stephen's Court off Stephen St. These were the slums of Waterford in days when the very idea of legislation for the housing of the poor by local authorities had not been given a thought. Wlt bad as they must have been, they were probably better than the tenement dwellings of contemporary Dublin.

Lanes of a wider type with interconnections and open entrances covered the whole of the Ballybricken area as they still do, between Ballybridcen Green and Barrack Street and between Mayor's Walk and N rt ' S Lane. The abst total lack of imaginative planning in the development of '?XS area does little credit to those responsible - even in the middle of the 19th century.

Ety way of contrast with the dwellings of the poor we note the appearance on this map of the present fine courthouse and on the Patrick %./Jail St. site the replacement of Gan&n ' S courthouse by the County & City Gaol. The many buildings on this 15 acre site as seen on the 1841 map have been cleared to make way for a massive gaol building featuring a central block with two wings, the hospita1,and the debtors' prison being housed in isolated buildings. The best feature was the gate lodge located at the junction of the two streets. There is not much evidence of industry apart from the major one of bacan curing. Dennyls fomr establishment is shm as well as Bacon Stores on the Regal Cinema site and on one between Grace's Lane and Philip St. but in this imnediate area,i.e. between Morgan St. and Yellow Road, there is a flour mil1,a cooperage and a salt works. Other industries are the brewery in Stephen St., the tanyard which has ncw become a car park, another tannery at the Waterside and a salt and l& works at Gashouse Lane. There was also,of course, the Neptune Ironworks and the fine ship-building yard at Newtown belonging to Malcmon Brothers. A nam still occasionally heard is that of Paul's Square. This was a rectangular area 60' deep from the Quay frontage and about 40' wide measured from the west side of the Artwear premises. The street now called Greyfriars ,and then called French St., was a cul-de-sac terminating at the rear of Paul's Square and slightly to the east of it Just to show that names, like everything else, have a habit of repeating themselves it is worth noting that a group of 5 tiny cottages off Francis St. rejoiced in the name of George S Court. and the Breac -folk

Hubert Butler.

St. Brigit of Kildare has for a very long time been regarded by many as a fabulous character. This is not only because of the three Brigits, daughters of the Dagda, who were patronesses of various arts and sciences, or because there are thirteen other saints Brigit of Ireland and Scotland, bhose lives are not easier to authenticate than hers. It is because she has been loosely but confidently associated with the Brigantes, the large tribe, which inhabited Yorkshire in Roman tims and which has been traced in the Southeast of Ireland. Camden in his history of Yorkshire supposed that they had given their name to Breconshire and to Brigus or Birgus, the river Barrow in Leinster. Others have traced them at Brechin in Scotland, at Bargy in Wexford, in Bregia or the plain of Meath. She has been identified rather insecurely with Brigantia, the goddess to wha dedications have been discovered in the north of England and who is supposed to have given*her. name to at least two rivers Brigantia or Brent, one a tribtary of the Thames, the other at Glastonbuw, where Brigit is culted.

None of this is very satisfactory; the Brigantes also had a mle god,Brigans or Bergans, who must be compared to a giant called Brigio or Bergion, who fought with Hercules in southern Gaul. The ancestor or ancestress of the Brigantes was probably a genealogical fiction, who acquired supernatural powers only by degrees. If he or she had great divine importance, would not the worshippers have been certain of his or her sex? It is best to consider that rivers, plains, mountains were in the first place called after tribes and that it was the poets, who later discovered fabulous beings, like the ox Breg, or Bregu, the son of Breoghan,(rival eponyms for Bregia in Meath) or Braccan, son of Braca, the Irish-Scoto-Welsh hero, who left his name in Breconshire and Brechin.

But who were those Brig-Breg-Brac people? The Brigantes have laid their trail thickly across Europe to Ireland from Thrace, where Ridgeway discovered them. l On their western course we can trace Bregenz in Austria, Lake Brigantia, (now Constance) Brigantim, (Briancon), in the Alps, Brigantium in north west Spain, Brigantanagus near Toulon and so on. Henri hbert introduces the Burgundiones to this catalogue of names.2

Would it not be more satisfactory to consider that the Brigantes were a hybrid people and that their wanderings were begun by the Briges, an undoubtedly Thracian tribe, whose eastward incursions have been described by Strabo?3 He says that they crossed into Asia, changing fran Briges to Phxyges, and became the ancestors not only of the Phxygians but of many tribes upon the Black Sea. As Thracians themelveg they can hardly have been unrelated to the Brigantes of Thrace and as they mved westward they would account for the many Brig-tribes of Europe, the Segobriges and Nitiobriges of Gaul, the Lato-brigi of Switzerland and the Brigolati of Bessarabia, the Brigiani of the Alps, and, near Brigantium, the Brigiosi of north west Spain. Among the rivers there was the Brigulus , (the Saone) and the Bargus of Thrace , to set beside Brigus, the Barrow. And in Ireland we find scores of heroes and saints, both male and female, called Brig, Briga, Mo-Brig, Da-Brig and so on. St. Brigit and the Breac - folk.

An examination of these people and places and their alternative names quickly shaws that Brig-Berg-Brec are only the beginnings of a name corruption that must have extended untraceably far. Celtic scholarship, tied to the belief that almost all the names of early tribes of Gaul and the British Isles are Celtic, has to translate the word 'Brig', wherever it occurs in a proper name, as 'strength' or 'height' ; thus the Brigantes lived 'on high places', the Nitiobriges were, according to Holder ,Pugna Validi (strong in battle)4The fact that th Brigantes, like the Briges, were themselves of Thracian origin is ignored or dismissed. Yet surely the Brigolati, who are not hown to be Celtic, wt bear to the Lato-Brigi the same obscure but probable kinship that the Wallace-Smiths do to the Smith-Wallaces. Surely each half of these names is a proper name and neither an adjective.

If we associate the word breac with the Briges rather than with its Irish meaning 'speckled', Irish early history is straight away illuminated. It becomes clear why Simeon Breac, the leader of the Fir Bolgs, came from Thrace, as did Partholm, an earlier invader of Ireland, who had a son Brecan and a son-in-law, Brec. Has this question been seriously discussed since nearly a century ago Skenes discovering that Scottish kings were called breac as well as Scottish churches, fields and rivers, suggested that the word must have some unknown 'Pictish' meaning ? He did not refer to the hundreds of Irish heroes, heroines and saints nihamed breac. (There were, for example, no less than three saints called St. Caeman Breac, two ancestors called Eber Breac, two called Bressal Breac. Surely they did not all seven have freckles?).

Nor did Skene discern the connection of breac with Brigit, though it is obvious. King Nechtan Breac was a great admirer of Brigit, whom he had hm in Ireland; he founded a church in her honour at Abernethy, which was built by his predecessor, the Pictish king Bruide or Bruigde, and she is supposed to have died there. There were holy ladies frm Cornwall, Meath and Kildare, who were called Breac or Breaca and were disciples of Brigit. The parents of the Irish Brigit, (there were of course several Scotch Brigits), were said to have niled over the Orkneys and lived in Caithness, so that the Hebrides were hown as 'qrigit's Islands'. And in Caithness and elsewhere in the north we find many 'speckled' places, fields and rivers and mountains: Kirhbrick in h'igtownshire is thought to mean the Church of St. Aed mac Breac, who founded Tech mic Bricc, the house of the son of Breac, in Westmeath. It is curious that both in Wigtown and Westmeath, it is not he but Brigit, who is culted in the church3

All this can be rescued from the domain of folklore and fabulous hagiography, if we ass= the tribe of the Briges from Thrace, merging with other tribes on its long journey and shaping and reshaping its name and its ancestor to changed conditions.

The Irish genealogies confirm that breac was a tribal word and did not in the first place mean 'speckled'. Bresal Breac, was ancestor of the Ossorians, among whan were the Breacraige tribe and several speckled (breac) lochs, heights and meadows, as well as churches dedicated to Brigit. And we find an abundance of 'speckled' place-names, ancestors and saints (St. Caeman Breac and St. Aed, son of Breac) , arrrmg or near the Breacraige of Westmeath. St. Bripit and the Breac - folk.

'IHE BREAC-RILK IN DECIES:

Canon Power in 'IHE PLACE NA!! OF DECIES has studied very closely the territory of the Ui Brigte in Waterford, so that it is possible to make a map to illustrate my contention that St. Brigit was associated with a very ancient Brig- people, whose heroes and whose habitations survive in legend and topography as being breac or speckled.

It will be seen from my map that the river Brigid, now the Bride,and the river Brickey both flow through the Ui Brigte tenitory. Canon Puwer sees no significance in this, but believes that the first river is called after a Celtic oddess, Brigit, (he compares the Yorkshire Brigantes in whose name he finds the root8 bri'meaning strength), and the second river he believes to have been speckled ,'breac!. The fact that on the banks of these rivers there had lived a large tribe, who traced their &scent to Brigit, a mortal with a large family, and to two men, who were 'speckled', Breacdolb and Eogan Breac, does not seem to him relevant. As is shown on my map there was, according to Canon Power, a third river to the north, the Breacban, or speckled Field.

It wi l1 be noted that on my map there are four churches and four holy wells of St. Brigit. There are also three speckled churches, (Cill Breac) , two speckled towns, (Bai le Breac) , four speckled rocks,, (Clocha Breaca) , two speckled crags, (Carraig Breac) , two speckled mountains, (Cnoc Breac) , three speckled forts, (Lios and Cathair Breac) , a speckled bog, (Moin Breac) , a speckled field (Gort Breac) ,ad the well of a speckled gate, (Tobar a Geata Bric) and a speckled half-hollow, (Leath cornh Breac) . Well maybe the gate was speckled and the rocks, mountains and bogs, but the churches, the forts, the towns, and all the men ?

I think the Ui Bric accounted for many of them. Even now their name remains on several sites on the map, a church, a well, an island, a bog and two crags. One of these crags, Carraig Ui Bric, now Carrigabrack on the Blackwater is already in danger of a speckled association for a local legend relates that a magical cow with speckles used to graze there.

North of the river Bride is Kilbree, Cell Brighe, and for its patroness Canon Power suggests a Welsh saint from St. David's, St. Brighe or Brigit, culted on November 12. But would it not be strange if she had come so far and then established herself by a river of her own name, Brigit? Her two sisters, St. IXlthracht and St. Tigern, do not sound Welsh but recall the names of local ancestors, Durthecht and ~igernach7.

I have mrked on the map saw places called after badgers, Bmc, because the tribe name Ui Bmc is a variant of Ui Bric.

Many odd pmblems arise out of all this. I believe that they will only be solved if we recognize that this region intensively and the whole of Ireland sporadically were once inhabited by the Briges of Thrace. They were also the Phrygi ans .

Among the more celebrated Brigit saints, we' must not omit St. Brigit of the Ui Ercain, who rescued Patrick from a vile conspiracy against him in Wicklow-Carlow. She was a cousin of Brigit of Kildare, to whom many of her miracles were transferred. St. Brigit and the Breac - folk.

Dr. Mach'amee, in his valuable work on Ardagh, is so wedded to orthodoxy that he accepts MacNeilll S theory that the Breacraige were a fishing tribe, (Breac means trout). Yet there is no such thing as an early tribe with a professional or occupational name. They were none of them nameless parvenus, ready to describe themselves after sane local and accidental craft. They all had immense pedigrees reaching back to the beginning of history.

MacNeill, of course, is justified in so far as the delusion that the Breac- folk were linked with trout or speckles is a very ancient one. The many hills called Knockbrack were often thought to be speckled, (Boswell and Johnson, meeting such names in the Hebrides, thought they referred to fields speckled with buttercups and daisies), and sometimes, as in Mayo, Knockbrack has been rechristened Trout Hill.

If we study O'Brien's CORPUS GENEAUX;IARIM HIBERNIAE,(1962), only in so far as it touches on the problem of St. Brigit, the complex relationship of saints, tribes and genealogies becomes apparent.

There were, for example, two Brigits, who were daughters of Dubhtach; one, Brigit of Leinster, was the saint of Kildare, the other, Brigit of Ulster, was ancestress of the Ui Brigte of Waterford. These Ui Brigte, later the O'Brics, were the ruling tribe in South Waterford and several Tipperary and Cork baronies. They had three separate founders (1) Eogan Breac (2) Brigit who was sister to many local ancestors, including Sem, ancestor of the Serrme tribe (3) Breacdoilbh or Speckled Doilbh. His name was plainly campsite for his brother, Doilbh, was ancestor of the Ui Doilbh or Doyles.

Not only she but most of these Brig-Breac figures, belonged, like Brigit of Kildare, to the Clam Artcorp, a not very prominent Wicklow tribe. Artcorb had a son called Conlead, the name of a very curious bishop, who succeeded Brigit at Kildare, and I am sure that the characters in her legend as well as in her pedigree had only symbolic truth, ( of great value, for the symbols recorded the meeting and blending of tribes), so no attempt has been made to synchronise them; thus in the same pedigree Brigit of the Ui Ercain, who rescued St. Patrick, is four or five generations later than Brigit of Kildare , who herself was later than Patrick. H& are we to decipher these ancient symbols? I will describe a very recent attempt of mine in relation to Brigit. In the Martyrology of Donegal I read a poem about her in which she is described as a lover of 'early rising', moch eirge. This straight - away struck me as a very prim every day virtue to ascribe to so tremendous and ubiquitous a miracle worker. It must, I thought, be a tribal pm. But were there any tribes with the improbable name "E rly Rising"? It was same weeks before I discovered them in the Book of Fenqh.8 The Ui Mael MDcheirge or "Servants of Early Rising" are descended fran Mael veirge, one of thirteen brothers, each of them ancestors of a Co. Leitrim tribe. One of Mael Mocheirge's brothers was Braici, ancestor of the Ui Braici and he had a cousin called Brug or Bxugaid. Brigit herself had been very active in the district. She was veiled at Ardagh by St. Mael and had gone with him to St. Aed Mac Bric, November 10th. to be cured of an illness.1° vbviously Maelmcheirge did not mean 'Servant of Early Rising', but was a tribal figure, since Mael, Moch and Eirg are the names of ancestors. Moch, for example, was ancestor of the OIMoghans of Sligo and he got up 'moch' early, we are told, to find a site for a church for St. Attracta on Loch Cara. - - - - - b.-- W ------St. Bri~itand the Breac - folk.

Maelmocheirge, of course, and all his relations never existed. I doubt whether those, who manipulated these venerable figures in their pedigrees, believed in them as much as, say, Professor Bury, the rationalist, who wrote a life of St. Patrick, believed in them. It would be a very disnrptive belief. They had to be as bodiless as algebraic or geometrical symbols, because the equations, bfiich they solved the history, which they demonstrated, would all collapse if a single creature of flesh and blood was intruded among them. He would be as damaging to the exposition of early history as a thick line or a bulky point would be to geometry.

NOTES: Ridgeway: Tarly Age of Greece", p. 253. Henri Hubert: "Greatness b Decline of the Celts", p.93. Strabo : (Loeb Classics 3.349) . Holder: "Alt-Kel tischer Sprachschortz", 11. 750. Skene : "Celtic Scotlandtt, 11.36. OtHanlon: "Lives of the Irish Saints", p. 214. OtBrien: "Corpus Genealogiannn Hiberniae", p.401. Book of Fenagh, p. 389. The family still survives at Mohill and Dnmshanbo as Earley and Early. Heroic Rescue near Stradbally, 1875

The following account is taken verbatim from a book called "Tales of the Sea" and is a slightly abridged version of that which appeared in "The Shipwrecked Mariner" (the organ of the Shipwrecked Mariners1 Society) vol.XXI1, 1875. The material has been supplied by Mrs. Pauline Daniels who came across it while carrying out a personal research into her Ronayne ancestors.

The cove where the rescue took place is located adjacent to the land of Mr. Tom Hearne whose farm is on the south side of the Waterford - Dungarvan coast road about a mile east of Stradbally in the townland of Killelton. Nearly opposite the boreen leading to the Hearne farm is thecottage occupied by Edward Davins and his wife,Mary, (nee Ronayne) a descendant of the hero of the incident described below. The ruinous remains of John Ronaynels cottage may be seen on the seaward side of the road a short distance further west.

Some twelve miles westward from Tramore - a favourite watering- place and summer resort for the citizens of Waterford, and nearly half a mile from the coast - a farm is situated which has been long occupied by John Ronayne, a hardy and typical Irish farmer. The farm-house has few of the necessaries and none of the luxuries of civilised life, it is a true type of the poor class of farm-houses in many parts of Ireland, consisting of but two rooms - one the sleeping apartment, where Ronaynels family of twelve children have been born, and the other the living-room, where it is to be suspected sundry four-footed friends occasionally find their way, and bask or grunt before the fire. Rather less than half a mile from the farm is the rugged shore, approached by a rough "boreen", or narrow lane, emerging on the cliff near the course of a stream, which is a roaring foaming torrent in winter and spring-time. On winter days and nights, brown and turbulent, this stream rushes foaming into the ocean over crags and rocks and pebbly shore; but before it joins its fresh water with the salt sea foam, it plunges into a crevice, narrow and deep and deadly. Every coastman along the rock-bound shore knows this deep, treacherous hole, and warns the traveller to beware of it'- for, once in it, there is no return. But this source of peril is little enough to that which is beyond.

A hundred yards or so from the cove into which this impetuous torrent pours frown two massive ridges of rock, offering to any venturesome ships attempting to run between their threatening sides destruction on either hand, while only some dozen yards of foaming breakers separate the one from the other. Skilful must be the steersman, and bold the skipper, who would dare the narrow channel, even though the only one by which they might hope to beach their sinking ship. And yet, on one fearful night in January, 1875, a large vessel, the Gwenissa, bound from Falmouth to Glasgow, and new but a The Cost at Killelton where the Gwenissa stnck. Reproduced from Ordnance under Permit no. 4487. Heroic Rescue near Stradbally, 1875. few weeks before, successfully accomplished the dangerous passage. Not that any skill was shown, for none on the doomed ship knew of their proximity to rocks or shore, but, driving blindly on before the full fury of the gale, by chance were brought safely through. But in another instant the ship struck the rocky shore, and in a moment was shattered to pieces, timbers and tackle, cargo and living freight, being thrown, scattered and helpless, into the angry surf. Escaping, as by a miracle, the rocky dangers of Charybdis, the good ship Gwenissa had been hurled upon Scylla, and her doom was sealed.

The family at Killeton Farm little suspected, as they went to their humble beds, the tragedy which was being enacted on the shore; and even when some of the boys thought they heard cries of distress, little wonder - when thewind was blowing in great fitful gusts, sweeping round the homely cottage, shaking windows and doors, and moaning down the chimneys - that, after listening a while and hearing nothing further, they thought no more of the cries, and went to bed. Ronayne had, however, not been long in bed when a loud knocking awoke him, and he jumped up, and on opening the door was accosted by three men in sailor's garb.

The first surprise over, the instincts of hospitality asserted themselves, and he heaped up the turf fire, and, as they warmed themselves,learned that they alone of the crew of the Gwenissa, nine in number, were certainly saved. But there was a possibility that one or two might yet survive; and though the wintry blast roared loud without, Ronayne lingered not a moment. Hurrying on his clothes,and taking a large sod of flaming turf by way of lantern, he rushed down the "boreen", and soon reached the cove. Cautiously he made his way, and approached the edge of the stream, whence he now heard the shouts of several men. He followed up the cries of distress, and soon came upon a man in a most dangerous position.

Ronayne blew the turf until it glowed brightly, and holding it down, saw a man waist-deep in the water, but so jammed between the crags that it was impossible for him to move, far less climb the overhanging rocks. He was bruised, stunned and nearly insensible. Ronayne saw at a glance that the only way to help him was himself to go down, extricate his bruised legs from the rocks and wreck that held him like a vice, and then assist him to climb from his perilous position. This, by means of much pulling and hauling, he at length accomplished, and ultimately had the satisfaction of leading the poor fellow to a place of safety, where, for a time,he left him, sorely bruised, faint, and well-nigh frozen, for the others, who had never ceased calling for assistance from the moment of his arrival. They were four in number, and, as far as could be judged through the increasing darkness, lay in the very gorge down which rushed the swollen stream; and so it , for one was hanging to a spar which had become fixed in ther~c~:~~:~ileanother was grasping a projecting crag, by which he contrived to k'eep afloat. The others, more fortunate, had been thrown on a ledge, which left them in comparative safety, though they were waist-deep in water. But though secure upon this ledge, they were quite as helpless as their companions, for the beetling face of the rocks defied their utmost efforts to scale them unaided. Here Ronaynels knowledge stood him in good stead, and after much active A Century of Change, 1764 - 1871.

Between Lombard St. and Bank Lane is shown as Hanover Square. The name Bolton St. does not appear on the map although the name plate of this street bears the date 1817.

"But," says the narrator - and here especially he should tell his own tale - "not without great labour had this been effected, for one of the men had his leg broken, and all were more or less bruised, and perishing of cold and exposure. Three men were at his house and five here; but where was the other ? - for nine men were on board the luckless vessel, and here were but eight. Leaving the rescued men in the lane, Ronayne ran again to the cove, and the dim spark expiring in the turn showed him where he had left it. He scraped off the ash, and, the wind fanning it, again it burned up brightly - too brightly, for now it burned down to his frozen fingers; but he only grasped it the tighter, for did it not light on his errand of mercy? and if another life might be saved at the expense of a few burns, would it not be a great gain? So on sped he along the shore, searching into every cranny and cleft and crevice lighted by the turf, and burning and shouting between his labours , at length was rewarded by a faint cry as of a man in distress - more a moan than a cry, and at a distance. Rapidly but carefully he had scanned the beach and partially searched every gully and cleft, and now and again receiving to his cries a faint response, but always from far away. No doubt the man was out on the rocks, to which he had been carried by a receding wave after the ship struck, and Ronayne knew that some further help must be procured before he could be reached. So he hastened back to the five men he had left in the lane. They then all proceeded to the farm-house - a melancholy cortege - carrying as best they could the helpless between them. He then started off, wet and weary as he was, to the coastguard station at Bonmahon, where he gave information of the wreck, and demanded assistance for the poor fellow out on the rocks" The coastguard men lost no time in turning out with the rocket apparatus - but just as they were fixing it into position Ronayne who had been hunting about, came upon the very last and ninth man of the crew, lying, half in the water and half out, upon the beach among a quantity of wreck. His supposition had been correct in regard to his position on the rocks, but while assistance was being procured he had been washed ashore, with shattered limbs - bruised, helpless, unconscious, but alive ! . The poor fellow, who remained unconscious, was carried to the farm, where some old whisky-jars were filled with hot water and placed to his feet. The little whiskey in the house was divided among the benumbed men, and more solid provision set before them.

And now Ronaynets house contained over twenty inmates, most of them standing round the turf fire wringing the water from their clothes and warming their frozen limbs; the few beds, too, had their occupants. For Ronayne the work had but barely commenced. Saddling his young mare, he started to lay information of the wreck before Lloyd's Deputy Receiver at Tramore, some twelve miles distant, for eight shillings were to be earned, and for this trifling reward he was prepared to ride some twenty-four miles on a cold winter night. On his road he passed the doctor's house, and sent him to attend the injured men, arriving at Tramore a few minutes before the telegram from the coastguard station. Two of the sailors were afterwards removed to the hospital, and recovered, and they and the remainder cared for by the Shipwrecked Mariners' 'S agents. Ronayne W S indemnifiep for any expense he had incurred ay t e same Society, and tte Life-Roat nstitutio~ shortly after rewarded him. - - .. 19th Century soclelry in -

County Water ford

Part I1 Jack Burtchaell.

REGIONAL ANALYSIS.

West Waterford: h%en the estates of West Waterford were laid out in the late 16th century, as part of the Munster Plantation mch of the land was still covered in dense forest. The land bas cleared under the aegis of the estate system as part of an exploitative mercantilist economy and later famed by the tenants. This parallels the experience of north Wexford where the hffry was cleared a half century later. The north- facing and gentler slope was cleared for agriculture while the south-facing slope, which was steeper, was let remain as forest. So, surprisingly, the south-facing slopes were under forest in the 19th century while the less favourable (climtically) north-facing slope was farmed. The Devonshire home fann worked the prime land in the valley, and along the fringes on the southern side are clustered same strong faxmers of the lesser group. These are located on the poorer land valued at between eight and twelve shillings, which was probably only settled permanently in the mid 18th century .

The Bride valley was also relatively sparsely populated with strong farmers but this is due to another factor - that of the middleman system. The Bride Valley was the centre of some smaller estates, including that of Mrs. Catherine Smith of Headborough and the Greaves estate at Snugborough. The small group of strong farmers just west of Tallow were on land under the direct control of the Duke of Devonshire who encouraged this group on his estate. The rest of the Bride valley was in the hands of middlemen; they not only did not stop subdivision they often encouraged it. The parish of Kilcockan med by John Keily had a few strong farmers, the largest of them, significantly, also a Keily . The less favourable parish of Tenplemichael and mch of the parish of Tallw are almost devoid of strong fanners. This area is generally valued at less than eight shillings per acre and some stretches , such as the townlands of Kilcalf mountain and Lyrencarriga, are valued at less than four shillings and are virtually worthless for fanning purposes. This area would seem to have been settled relatively late and can be seen as a safety valve for population build-q ir- the Bride and Blackwater valleys. Small scale fanning evolved late here in this frontier region. The slopes of the Knoclanealdm are completely devoid of strong faxmers. Strong farmers are fairly broadly scattered across the parishes of Grange, Kinsalebeg and Clashre. 'The fanners are concentrated in two groups along a belt of prim land between the townlands of Dloughtane and Crushea. This area is valued usually at greater than sixteen shillings. There is a second group of these fans along the reclaimed coastline in the townlands of Newtown and Prospecthall, Pilltown and Shanecoole. These boggy townlands, judging by their valuation at about eleven shillings and by their English names, were probably reclaimed and settled with comfortable tenants by the Earl of Cork or one of his successors. It is noticeable that the largest holdings here were in the hands of ople, who judging by the surname evidence, were of intrusive ethnic origins. F

There is a belt of strong farmers just inland from the coast that rims through the parishes of Ardmore and Ballymacart, as far as Ballycurreen. Aligned parallel to this belt m both sides of it are the lesser group of Strong fanners. These middling fanners are on the poorer soils in this area except in the parish of Arhre. Here, in tuwnlands such as Ballynamona, the middling farmer seemed to be able to compete with the strong farmer. Perhaps it is due to the fact that the tmland is in the hands of a middleman, Robert Graves M.D. This tmland is unusual as it holds a camaolity of strong and middling fanners but no labourers, these "social inferiors" beinn shmted aside from the hasand fanilies of the mf31 middle clssses.

19th Century Society in County Waterford.

The case is very similar in the adjoining townlands, Ballynamona Upper and Ballynamona her. ?his-area is .one of the oldest settled areas in the country, and this pattern my have evolved and stabilised there before the interfering hands of colonialism arrived. The larger farms peter out against the DmHills at the height of about 350 feet. ?hey do not follow the Lickey valley back into the hills. The one strag famr in the heart of the Ihum Hills is in Garrynagree where 197 acres are valued at f50. 'Ihis is one of the few grazier holdings in Co. Waterford in 1850. Ring is ahst devoid of strong farmers, as is general along the coastal fringe in 19th century Ireland. Small holdings evolved which were economically due to the combination of fanning and fishing enterprises. These coastal connunities are especially concentrated in the imnediate vicinity of fishing villages like Ballinagoul , Bal lymacaw and Cheekpoint.

?he dry valley of the river Blackwater between Cappoquin and Ihngarvan contains one of the major clusters of strong fanners in Waterford. Again, they are almost confined to the best land of greater value than sixteen shillings per acre. The middling famr is not of any consequence here except in the neighbourhood of Dungarvan. However, there is a broad belt of "middling fanners" stretching up from the valley through the parishes of Modeligo, Lickoran into Seskinane and Newcastle, _strongly focused on the Finisk valley. In this area the general pattern in the county of the "strong farmers" being a the prime land and "middling fanners" acting as a girdle on either side on the inferior soils is broken. Here in the Colligan area in the townlands of Ballynagleragh, Laugauoran and Ballynaguilkee herthe "middling fanners" replace the strong farmers on the best land. Perhaps significantly, the best land here is owned by the Chearnley Estate while the inferior townlands are in the hands of middlemen.

At the watershed between the Finisk and the Nier there is a break in the social pattern in the townlands of Knockacolla, knockatetrellane, Deerpark Mountain and Curtis Wood. In this area small holdings of 20 to 30 acres occur to the exclusion of the larger holdings. The "clachan" is here, the dominant settlement feature creeping up the slopes of the mountains, the last resort for a mushrooming population in the years before the famine. It is only in these areas of Waterford well above the heartland of strong famrs and small farmers that the limits of settlement and endurance are reached in the years that preceeded the great famine of 1845-50. It is here in the bleak lands valued at between four and eight shillings that 2% was added to Ireland's cultivated area in the decade of 1831-1841. "Clachans" such as Barranashingaun, Ballyrohan and Castlereigh can hardly represent Ireland's oldest settlement feature as once thought, at 600 feet a som of the poorest soils in the County, they are more likely to be the last despairing hope in the years before the famine of a population locked into an agricultural econany but without access to adequate land.

In the descent into the Nier the belt of "middling fanners" again predominates on the upper slopes. The tmlands of Graiguenagawer , (Xlnaghnagree, Shanballyanne and Kilgreany have a scattering of middling fanners of both Gaelic and Nonnan surnames. It .is probable that they were pushed into these inhospitable lands by the New English who pushed up the Suir and almost into the Nier. Significantly also, the townland of Cunaghnagree is famed by the Tobin family who held the land in corn. On these lower slopes, one can see the foetus of the clachan system of landholding. These townlands of the Nier were in the hands of middlemen who also therrselves were absentees, symptomatic of the lack of control which by default gave birth to the "clachan". This cluster of small farmers living together and often working the land in conanon or within kingroups is a feature of marginal land throughout mrh of Ireland. 19th Centurv Societv in Countv Waterford.

The Nier river runs East-West and the South-facing slopes of its valley, the townlands of Glendalough, Knockalisheen and Ballymacarbry hold the only "strong famrs" in the Nier Valley. Possibly these south-facing slopes attracted settlemnt first, but the fact that the two sides of the valley are in different estates may also be a causal factor. This is the estate of the Earl of Stradbroke and although he was an absentee he seemed to exercise a greater control over his estate than William Chearnley Esq. the other proprietor in the area. Most of the best tmlands along the Suir in this part of Glenahiry are in the hands of hlcahy middlemen and strong farmers , while further up the Nier the Mulcahys act as middlemen only and do not reside in the townlands they lease. The townlands along the Suir are valued at 11.00 per acre but are owned by small property owners such as the Fitzpatricks, Ibttal- Greene and John Phillips. This is the preserve of the "strong farmers", who are of mixed ethnic oripin, if we judge by the surname evidence. This concentration of "strong farmers' like that in St. Mary's Parish illustrates the strong market orientation of this type of farming. The navigable riven were the fingers of comnercialism in the pre-railway era and these farms would be oriented on the Waterford market and the associated urban centres of Clonmel and Carrick-on-Suir. The Comeraghs are devoid of strong farmers or, indeed, any famrs on their Northern edge. These slopes are densely wooded, the hunting playground of the De La Poer family. The urge to settle these North-facing slopes would not have occured until the 18th century, by which time the gentry had become attuned to the need for habitat preservation for their hunting activities. The narrow Southern valley floor of the river Suir is farmed by the Gurteen IR Poer Estate and the steep slopes of the Comeraghs preserved as a "wilderness". Above this level, small famers settled in tmlands such as Barravakeen, Lyranearla and Glendan on land valued at four shillings per acre. I

UPPERTHI RD: The Barony of Upperthird has the greatest concentration of strong farmers, who completely daninate the wal settlement pattern. Only 9% of these people, the backbone of rural society, are of English extraction if we judge by the surname evidence. The remainder are equally divided between Gaelic and Nonwin surnames, tentative evidence for the fusion of people and extension of settlement in the Norman period. The richness of the soil and the affluence of lifestyle here allowed these people to integrate with the Nonnan infusion.

The general pattern for the County in relation to land quality finds its characteristic expression here. This is the largest single area in the County of prime land valued at between sixteen shillings and a pod per acre. The "middling fame?' is exclusively peripheral. They are restricted to the townlands of Ballymacurra parish Mothel, Shanakill and Kilbrack parish Rathgomck, Sheskin parish Dysert. In these tmlands there are no strong fanners and they are all valued at less than sixteen shillings per acre. The only canspicuous break in the pattern is the large void just west of Portlaw village. This is the extensive Curraghmore demesne cover of approximately 3,000 acres in extent. There is another clear break in the pattern just south of the Clodagh river. This boundary line follows the line of hills from Ashtown, Craughaun Hill, Kilmoree and Glenhouse, cutting off Upperthird from the rest of the county and also significantly demarcating the area under the direct control of the Curraghmore Estate. The line also picks out a boundary in the soil type. The area is enclosed by these hills to the south, the Comeraghs to the West and the river Suir to the North and East. It was an area of continuity during the 17th century when the Puwers returned to their land by marrying into the Beresfords. This flexible approach by the tap layer in Gaelic society who changed religion shielded the 19th Century Society in County Waterford.

lower layers from the disaster of dispossession and plantation that was experienced in the rest of .East Waterford. The map of English settlers in 1659 shows they are sparse in Upperthird except in the immediate vicinity of Carrick-on-Suir and near Portlaw the estate core where they came in as estate administrators with the new proprietors. That is the probablg explanation for the survival of these Gaelic and Norman elements in prosperous positions in society. But it should be remembered that these areas of the richest agriculture also contained the greatest concentration of rural poverty. The townland of Feddans parish Mothel is typical; it had seven strong farmers including the Rev. John Condon P.P. of Clonea. However, it also contained seventeen labourers living in houses valued at between five and eighteen shillings. Sow labourersg holdings were vacant, victims of the famine in this land of plenty. This wealth was not always conspicuous: the "strong fannerg' here lived in quite small dxellings also, usually being valued at between three and five pounds. The only exception in Feddans was the parish priest who dwelt in a house of eleven pounds valuation.

DECIES WITHOUT DRLM: The Eastern half of the Barony of Decies without Drum is an area where the strong farmer, while of importance, does not have the all-pervasive influence he enjoys in Upperthird. This is an area which does not have top quality soils, with the exception of Ballinacourty in general. They are lime deficient and are valued at between eight and sixteen shillings per acre. There are no large estates centres in the area and while much of the land is mned by large estates, such as the Devonshire and the Beresford, it is in the hands of middlemen. The Ballinacourty area imnediately to the East of Dungaman town is top quality land: like the neighbouring"Burgery" it was bnnanised. The tcwnland network is chaotic and small traces of open field cultivation remain. Cloncoskoran parish Dungaman was the demesne of Sir Nugent Humble holder of 6,435 acres3but most of it was out of his direct control. There is a minor concentration of strong farmers around Cloncoskoran, significantly paying rent directly to him. Before the 17th Century plantations, this land was in the hands of Sir Nicholas Walsh of Ballykeroge. He was dispossessed and the landholding pattern under him in all likelihood shattered. The administrative site moved to Cloncoskoran and noteworthy is the fact that no Walshes hold extensive tracts of land in the imnediate vicinity. They do , however, again come in to prominence towards the slopes of the Mnavullaghs in the townlands of (Xlrracheen and Bellahea parish Kilrossanty. There is a noticeably belt of "strong farmers" and"midd1ing farmers" at the 600 feet contour. These are extensive sheep fanners with huge areas of mountain. The scarp slope of the eastern face of the Comeraghs and Munavullaghs did not allow the creeping upslope of small farmers, cottiers and clachan settlement. These sheep farmers would have been established in the era of extensive agriculture of the 17th Century and early 18th Century and were able to resist the subdivision and reduction of farm size associated with the increasing population and the intensification of agriculture in the late 18th and early 19th centuries.

The pattern throughout the rest of the Barony in the parishes of Stradbally, Ballylaneen and FWS displays the stronger elements in society having access to the best available land along the valleys of the Dalligan, Tay and Mahon. However, it must be borne in mind that this is an area where small farming predominates. In the parish of Stradbally the best townlands such as Ballyvooney, Newtown, Csrriglennahaha, Scartnecrooke and Park valued at around fourteen shillings hold what strung farmers there are. The watersheds between the river valleys have poorer soils generally between five and ten shillings and here the 19th Century Society in County Waterford. strong farmers are absent and even the ''middling farmer" is only of minor importance. This is an area that in the 19th Century was finly in the hands of middlemen and as they allowed freer access to land the predominance of the small holder is to be expected. This zone was already densely settled in the early modem period and there was little waste land available for colonisation so subdivision was widespread here as seen by several farmers of the sane surname holding identical sized farms in the Valuation books. The lack of effective landlord control in the area removed the restrictive influences on the middlemen, and allowed them to subdivide among people desperate for land.

In the parishes Rossmire, Monksland, Newcastle and Mill (Power Country) there is a greater density of the strong farmers than the Stradbally area further west. Yet this area was also in the hands of middlemen. The strong famrs here occur on a much mre varied spectrun of soil qualities, though they tend as usual to favour the best soils. The decisive factor in this case is the fact that the middlemen in "Power Country were of Gaelic stock Mike the area irmnediately to the West where the middlerrren were of planter extraction and were often absentees. This was an area notorious for 'Tories" and the fact that it was part of the old Power lordship provides the clue as to why the landholding structure was not interfered with in this part of Katerford. It was part of the Barony of Upperthird until the early 19th century. hbile the Powers in this area were dispossessed they were too strong to be removed especially when one considers their familial connections with the County's most powerful landowners, the Beresford-Pwrs of Upperthird. Undoubtedly there were some intmsive elements but they did not gain access to the land. It was here that sectarian bitterness reached a peak in 19th century Waterford. Annestown village on the coastal fringe of the area was the only expression of intrusive influence in this Gaelic heartland. It remained a nervous and peripheral settlement, an alien cell within a potentially hostile environment. Ther were only three Catholic families in the estate village of Annestown in lWO.$ h the village of Stradbally, just west of the "Parer Country", there were distinct Catholic and Protestant streets illustrating a "schizophrenia" in village life,S but in the Power Country there developed two distinct urban patterns differenciated by religious affiliation. The Gaelic middlemen were the previous owners and they continued to patronise the poets and bards as they had done previously. The poets lingered here under this umbrella of patrons long after they had vanished elsehere. M of the most famous, Tadgh Gaelach OtSuilleabhan and hacha Ruadh Mac Conmara are buried in the area. This survival of Gaelic culture among the affluent fostered the survival of language here until the last decades of the 19th century.

On the poorer lands in the parishes of Islandikane, Kilbride and Reiske, the strong fanrrer again fades into a position of only minor significance in the landholding stmture. The "middling farnit assumes a position of prominence and both strong and middling farmers are almost exclusively of Gaelic and Norman stock. Land is valued at between eight and twelve shillings and there are many rock outcrops. The area was of importance in prehistoric times if we judge from the survival of mnumnts such as portal tanbs and passage g~aves.7 It was passed to Viscwnt Doneraile, an absentee, in the 17th Century. He famd it out to middlemen , both intrusive and local, who still maintained their grip on it in 1850. There may have been competition between these Gaelic and New English 19th Centurv Societv in Gxmtv Waterford.

middlemen such as William Sullivan and Maurice Roynane, and in the urge to maximise returns the strong famr may have been pushed.asiCe or reduced in size, in an area hhere he had not a firm grip of resources or as entrenched a position.

THE EWIRONS OF WTERFORD CITY: Around the city of Waterford there is a dense belt of strong farmers distributed in an area from Koodstown parish Killotteran in the West to Ballymaclode, parish Ballygunner in the East. Land values here are very much inflated by the proximity to the market centre of Waterford. Land is .generally valued at around S1 per acre. But the strong farmer niche on the economic scale is strongly market orientated. It was decided that, due to the strong presence in this area, holdings with building valuations greater than S15 would be excluded from the map. A typical example is Roger Sweetman Esq. who held 52 acres in Ballymaclode, parish Ballygunner. His land was valued at S61.1.00 but the value of his buildings was S35.5.00. This man was a member of one of the leading merchant families operating out of Waterford whose wealth was built on the Newfoundland provisions trade. A whole series of substantial Georgian houses lined the rivers in the vicinity of Waterford, the landscape expression of the vibrant merchant comity in the city. This aureole of mansions represents the attempt by successdkl merchants bo leave the bustle and noise of the quaydside,and to assimilate themselves to gentry-style living. But the strong famr is of importance here also especially when one gets outside of the four mile suburban zone. In the tawnland of Killure parish Killure two farms had more than 100 acres, whose houses were valued at S4 and S8 respectively. The fanner with the intrusive surname lived in the S8 property and a Thomas Maher lived in the less sumptuous farmstead. Small fanning is, however, in the ascendancy, possibly because land may have been a saleably comnodity, a situation which did not exist throughout the rest of the county. Opportunities existed for people in the city and the pressure on land may have led to fragmentation. Ownership in this area was certainly highly fragmented.

The parish of Faithlegg is a break with the urban pattern around the city. The land owned by Nicholas M. Power who awned an estate of 6,357 acres, 4,699 of them in Waterford. The imnediate periphery of his demesne at Faithlegg was a zone of strong farmers with their attendant labourers. These townlands such as Ballynabola, Carriglea, Kilcullen Upper and Kilcullen her, conform to the general pattern of the County with the middling fanners holding the inferior land The townlands of Cheekpoint and Coolbunnia portray a drastically different picture, one of miniscule plots of land the only purpose of which was to provide a buffer fran starvation for the fishermen of the village of Cheekpoint. The tmlands of Cross, Banistm, Dxumerisk, Ballydavid, Kill St. Nicholas, Ballyvoreen, Kilcop Upper and Kilq Inwer portray a pattern which is very curiaus. The land is good, valued at between sixteen shillings and a pound per acre, but there are very few big farmers or even middling farmers. hership is fragmented and there is extensive middleman influence but this is corn throughout Gaultier and Middlethird. There is nothing unusual in the surname data which is very similar to that of any other area in the imnediate hinterland of Waterford city. UULT IER : The rest of Gaultier is a classic exanple of nrany of the processes which have been already elucidated. The strong fanners are concentrated on the best soils immediately inland from the coast while the 'middling famrs" are dcminant 19th Century Society in County Waterford.

in areas of intense pressure on land as around the fishing village of Dunmore East and on the inferior soils in the hilly interior. 'These areas were only partially settled in the mdieval period as instanced by the townland names Leperstown and Cormnons in the parish of Killea. This hilly interior is covered by a far looser civil parish network, the hill parishes of Kilmacomb and Kilmacleague being far larger than the coastal parishes of Rathmoylan, Corbally , Rossduf f, Kilcop and Crooke.

A cursory glance at the distribution rn~of strong fanners reveals a seemingly very simple pattern. The pattern becomes far more intriguing when the land valuation, the ownership pattern and the middleman system are taken into account. There are very complex processes involved in creating the superficial pattern involving such variables as soil type, date of permanent settlement and forest clearance, the impact of influential regional magnates, such as Richard Boyle, fanning type, incorporation into the market economy, the family and inheritance system, cultural processes, etc.

The pattern evolves within a spectnnu of continuity and change. The isolated Gael in his "Liostt was probably the equivalent of the strong farmer in pre-Norman times. The Normans were incorporated and blended into this system. The embryo of the strong fanner system is very old but it greatly expanded with the spread of the influence of the market economy and the estate system. Recent Aquisitions to the Waterford Room Collection at the City Library

During the past few mths the Waterford Roan has been the recipient of many valuable donations for which.the City Librarian wishes to express her sincere thanks. These, together with other arecent acquisitions, are listed below: - Donated by Mr. J. C. Walta.

The following from the Library of Christ Church Cathedral ( by kind pennission of the Very Rev. J.R.W. Neill, former Dean of Waterford). Depositions relating to the 1641 Rebellion within the Diocese of Waterford 8 Lismore, 1641 - 1660. The Annals of St. Olaf's Charch. Brief articles on the Bells and Spire of the Cathedral. The "M'Organ, 1702. Lawsuit Papers - The Dean & Chapter v. the 'Waterford Mail", 1865. Inscribed title page from the Huff/Burchall Bible. Book Plates (Bell, Bolton and Clements) . First page of a book printed by Samuel Wrrisson, Waterford, 1825. Miscellaneous tracts.

Also the following :W An inventory of Presbyterian Records of Waterford and District kept at St. Patrick's Church, Patrick Street. Abstracts from the Baptismal Register of St. Patrick's Church, 1752-1770. Congreve Manuscripts ( deeds ,wills,etc.) . Transcripts by the late Col. Gallwey. Extracts frun the Jacobite, mute Book 1688-89. ( Canon Bourke Mss. recently discovered by Mr. Walton in Cunaghmore House .) Jams A. North & Co. 'S prospectus for the sale of the Doneraile Estate, Tramore ,1908 - maps and descriptions of 101 lots. Waterford Material in the Carte Manuscripts, Bodleian Library, Oxford. Waterford Material in the State Papers 1510-1600 from the Public Record Office ,London. Waterford Material in the Calendar of State Papers, Ireland ,1586-1600. Poor Rate Collection Record for Faithlegg, 1883. Corporation Treasurer's Accomt Book, 1842-3. City Voters' List, 1852. Valuation of lands at Ballygarmn, etc. belonging to Roland Alston, 1838. Catalogue of deeds and wills mgthe mss. of the Holy Faith Convent, Glasnevin. Leahy's Map of the City of Waterford 1834. Dn Donated by,John kfannion, St. John's Newfoundland. #V Biographies of Thanas Meagher (grandfather of T. J. Meagher), Henry Shea, John O'Brien and Archibald Nevins - all associated with the migration to Newfoundland,( for the Dict ionary of Canadian Biography. Donated by Sister Marianna O'Gallagher, Quebec. Index of Irish Marriages in St. Patrick's Parish, Quebec.1856-1973,(in two volms). Index of Irish Marriages in St. Roch's Parish, Quebec, 1829-1900. Donated by Dr. Cyril Byme. Gentlemn - Bishops and Factim Fighters. Donated by Mr. Des Cawman. Edward .Ayher or Me.mirs of a Papist (in 3 vols. 1 . Donated by the Sisters of the Holy Faith, Glasnevin. Margaret Gibbons: 'Ihe Life of Margaret Aylward. Donated by Mr. Noel Cassidy. Burke' S Guide to Country Houses. Donated by Mr. Terrance Keeney, Sudbury, Mass., U.S.A. The McGrath & Cleary families in Newfoundland. Donated by Mr. M. J. Wigham. Miscellaneous Papers of Edward Jacob, 1843-1924. l'bese original papers are in 11 grou and include documents relating to such diverse subjects as letters concerning the Tramore lifeboat, ship's papers frm a vessel wrecked in Tramore Bay in 1894,newspape cuttings 1892-3 re reform of the Harbour Board, etc., papers connected with Waterford Bridge, photographs connected with the Tramore Railway, Waterford shipping and other local subjects and miscellaneous items of Waterford interest. Donated by Mr. Michael O8Mara. The Wild Birds of Decies. Other recent donations and acquisitions. "John Redmmd", being Chapter I11 of "King Edward V11 and some other Figures " by Ruaraidh Erskine of Man. Centenary Celebrations at the Church of St. John the Baptist, Kilcash and the Church of St. Patrick, Faugheen, 1985. Patrick Warner: A Visitor's W& to the Comeragh Mountains. S. Pen&r: Waterford Merchants Abroad. (O'Donnell Lecture) . Denis Ckynn: Thonr;u Francis Meagher (OvDonnell Lecture). William Fraher: Dungarvan - An Architectural Inventory. Patrick Mackey: Talk of the Town. Autobionraphical material and nusic of the late Fintan OICamll. D. power, B.A. (?W.): Manuscript Saurces for Waterford Material in the Trinity College Library, Ihblin. Mark Girouard (in "Country Life" 7/9/67): Whitfield Court, Co. Waterford. Patrick O'Flanagan, Dept. of Geography. U.C.C. : Rural Change - The Lismore Estate, 1716 - 1851. William Friel (in Transactions of the Institution of Civil Engineers of Ireland:1931) Improvements at Waterford Harbour. J.P. Wray ( In the Irish Medical Journal, July 1985). Brother Potamian O'Reilly: Irish Scientist and X-Ray Pioneer.

A List of Manuscripts in the British Weum relating to Waterford. An Act for the better Regulating the Police of the City of Waterford 1783-4. Villiers-Stuart Papers. 31 Rolls of microfilm dealing with f-v rights, rentals, maps, surveys, the . 1826 election, etc. Corporaticm Minutes. 16 Rolls of microfilm dealing with hketings fmn c. 1656 to 1959.

Editor. Apes Sr., Convent of Mercy, Cappoquin, Co. Waterford. Arrigan Mr. M., 4 Carrigeen Park, h'aterford. Aylward Rev. Fr. J.,P.P. Killea, Dunmore East, Co. h'aterford. Aylward Mrs. N. , Rocklands, Ferrybank, Waterford.

-B. Barron Mr. H.C.N., 3 Ravenscourt Square, London W6, England. Belfast Education and Library Board, 40 Academy Street, Belfast. Belfast Library Society for Promoting Knowledge, 17 Donegal Street, Belfast. Bennis Miss E. , Church Road, Tramore, Co. Waterford. Bonaparte-Nyse Mr. W., "Ash House", 39 High St., Chard, Somerset, England. Bradley Mr. J., Urban Archaeology Survey, Room 23, Newman House, 86 St. Stephen's Green, Dublin 2. Brazil Mr. D., "Killard", John's Hill, Waterford. Brennan-Smith Miss M.A. , "Clifton", Trpmore, Co. Waterford. Breathnach Mrs. M,, Rim 0 gCuanagh, Co. Pnortlairge. Brophy Mrs. A. , "Bushe Lodge", Catherine Street, h'aterford. Brasne Miss J., 35 Bayview, Tramore, Co. h'aterford. Brown Mr. & Mrs. T., Post Office, Kilnacthornas, Co. Waterford. Bums Mrs. G.W., 97 Park Road, Loughborough, Leics., England. Butler Miss A., Holy Family School, Military Road, Waterford. Butler Mr. H.M. , Maiden Hall, Bennettsbridge, Co. Kilkenny. Byrne Mr. N. , 29 South Parade, Waterford. Bpe Mrs. R. , Ballyscanlon, Fenor, Tramore, Co. Waterford. Buckley Mrs. A. , Ballyguiry , Dungarvan, Co. Waterford. Burchaell Mr. J., 27 Khmage Grove, Dublin 6. Brennan btr. J. , Main Street ,kboncoin, via Waterford.

Carberry Mr. M., Carrigdustra , Kilmeaden, Co. Waterford. Carroll Mr. P., "Greenmount", Crooke, Passage East, Co. Waterford. Carroll Mr. & Mrs. S., "Ardaun", Newtown, Waterford. Cassidy Mr. N., "Lisacul" , Marian Park, Waterford. Casey Mrs. M. , Main Street, Dungarvan, Co. Waterford. Carslaw Mr. G., 3 Island Road, Dunmore East, Co. Waterford. Coady Mr. M. , 29 Clairin, Carrick-on-Suir, Co. Tipperary. Coady Very Rev. Archdeacon R. , S. S. Peter L Paul s Clonmel . Colclough Mr. B., 9 Pearse Park, Waterford. Collender Mrs. E., Ballinvougha, Leamybrien, Co. Waterford. Clarke Mrs. L., Merlin's Field, Dunmore East, Co. Waterford. Claridge Miss M. , "Grogan Villa", Slieverue, via Waterford. Cooney Mr. T., 145 Rockenham, Ferrybank, Waterford. Connolly MY. E. , Aughnabmn, Carrick-on-Suir, Co. Tipperary. Connors Mrs. G. , "River View House", Adramore, Kilmacthomas ,Co. Waterford. Corcoran Mr. T., Bohadoon, Dunganan, Co. Waterford. Corcoran MT. & Mrs. W. , New Agl ish, Carrigeen, Waterford. Cotter Mr. D. , "Padua", Springmount, Dungarvan, Co. h'aterford. Cmman Mr. D., Knockane, Annestown, Co. Waterford. County Library, Lismore, Co. h'aterford. Cranley Mrs. J., 6 Parnell Street, Waterford. Croke Mrs. J. , 208 Viemount Park, Waterford. Crosbie Mr. 8 Mrs. T., "Seaville House", Tramore, Co. Katerford. Crowley Miss N. , Prospect Lodge, Kilcohan, Katerford. Cunningham Rev. S. , Dominican Priory, Ballybeg , h'aterford. Condon Mr. h'. , 31 Marymount, Ferrybank, h'aterford.

Dal ton Mr. P. , 92 Caldexwood Road, Dublin 9. Daly Rev. Fr. P., St. Augustine's,Taylor's Lane, Ballyboden, Dublin 14. De Breffny, Baron Brian O'Rourke, Castletown, Carrick-on-Suir, Co. Tipperary. De La Poer Mr. N. , Brentwood Preparatory School, Middleton Hall, Brentwood, Essex, England. Denyer Mrs. M., 195 Markham Street, Armidale, N.S.W., Australia. Devine Mrs. A., Colligan More, Dungaman, Co. Waterford. Dillon Mr. F., 'Trespan", The Folly, Waterford. Dobbyn Mr. J.M., 18 Rossall Drive,Cadley, Folwood, Preston, Lancs., England. Dcwling Mr. D., Glenmore via Waterford. hling Mr. T. , 148 Viewmount Park, Waterford. Doyle Mr. A., Ballymontymore, Enniscorthy, Co. Wexford. Dower Mrs. N., 1 Mayor's Walk, h'aterford. homey Miss M. , St. Ursula's N.S., Ballytruckle, Waterford. Dunne Mrs. B., Faithlegge, Co. Waterford. Dunphy Mrs. M. , Ballycashin, Waterford.

Eachtnigheirn Mr. L., Dun-anair, Newrath, h'aterford. Ellis Mr. J., "Loftus View", bore East, Co. Waterford. Enright Canon J.N., 8 Seafield Drive, Newtown Hill, Tramore.

Fanning Miss P., 1 Railway Square, h'aterford. Fanning Mr. 8 Mrs. E., 13 OtConnell Street, Waterford. Fanning Mr. M., 64 Marymount, Ferrybank, Waterford. Fanning Mrs. N., 74 Viewmount Park, Waterford. Fanning Mr. N., 74 Viewmount Park, h'aterford. Farrell Mr. I., "Lime Hill", NmTtown, Waterford. Fewer Mrs. M., "Hill Crest", Passage Road, h'aterford. Fewer Mr. N., "Hill Crest", Passage Road, h'aterford. Finnegan Miss A., 17B Beau Street, Waterford. Fitzgerald M/S B. , 25 Pinewood Avenue, Hillview. Waterford. Fitzgerald Mr. L. , c/o Motherneeds , Georges Court, h'aterford. Fitzgerald Mr. M., 48 Tir Connell Avenue, Waterford. Flood Mr. P. , 58 Terenure Road West, Dublin 6. Flynn Mrs. M., 6 Bellevue Terrace, Tramore, Ca. Waterford. Fraher Mr. W., 10 Childer's Estate, Dungaman, Ca. Waterford. Foley Mr. P,, Knochahm, BuNnahon, Co. Waterford.

Calgey Mrs .H. , Dunmore East, Co. Waterford. Gallagher Mrs.L., 12 Parnell Street, h'aterford. Gallagher Mr. L., 40 molluce Road, Clontarf, Dublin S. Clynn Mr. L., "hlainn", Sm~lleAvenue, Waterford. Griffith Mrs. h'. , 84 Marymount, Ferrybank, Waterford. , Gough, Mr. M. , Planning Department, Dub1 in Corporation. Grogan Mrs. M,, 10 Shrymount, Fenybank, kiterford. Grogan Mr. P., c/o 12 Parnell Street, k'aterford.

+ Gxubb Miss C., 55 Roselawn, Tramore, Co. Waterford. Guinness Hon. Desmond, Leixlip Castle, Co. Kildare. - Gilligan Mr. E., Unit 26, Elderslee,Rias Avenue, Bateau Bay, 2261 N.s.F.,Australia.

Harney Miss C., 56 Pembroke Road, Dublin 4.

+ Hayden Mr. R., "Inchigeela", Rockshire Road, Fenybank. Hayes Mr. 8 Mrs. M., Carriglea , Half-way-House, Co. Waterford. Hearne Mrs. E., 'Mssleigh", Smmrville Avenue, Waterford. Hearne Miss M., 2 Francis Court, Lisduggan, Waterford. Hearne Mr. T., 59 Marian Terrace, Tramore, Co. Waterford. Healy M.M., Scrother, Clonmel, Co. Tipperary.

+ Helmholt-Kneisel Mr. J., "Rocksprings", Dunrore Road, Waterford. Hennessy Mr. C., 84 St. John's Park, Waterford. Hewison Mr. M. ,'lrectisW Newtown Rise, Tramore, Co. Waterford. Heylin Mr. F., Duagh, Tramore Road, Waterford.

+ Hillgaar Mr. 0. D., Hystadveien 36, 3200 Sandefjord, Norway. Hodge Mr. E., "Rosecroft" , Ursuline Road, Waterford. Hodge Mr. J., t'Avonlea", Ursuline Road, Waterford. Holland Mr. D., 8 Western Park, Irishtm, Clonme1,Co. Tipperary. Holman Mr. D., Ballygunnemre, k'aterford. Holt Dr. E., 14 Byngmorris Close, Sketty, Swansea, Wales. Horgan Mrs. E. , 32 Cathal Bmgha Street, Waterford. Hurley Miss R., 32 St. Mary's Terrace, Waterford. Hynes Miss N., "Knockeaton", Tramore, Co. Waterford.

Jacob Mr. C .S. , "Arhre", Sumnerville Avenue, Waterford. Jacob Mr. 8 Mrs. C.H., 'The Limes", John's Hill, Waterford.

Kavanagh Mrs. A. , 5 Kingt S Terrace, Waterford. Kavanagh Mr. 8 Mrs. G. , '%sedale",Ballinaneeshagh, Waterford. Kel ly Mr. A. , "Railway View", Kilmacthomas , Co. Waterford.

+ Kelly Mr. E., 48 Roanmore Park, Waterford. Kelly Miss F. J. , "Cuilin", Upper Albert Road, Glenageary, Co. Dublin. Kelly Miss K., "Eklla Vista", Priest's Road, Tramore, Co. Waterford. Kelly Miss M. , "Eklla Vista", Priest's Road, Tramre,Co. Waterford. Keegan Miss A., 20 Oak Road, Viewmount Park, Waterford.

+ Kenealy b.M., 25 Patrick Street, Kilkenny. Kennedy Mr. J., March, Callan, Co. Kilkenny. Kennedy Mr. L Mrs. P., 'Tristeenagh", Clonea, Dungaman, Co. Waterford. Kenneally Mr. P., 16 Cork Road, Waterford. Kenaelly Mr. S.P., "Flwering Fields", Bird's Road, Ferry Creek, Victoria, Australia. Ketch Miss C., Departnent of Geography, University College Cork. Kiely Mr. E. , 3 Polebeny Terrace, Waterford. Killeen Mr. A.K., 2 Endsleigh Villas, Tramore, Co. Waterford. Kinch Mr. J. , 4 Percy Terrace, Waterford. Kilkenny County Library, 6 John's Quay, Kilkenny. + Kilwan Miss E.M., Dmnlohan, Stradbally, Co. Waterford. + Kiersey Mrs. M.T. , Ballyhussa, Kilmacthonras , Co. Wate-rford. Lahert Mr. R., 51 College Park, Terenure, Ihblin 6. Lannigan Mrs. K. , Hart lands, Dublin Road, Kilkenny. Lincoln Mrs. S., Arcbnore, Co. Waterford. Lunley Mr. I. , "Formby", Daisy Terrace, Waterford. Lumley Mrs. R., "Formby", Daisy Terrace, Waterford. Lynch Mrs. A., 121 Thornson St., W& Park, Mass., U.S.A. Lynch Miss M., c/o Ursuline Convent, Waterford. Lyons Dr. M.C., 11 Copeland Grove, Clontarf, Dublin 3. Lyons Mrs. W. , Rocklands, Fenybank , Waterford.

Mackin Rev. Fr. F.C., S. J., St. Ignatius Church, 28 Commwealth Avenue, Chestnut Hill, Mass., U.S.A. Madden Mrs. B., 80 Rockenham, Ferrybank, Waterford. Maher Miss H., 120 Sweetbriar Lawn, Tramore, Co. Waterford. Maher Mr. J., Kiltrassy, Windgap, Co. Kilkenny. Maher b.M., "Carrig Eden", Newrath, Waterford. Maher Miss L., 13 Greystone Gardens, Kenton, Harrow, Middlesex, England. Malachy Bro., Belmont Park Hospital, Ferrybank, Waterford. Mayes Dean C., The Deanery, Lismre, Co. Waterford. Mc Carthy Rev. Fr. D.W. , 2 Raheen Park, Bray, Co. Wicklow. Mc Carthy Mr. D., 27 Morley Terrace, Waterford. MC Carthy Miss P., 16 Cathedral Square, Waterford. Mc Carthy Miss S., 27 Morley Terrace, Waterford. Mc kill Mrs. B., 4 Birch Terrace, Lisduggan, Waterford. Medleycott Mr. J. , Mount Temple Comprehensive School, Malahide Road, Dub1 in 3. Memorial University of Newfoundland, St. John's, Newfoundland, Canada. Mannion Dr. J., University of Newfoundland, St.Johnts, Newfoundland, Canada. Merricks Mrs. A., 110 Mackie Avenue, Brighton, Sussex, England. Mac Sheoin Mr. P., 95 Claremont Crescent, Glasnevin, Ihblin 11. MClburchu Mrs. D. , An Linn Bhui , An Rim, bgarbhain, Co. Phortlairge . Minihan Mr. A., "Kylebegt, New Ross, Co. Wexford. hihane Mrs. B., 210 Vimmunt Park, Waterford. Mockler Mr. D.K. , P.O. Box 2, Roslyn Heights, New York, U.S.A. Moloney Miss T., 56 Vimunt Park, Waterford. Moore Mr. M., Priory Street, New Ross, Co. Wexford.

Morris Dr. H.F., 57 Churchgate Street, Bury St. Edrmmd's, Suffolk,England.. - Morrissey Miss G.,BallinGkela, Dungarvan, Co. waterford. Morrissey Mr. G.€. , 2856 kmeta Road, Sun City, California, U.S .A. Merry Miss E., Fiddm, Piltm, Co. Kilkenny. Milhearn Mr. J .P. , Leckaun, Dunmore East, Co. Waterford. ' klholland Mr. J., Ballynasissala, Banmahon, Co. Waterford. kllane Sr. Virginia, Sacred Heart Convent, P.O.Box 291, Monte, Zambia. krphy Miss C., 2 mitemill Road, Wexford. . . .: krphy Mr. D., 'I).one, Nenagh, Co. Tipperary. Mrphy Mr. J.A., "Ivy Cottagev, Patrick Street, Tramore, Co. Waterford.

National Mrseun of Ireland, Kildare Street, Ihblin 2. Newberry Library, 60 West Walton Street, Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A. Neylin Mrs. M,, crowbally , Old Parish, Dmgaxvan, Co. Waterford. Neyl in Mrs. Mary , Stepaside, Bal lyneety , hgaxvan , Co. Water ford. Nicholson Mr. J., 2 Ashford Close, Pawerscourt Lawns, Dtolmore Road, Waterford. Nolan, Farrell 8 Goff, Newtown, Waterford. Nolan Mr. T. , "Greenville", Fenor, Tramore, Co. Waterford. Norton Dr. E. , Westgate End Hmse, Wakefield , West Yorkshire, England. Nugent Mr. J., 28 South Parade, Waterford.

O'Brien Mr. D.N. , 'Willcrest", Ardmore, Co. Waterford. O'Brien Mr. & Mrs. J., 15 Thomnd Green, Lismre Lawn, Waterford. OtCaoimh Mr. D., "Dun Ard". Grange Lawn, Waterford. 0' Cionnfhaolaidh Mr. D., "Cuan hire", Abbeyside, Dungarvan, Co. Waterford. 0' Connor Mr. G., 'The Maples" , Bishopsgrove, Ferrybank, Waterford. OtDoherty Rev. Fr. S., St. Luke's Hospital, Kilkenny. O'Donnell Mrs. C., Ballindud, Waterford. 0' Donnell Mr. M. , 'Will Cottage", Owning, Carrick-on-Suir , via Waterford. OtDonoghue Mr. A., 4 Ballinakill Close, Waterford. 0' Dubhthaigh Dr. B. , Dept. of Education, Hawkins House 11, hblin 2. O'hibhir Mr. L.P., 40 Shamrock Hill, Clonmel, Co. Tipperary. O'Dwyer Mr. ,College Gardens, Callan Road, Kilkenny. OtDriscoll Mrs. K., "Carbery", Killea, Dunmore East, Co. Waterford. OtFlaherty Mr. N., W.R.T.C., Cork Road, Waterford. OtGriofain N. Uasal, Radharc na Farraige, An Rim, Dungarbhan. OtHara Mr. P., 'Nly West, Kildare, Co. Kildare. OtKeeffe Miss M., Grantstown, Co. Waterford. OtMahony Mrs. B., 16 Morrisson' S Avenue, h'aterford. O'Mathuna h*. S., 8 Fawcett House, Stockwell Garden's West, Stockwell Road, London, England. 0 'Meara Mr .J. , 35 Rockenham, Ferrybank, Waterford. O'Neill Mr. F., 38 Johnstown, Waterford. O'Neill Mr. J., 47 Cork Road, Waterford. O'Neill Mr. L., 63 John Street Square, h'aterford. O'Neill Mrs. M., 11 Olaf Street, Waterford. O'Neill Mr. M. J. , "Coolbunnia Cottage", Cheekpoint, Co. Waterford. O'Neill Miss S., 14 William Street, Waterford. OtRegan Mr. E., 3 The Grove, Ferrybank, Fiaterford. OtRegan Mr. P., 3 The Grove, Ferrybank, Waterford. OtReilly Miss E., S Railway Square, Waterford. Omnd Mr. G. , Gainstown, Navan, Co. kath. OtShea Mr. B., 61 Sweetbriar Lawn, Tramore, Co. Waterford. OISullivan Mr. K., "Dunboy", 50 Lorcan Road, Santry, Dublin 9. OISullivan Miss S., 19 The Mall, Waterford. 0' Sullivan Mr. W. , 'Warbourne" , Torquay Road, Foxrock Road, Dublin 18.

Phelan Mr. D. 8 Dr. P., Grantstown, Waterford. Phelan Mrs. M., 10 College Road, Kilkenny. dN Phelan Mrs. J., 74 Marian Park, Waterford. Phelan. Mr. T.. t%ocklands". Tramore. Co. Waterford. ~ickardMr. 8 hrs. G. , 23 patrick street, Waterford. Plmtree Mrs. , ~urhllHome, Parnell Street, Waterford. Powers Mr. A.J. Jnr., 9,Chenywood Road, Locust Valley, New York, U.S.A. Power Mrs. B., Ballinvoher, Ferrybank, Waterford. Power Mr. J ., Abbeylands, Ferrybank, Waterford. Power Mr. J.F., 61A Bensham Manor Road, Thornton Heath, Surrey, England. Power Mrs. M., Kilbride House, Tramore,Co. Waterford. Power Mrs. M. , Abbeylands, Ferrybank, Waterford. Power Mr. R., Ballygunnemre, Waterford. Power Mr. T., 50 Hollybrook Road, Clontarf, IXlb1i.n 3. Proudfoot M. L., Dept. of Geography, Queen's University, Belfast. Purcell Mr. P., Newtown Hill, Tramore, Co. Waterford. &eens University Library, Belfast, Co. Antrim. &inlan Lt. Col. T., McKee Barracks, Blackhorse Avenue, Dublin 7.

Royal Irish AcaQmy , 19 Dawson Street, Dublin 2. Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 63 Merrion Square, Dublin 2. Ryan Mr. H., 29 New Street, Carrick-on-Suir, Co. Tipperary.

Scanlon M. M., 40 Sallypark, Waterford. Sheridan Mr. M., 3 Tramore Heights, Tramore, Co. Waterford. Sheridan Mrs. T., "Quarrymount", Upper Grange, Waterford. Simpson M.T., Kilmacleague, hmmre East, Co. Waterford. Sinclair Mrs. I., "Penrhy", South Park, Tramore, Co. Waterford. S- Prof. W., Dept. of Geography, University College, Cork. Stanislaus Sr. Ursuline Convent, Waterford. Stephens Miss S., C/O Planning Dept., Waterford Corporation. Stevens Mr. & Mrs. R.W:, "Green Gatestt, Ballycamey ,Tramore, Co. Waterford. Stewart M. J., "Tivoli", Marian Park, Waterford. Stopford, Master J., 3 The Green, Evenley , Brackley, Northants , England. Strain Mr. F. , 16 Sexton Street, Abbeyside, Dungarvan, Co. Waterford. Sullivan M. M., Georgestwn, Kilmacthm, Co. Waterford.

Taylor Mr. A., 36 Marian Terrace, Tramore, Co. Waterford. Terry Mr. W., The Friary ,Aglish, Cappoquin, Co. Waterford. Tarbert Miss M., 34 Elm Park, Tramore, Co. Waterford. Tinroney Mrs. h!., Keash, Co. Sligo. Thomton Mr. A. , 3 The Mews, Grange Park, Waterford. Traynor Mrs. M., "Cherry Cottage", Rockhire Road, Ferrybank, Waterford. Troughton Miss E., 54 Albert Avenue, Prestwick, Manchester, England. Turner Miss M.C., "Cooleen", Church Lane, Thames Ditton,Surrey, England.

Ui Dhonnchadha Mrs. E. , Cill an Fhuarthain, An Rim, Dungarbhain, Co. Phortlairge . Ui CSlrainne M. Bean, Aras Sith, Rinn 0 gCuanach, Co. Phortlairge. Uptm Mr. b Mrs. S., 99 Mount Sion Avenue, Waterford.

Walsh Miss A., 7 Bernard Place, Waterford. - Walsh Mr. F. J., 74 Hawthorndene Drive, Hawthorndene, South Australia. h'alsh M. J. J., "Cliff Grange", Church Road, Tramore, Co. Waterford. Walsh Mrs. I. , 4 Marian Park, Waterford. Walsh Mrs. M., 82 Wrymount, Ferrybank, Waterford. Kalsh Mr. W., 20 Poleberry, Waterford. Walshe Mr. D. J. , "St. Annestt, 45 Lismore Park, Waterford. Waltm Mr. J. Sutton Park School, Dublin 13. Warner bss Mn. G., P.O. Box 596 Forest Ms. U.S.A. Waterford Penny Bank Ltd., Gladstone Street, Waterford. Ware Mrs. J. , 6 St. Laurence Terrace, Waterford. Walsh, Mr. & Mrs. R. , 47 Smrville Avenue, Waterford. Warren, Rev. D.B.M., The Rectory, Stradbally, Co. Waterford. Weir Mr. & Mrs. E. , 15 Rockfield Park, Waterford. Webster Mrs. E., 'Norven", Grange Park Road, Waterford. Whelan Mr. A.P., 23 Weston Grave, Bromley , Kent, England. Whittle Miss B., Clonea, Dungarvan, Co. Waterford. Wigham Mr. & Mrs. M. , "Green Bank", Portnahully , Carrigeen, Waterford. Williams Miss N., Miltown, Kilmacow, h'aterford. Wyse Mr. T. F., Little Dean, Dean Street, Jkt ~arleigh,Maidstone, Kent ,England. White Miss E., 7 Smrhill, Waterford.

( denotes Members who have paid 1986 Subscription.)