Thesis Hum 2010 Bregman Joel.Pdf

Town The copyright of this thesis rests with the University of Cape Town. No quotation from it or information derivedCape from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of theof source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non-commercial research purposes only. University Land and Society in the Komaggas region of Namaqualand Joel Bregman BRGJOE001 A dissertation submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Master of Arts in Historical Studies Faculty of the Humanities University of Cape Town 2010 Town COMPULSORY DECLARATION This work has not been previously submitted in whole,Cape or in part, for the award of any degree. It is my own work. Each significant contribution to, and quotation in, this dissertation from the work, or works, of other people has been attributed, and has been cited and referenced. Of Signature: Date: University Land and Society in the Komaggas region of Namaqualand Joel Bregman (University of Cape Town) Abstract: This paper explores the history of Namaqualand and specifically the Komaggas community. By taking note of the major developments that occurred in the area, the effects on this community over the last 200 or so years have been established. The focal point follows the history of land; its usage, dispossession and importance to the survival of Namaqualanders. Using the records of travellers to the region, the views of government officials, local inhabitants as well as numerous analyses of contemporary authors, a detailed understanding of this area has emerged. Among other things, the research has attempted to ascertain whether the current Komaggas community has a claim to a greater portion of land than it currently holds. Overwhelming evidence exists that supports the idea that the Khoi grouping known as the Nama did indeed make use of a large portion of Namaqualand practicing transhumance in order to survive. Centuries of beneficial use led to local systems of understanding whereby certain tribes had predominance in particular areas and assumed a right to these lands through continual usage. Town Following colonisation, the movement of Europeans away from the original settlement at Cape Town, slowly but steadily began to undermine the original inhabitants of the Cape. While Namaqualand was able to withstand this push longer than other areas by virtue of its location, its inhabitants began to be negatively affectedCape by the 1800s. The Nama began to lose their most important commodity, cattle, suffered disease, and were pushed off their ancestral lands and denied access to water sourcesOf . A lack of understanding and rationalisation of aboriginal practices relating to land usage and various other customs, as well as a growing racially-charged landscape meant that the Nama, like other Khoi groups, while not explicitly relegated to second class citizens by government, were certainly not supported or given equal treatment. As Europeans were able to secure title and tenure to the best lands in the region, the Nama were sidelined. When Namaqualand became profitable because of copper in the 1850s, the quest for land became even more fervent.University The building of an infrastructure over the next decades would facilitate the diamond industry that began in the 1920s, a defining moment that signalled the end of any autonomy of movement for the people of Komaggas. Apartheid further relegated their position in society and today Komaggas is a poor and underdeveloped place with few prospects. However, given the importance of the land agenda in post-1994 South Africa and the success of the Richtersvelders in gaining compensation for loss of land, there is hope for Komaggas. The evidence will show that the Komaggas community certainly made use of lands outside its current boundaries. Examining the doctrine of aboriginal title it will be argued that they certainly have a claim to some form of land redistribution or restitution. This is based on historical evidence as well as the present need to increase agriculture production and to have access to more land for their livestock. i Acknowledgements During the two year period that it has taken me to complete this thesis, a number of people have assisted me and deserve mention and thanks. A great deal of my time was spent gathering evidence at a number of libraries and archives. I must thank the staff at the African Studies Library and Government Publications at the University of Cape Town (UCT) who were always friendly and helpful in locating whatever obscure volumes I requested. The staff at the Special Collections room at The National Library in Cape Town helped to secure the Schmelen letters which are held on microfiche. Previous research had led me to the Cape Town Archives Repository on numerous occasions and the knowledgeable people who work there once again guided me in the right direction. Working with the Komaggas community was a mutually beneficial experience. I was provided with historical records that I would otherwise not have Townbeen able to acquire. When I needed clarification regarding certain issues members of the Komaggas Land Group were always forthcoming. I am indebted to Henk Smith of the Legal Resources Centre (LRC) for introducing me to the topic and providing me with Capeexcellent information. Henk has been involved with land issues in Namaqualand for many years and his knowledge of the area and its legal history is extensive. He provided meOf with numerous LRC files and made time to discuss various issues with me. My supervisor, Associate Professor Nigel Penn is a well respected authority on the history of the Northern Cape which is the area of my study. His insightful comments and criticisms helped guide me throughUniversity the vast evidence I had gathered. He allowed me independence to proceed as I wished, but always made sure I was on the right track. Lastly I must thank my family and friends for endless encouragement over the past two years. My grandfather, David Gamsu, translated a number of German texts and I thank him for that. ii Contents Page Page No. Abstract i Acknowledgements ii List of Maps v List of Images and Tables vi Opening Quote 1 Preface 2 – 4 Methodology 5 – 9 Komaggas: An Introduction 10 – 15 Chapter 1: Town 1.1 Pre-colonial Namaqualand and the indigenous peoples relationship with 16 – 24 the land Chapter 2: Cape 2.1 European Settlement Of 25 – 32 2.2 The Frontier reaches Namaqualand 32 – 37 Chapter 3: 3.1 The state of the Nama and Basters circa 1800 38 – 41 3.2 Important Legislation 41 – 43 Chapter 4: University 4.1 The Establishment of Komaggas as a Mission Station 44 – 49 4.2 Life at Komaggas in the 19th century 49 – 58 4.3 Missionaries: Benefit or Drawback 58 – 62 Chapter 5: 5.1 The Annexation of Namaqualand and the Beginning of the Copper Boom 63 – 71 5.2 Effects of the Copper Rush and Conditions in Komaggas in the late 19th 72 – 77 century Chapter 6: 6.1 Early 20th century 78 – 82 iii 6.2 Diamonds and De Beers 83 – 88 6.3 Apartheid Years 88 – 93 Chapter 7: 7.1 Land Reform 94 – 99 7.2 Land Reform in Namaqualand: TRANCRAA 99 – 102 7.3 Contemporary Arguments by the people of Komaggas 102 – 106 7.4 Aboriginal Title: A Way Forward? 106 – 112 Chapter 8: 8.1 Concerns and Recommendations 113 – 117 8.2 Conclusion 118 – 120 Bibliography 121 – 129 Town Cape Of University iv List of Maps Page No. Map 1: ‘Namaqualand‘, from Carstens, P., In the Company of Diamonds: 11 De Beers, Kleinzee, and the Control of a Town, p. 2. Map 2: ‘The different environmental regions of Namaqualand’ from 13 Allsopp, N. and Timm, M., (eds), Towards sustainable land use in Namaqualand, p.4. Map 3: ‘Prior to European colonisation various Khoi groups were dispersed 17 across present-day South Africa’, from Elphick, R. and Gillomee, H., (eds) The Shaping of South African Society, 1652 – 1820, p. 9. Map 4: ‘Map of a number of Khoi groups transhumance patterns in the 18 south-western Cape before European colonisation’, from Mountain, A., The First People of the Cape: a look at their history and the impact of colonialism on the Cape’s indigenous people, p. 46. Map 5: ‘Rainfall of the Cape Colony circa 1900’, from Burton, A.R.E., Cape 20 Colony for the Settler: An account of its urban and rural industries, their profitable future development and extension, p. 40. Town Map 6: ‘District divisions of the Cape Colony in 1795’, from Duly, L.C., 34 British Land Policy at the Cape, 1795 – 1844: A Study of Administrative Procedures in the Empire, p. 9. Cape Map 7: ‘A portion of Backhouse’s route in Namaqualand’, 55 from Backhouse, J., A Narrative of a Visit toOf the Mauritius and South Africa, no page number. Map 8: ‘District divisions in 1838, prior to the establishment of Namaqualand 76 as a separate division’, from Elbourne, E., Blood Ground: Colonialism, Missions, and the Contest for Christianity in the Cape Colony and Britain, 1799 – 1853, no page number. Map 9: ‘Namaqualand’,University from the South African Imperial Mapping Series, 82 Map number 129, dated between 1900 – 1919, held at the offices of the Chief Directorate: National Geospatial Information, Mowbray, Cape Town Map 10: ‘Division of Land in Namaqualand c. 1938’ from, Carstens, P., In the 85 Company of Diamonds, p. 2. Map 11: ‘Act 9 Areas as well as previously privately owned land purchased 100 by government and distributed to municipalities for the benefit of the reserves denoted as ‘New land’’, from Wisborg, P., ‘It is our land’: Human rights and land tenure reform in Namaqualand, South Africa, p.

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