JapaneseJapaneseSociety Society ofCulturalof Cultural Anthropology
2010 Japanese Society of Cultural Anthropology Award Lecture
Japan in 2050:
An Anthropological Imagination of Japan's
Future through the Dreams of Filipina Migrants
YAMAsHITA Shinji
Graduate Sehool ofArts and Sciences, The University of Tbkyo
[[lrranslated by John ERTTi Kanazawa University and TANAKA Maki
University of Califbrnia, Berkeley
What will Japan look like in 2050? By 2050, Japan's current population of a27 million will decline to 9" million, due to its ]ow birth rate. The number of people aged 65 or older will increase to 40.5 percent of the total
population by 2055. This is an ultra-aged society never experienced before in human history. Within such a
"import" demographic framework, Japan may be forced to foreign labor for the survival of its economy. Thus,
some foresee that Japan will have 1O million foreign residents by 2050, accounting for 1ri percent of the total population, a$ compared with 2.2 mirlion, or 1.7 percent, as of 2008. That necessarily leads to the scenario of
Japan becoming multicultura[. Agai,nst the background of such a future soc[o-demographic change in Japanese
soc[ety, thi$ paper examines transnational migration into Japan and the Japanese way of IMng together in a multicultural environment, Particularly focusing on the dreams of Filipina migrants, the paper discusses the culturai po[itics of migration, including the issues of citizenship and human rights, and seeks the possibility of establishing a public anthropology directed toward the future Japanese society.
Key words: Japan's future, aged society with a low birth rate, transnational migration, multioulturalism,
publicanthropology
Introduction
My career as an anthropolegist began in 1970, fbrty years ago, as an undeTgraduate student at the University of [Ibkyo, As a graduate student at [[bkyo Metropolitan UniversitM
my dissertation was an ethnographic study of rituals of the [[braja in Sulawesi, Indonesia, which was later published as a book (YAMAsHITtrt 1988). Over the past twenty years I have
.1opanese Review qfCulturalAnthtzij?ology, vol. 12, 2011
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worked to develop an anthropological approach to human mobility, wit･h an emphasis on
international tourism and t,ransnational migration (\:thIAsHII;A 1999, 2009). Receiving an award such as this would generally lead into retrospection of past accomplishments. But
rather, I would like to take this opportunity to look ahead, and imagine what shape Japan - - and the discipline of anthropology may take in the year 2050, Admittedly, as it is challenging to foresee changes even five or ten years ahead, it is impossible to predict what Japan may be like in forty years. As such, many people might think it pointless to attempt - such an endeavor and perhaps they are right. However, I believe that human histoTy is
something that may be created through imagining the future.
At the 1982 annual meeting of the American Anthropologieal Association in Washington DC, which I happened to attended, Marshal SAHI.INs gave a distinguished lecture titled, "Other Times, Other Customs." This lecture was included in his book Xylands of Histonyy (SAHLINS 1985) and opened new direetions in the field of historical anthropology. My intexest
"other is in this same idea of times," but those of the future, not the past, By imagining the
"other future, which may have customs," I wish to form an anthropology directed toward the
future of Japan in 2050.i
Imagining Japan in 2050: Demographic Change and Tltransnational Mobility '
A vision of Japanese society in 2050 must be framed within the demographic changes resulting fi]om the dwindling birthrate and aging population (sho-shi-ko'reika), First, the population of Japan, which peaked in 2004 (127.79 million), is predicted to fa11 by 30"40
million from eurrent numbers, reaching 91 million by 2050. The population of 30'40 million is approximately equal to that of the great,er [[bkyo metropolitan area, including Saitama, Chiba, and Kallagawa prefectures. Furthermore, by the year 21eO it is estimated that the population will decrease to around 45 million.2 As far as population is eoncerned, then, the
twenty-first century will be a century of decline for Japan - a marked contrast to Japan's age
of growth in the twentieth century Second, Japan is undergoing a great shift in age composition. In 2009, the proportion of the
"super elderly population (over 65 years'old) was 22,7 pereent, making Japan a aged society" (cho-koffrei shakai), and this is expected to increase to 40.5 percent by 2055.3 In addition, the ratio of children (under 15 years-old) is estimated to fa11 to 8.4 percent and the working-age
i essay a revised version This is of my leeture originally delivered in Japanese at the 44th eJapanese Society of Cultural Anthrepology Meeting (June 12, 2010, St, Paul]s University). Pflrts of the essay were also delivered in English at the Conference on Migration in China and Asia (May 20-21, 2010, Beijing, China), at the 11Lh Biennial Conference of the European Assoeiation of Social Anthropologists CAugust 24'27, 2010, Mayneoth, ITeland), and at the 3'd Annual Meeting of East Asian Anthropology (September 10'11, 2010, The Academy of Korean Studies, Korea), 2 National Institute ofPopulation and Social Security Research. JinkO 7ZJkei Shir.vo-shu- 2009 (Pepulation Statistics Data2009).http:11www,ipss.go.jptsyoushikattohkeitPopularlPopular2009.asp?ehap=O '" Cabinet Offlce. Hleisei 22 Nen Ban KOreika Shakai Hbkusho (White Paper on Aging Society 2010), httpiUwww8.cao.go.jplkoureilwhitepaperfw-2010fg'aiyou122pdf-indexg.html
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Japan in 2050 5
population (ages 15 to 64) to 51,1 percent.4 Third, another important factor in eonsidering the state population is transnational
migration, Where Japan had once been a country notable for emigration, the large-scale
entry of a foreign national population began in the 1980s, and in 2008 the number of foreign residents reached 2,217,426.'5 These numbers are eomparable to the population of Miyagi Prefecture (2,36 million) or Nagano Prefecture (2.19 million), and comprise 1.74 percent of
the total population. In comparison to the United States or many European countries this is
still a low figure, but it is three times larger than the approximately 750,OOO registered
foreign residents in 1975. The number of fbreign residents has eontinued to increase over the
past twenty years, despite the lingering eeonomic stagnation following the collapse of the
bubble economy6
The United Nations Population Division stated that for Japan to maintain the same
working population of 1995 (87.2 million), it needs a replaeement migration of 33,5 million in the years from 1995 to 2050.7 According to t･his prediction, this would require accepting immigrants at a rate of 610,OOO per year. While less extreme, in response to calls in the
business sector, a group of Liberal Democratic Party Iawmakers submitted a proposal in June
2008, which stated that in response to the problem of declining population, the country should over the next 50 years inerease the pToportion of immigrants to roughly 10 peTcent (10 million) of the total population.8 Based on this proposal, the National Strategy Office of the Liberal Democratic Party CJimin-ton Kokka Sennyaku HbnbtD established a group called Road to a Japanese'style Immigrant Nation Project [Ibam ts'ihon-gata knin-kokka e no Michi Pt{Ky'ekuto Chimu) and submitted a proposal to the then Prime Minister FuKuDA. HoweveT, this proposal
was derailed fbllowing the September 2009 demise of the Liberal Democrat,ic Party
administTation. The eurrent Democratic Party has not made any clear statements regarding
its position on this initiative. On the other hand, there are opposing arguments. ONO Goro (2007), for instance, argues that the acceptance of non'Japanese will eome at an immense cost (in regards to medical
welfare, Japanese Ianguage instruetion, children's education), and Japan does not have the
finaneial Ieeway when they are already dealing with a national pension program on the verge
4 National Institute of Population and Social Security Research, Nihon no SViOrai SuikeiJinko-: Heisei 1es Nen 12 Catszt Suikei (Estimated Future Population of Japan: Deeember 2006 Estimation). http:lfwww.ipss.go.jpfsy. eushikaltohkeifsuikei071suikei.html#.chapt]O-1 5 Immigration Bureau of eJapan. ,･Nhrfikokzi Kanritv. oku 7bkei. (Immigration Bureau Statisties). http:lfwww.immi'moj,go.jpltoukeVindex.html 6 In 2009, however, the number was 2,186,121, about 30,OOO fewer than 2008, when the highest population was reeorded. This may be attributed to the world finaneial crisis that began in the United States in the fall of 2008. As stated later, Brazilian Nikkei faced haken-giri (contraet cancellation), in whieh ease they had no choice but to go back to their country, Immigration Bureau Statisties. http:ltwww.immi-moj .go,jpftoukeitindex.html 7 United Nations Population Division, Replacement Migration, Japan, http:/Iwww.un.org/esalpopulatieni S KOchiku ni Yinzai 1(dikokzt! Nihvn-gata hnin Seisaku no 7bigen.' Sekai no PV2ikamono ga ijtl S7iitai to Akogareru Kuni no thtkete: Chtikan 7bf'imatome (Human Resources Opening Japan! An Opinion on the Japanese-style Immigration Policy: Toward Building a Country to which Yuuths from the World Wish to Immigrate: Interim Rcport), SAKANAKiX Hidenori and ASAKAWA AIcihiro (2007) made an important eontribution to this report,.
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of bankruptcy and t]rying to reign in the costs of medical care for the elderly, Moreover, as
businesses send their manufacturing overseas, thereby hollowing out industry within Japan,
it is likely that theTe will be reduced need for labor even for Japanese eitizens.
In any case, the shape of Japan in 2050 will likely be determined by the ehanging
demographic structures resulting from the declining birthrate and aging society. As I have
been concerned with global human mobilitM in this essay I would like to imagine the future of
Japanese soeiety through the angle of transnational migTation,
Japan as an Immigrant Nation
From 1868, the first year of the Meiji era, when Japanese first emigrated to Hawaii, Japan
was an emigrant nation. The rapid growth of the economy in the 1960s led to a decrease in
emigration from Japan, and by 1990 emigration virtually ended, In contrast, from the
mid-1980s, Japan has become a country that accepts immigrants, although in Japan the
"immigrants" category of does not officially exist. The number of foreign residents in 2008, as
mentioned above, reached 2.22 mMion or 1.7 percent of the total population. The nationality of tbreign residents spans 190 different countries. In 2008 there were 655,377 residents from China (29.6 percent), which comprised the largest number, followed by Korea (North and South combined) at 589,239 (26.7 percent), Brazil (primarily Nikkei) at 312,582 (14.1 percent), Philippines at 210,617 (9.5 percent), Peru at 59,723 (2.7 percent>, and the United States at 52,683 (2,5 percent), The number of residents from other countries is approximately 330,OOO (15,2 pereent)."
In regards to Japan's immigration policM Stephen CAsTLEs argues that Japan remains closed to labor immigration with the exception of people in eertain specialized or technical fields, but the 1990 immigration control revision functioned to open'a legal side"door for
unskilled laborers by granting visas for people of Nikkei descent, industrial and technical trainees, language school students, and entertainers (CAsTLEs 1998; see also KA[TIzA 2002).
There are three characteristies of Japan's expatriate community that I would like to
expand upon here, First, seventy percent of the foreign population that comes to Japan are from Asian countries, in particular China and Korea. Until 2006, the largest group of foreign Tesidents was from South and North Korea, and firom 2007 China took the top position. The
majority are newcomers, and consist of a large number of university students, language
school students, and industrial and technical trainees.TO In contrast, Korean residents
`Cspecial include around 400,000 permanent residents" (tokubetsu eijursha, namelM Zainichi Korean), the majority of which are third and fouTth generation residents, In contrast to the
9 ImmigTation Bureau of Japan. A･tvu'koku Kanrilyoim Tbkei (Immigration Bureau Statistics). http:11www.immi"moj.go.jpttoukei/index.html iO Chinese makc up 69 percent of international students, 57 percent of language school students, 75 percent ef trainees and technical interns. Japan Immigration Association, 2006, Zai,)pil Gaikoinv'in 7bkei (Foreign Resident Statistics),
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Japan in 2050 7
increase in Chinese residents, the number of Koreans is declining, with newcomers from
South Korea numbering aTound 200,OOO,
Second, the 1990 immigTation control revision made it possible fbr Nikkei from fbrmer
Japanese migration regions, particularly Brazil, to enter Japan as manual laborers. Nikkei Brazilians comprise 14.1 percent of all registered foreigners, making up the third largest
group. They commonly work as factory laborers in prefectures such as Aichi and Gunma.
However, due to the world financial crisis that began in the fall of 2008 in the United States,
in Japan these workers beeame subject to haken-giri (contract cancellation), and 40t50
thousand Nikkei Brazilians were thought to have left Japan between January 2008 and April 2009.
"Japan Third, amongst Filipina women is the phenomenon of ,Japayttki (meaning bound").
Filipinos living in Japan make up 9.5 percent of all registered foreigners, 80 percent ofwhich
"entertainer are women. These women enter on visas," and near]y 90 percent･ have at some
point worked in nightclubs and similar entertainment establishments. However, fo11owing
the 2004 report by the U.S. Department of State's Office to Monitor and Cembat Traffieking
in Persons, which found that entertainer visas became a breeding ground for the sex trade
and human trafficking, eJapanese government gTeatly redueed the number ol- entertainer
visas granted.
A eritique of worsening laber conditions stemming from the training and technieal
internship system, the entertainer visas fbr Filipina women that lead to human trafficking,
and the mass layoffS of Nikkei BTazilian workers, have all contributed to a present impasse
foT the 1990 Immigration Control and Refugee Reeognition Act. In the Ministry of Justice's
Third Basic Plan for Immigration Control (2005), new considerations began for the
acceptance of labor migration pTeviously restrieting those who are not of Nikkei deseent.
Amongst other initiatives, in the field of care giving, Japan and the Philippines entered into
an economic partnership agreement in 2006 regaTding Filipino care workers. A similar
agTeement was made with Indonesia in 2007, and in August 2008 the first twenty caregiver
applicants arrived from Indonesia, fo11owed by applicants from the Philippines in 2009, In
this waM a shift from entertainers to care workers is taking place in the immigration from the
Philippines. However, because of the diff1'culty in passing the national caregivers exam (kaigo:fitkushishi kokka shaken) and the lower leve] of pay in care centeTs as compared with other
seetors, it is still uncertain whether or not this project will take off.
"high SimilarlM in reeent years, discussions have emerged regarding immigration of level human resources" (ke'do 1'inzai), especially in the field of infbrmation teehnology industTM and
in 2009 the Promotion Council for the Acceptance of High'Level Human Resources was
inaugurated.ii Also, in 2008 a plan was made to inerease the number of international students to 300,OOO by the year 2020. At any rat･e, it is not just care workers, but more generally the procurement of human resources firom the global market that is consideTed key
Li I rime Minister of elapan and His Cabinet. http:tlwww.kantei.gu.jptjp/singiljinzaYindex.html
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to economic growth. However, in this heated competition for procuring human resourees in the world labor market, there is no guarantee that Japan will be able to acquire the world's best and brightest (TixKENAKA 2010).
Against this background of the aeceleration of transnational immigration into Japan, the
`"Multiethnic National Museum of Ethnology in 2004 held a special exhibition tit}ed Japan:
Life and History of Immigrants" (7inminzoku N4zl?on: Zdinichi Gaikoktu'in no Kurashi). The
"multicultural keyword used in this exhibition was coexistence" (tabunka kyOsei) (SHo,JI and KIM 2006). Along the lines of this theme, in 2008 Anthropology and Ethnology Commission of
"Multicultural Science Council of Japan held a public symposium titled Coexistence: From the Perspective of Cultural AnthropologM" the Jupanese .lburnai of Cuttural Anthropotogy "Multicultural featured the special issue of Coexistence and Cultural Anthropology" in 2009,
and at the 44i･h Annual Meeting of the Japanese Society of Cultural Anthropology (June
"Critical 12-13, 2010, Rikkyo University), OKADA Hiroki organized a session called Research
[MulticultuTal of Coexistence."' Therefore, one can see that multicultural coexistence has
become an increasingly prominent anthropological research topic in Japan.
"Multicultural Coexistence": Japan's Version of Multiculturalism?
"multieultural The origin of the term tabunha k;FOsei or coexistence" is attributed to
Kawasaki CitM Kanagawa Prefecture, which in 1993 drew up the Kawasaki City New Era:
2010 PIan (1(bwasaki S7iiiv'idoi: 2010 Puran) and set up the idea of city planning through multieultural coexistence (K4To 2008: 23). As Kawasaki is home to many Zainichi Korean
residents, it was in this context that･ this term came about. The term spread foIlowing the
Hanshin'Awaji Earthquake in 1995 through the volunteer and aid aetivities assisting foreign
residents ([DAKEzAwA 2009: 90), The Foreign Resident Earthquake Infbrmation Center (Gaikoktu'in Jishin .Jbho- Senta) which was established to provide foreign residents with the
infbrmation on the Hanshin-Awaii Earthquake later became the Center for Multicultural
Infbrmation and Assistance (7labunka 1<}JOsei Senta') and branches were established in five cities
aeross the country (Osaka, Kobe, Kyeto, Hiroshima, [[bkyo), and from 2004 each of these
became independent associations.i2
Within these developments, in June 2005 the Ministry of Internal AfTairs and Communications (MIC) established a Researeh Group for the Promotion of Multicultural Coexistence, and in Mareh 2006 published the Report of the Researtrh Group for the Promotion qf i3 thilticultural Coexistence.' implementing Regional Miilticultural Coexistence. The term
multicultural coexistence hence beeame public terminology and diffused throughout the
country Importantl}l. the MIC research report defined multicultural coexistence as fo]lows:
i2 Multicultural Center Tokyo. http[/lwww.tabunka.jpttokyof i3 Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, 2006. TLibztnka KIJo-.vei no Suishin ni Kinnsuru Kenkytikai Hbttkointsho.' Chiiki ni okeru 7Zibunka Ky'o-sei no Stfishin ni ithikete (Report on the Promotion of Multieultural Coexistencei Toward Promoting Multieultural Coexistence in Communities). http:1/www.soumu.go.jp/
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"People of different nationalities and ethnicities, recognizing each other's cultuTal difEerences,
cultivating a relationship of equalitM while living together as members of a local community"
This definition has circulated through public administration through the MIC, and been used as a reference for local governments throughout Japan in addressing the issue of
multicultural coexistence,
For example, a pamphlet produced by Tbkyo metropolitan government titled, Human
"Iri Rights of Foreign Residents; 77re 1inportance QfKnowing Each Other, states: [[bkyo there are
many foreign residents of various nationalities. One should not hold bias or prejudice
against fbreign residents living close by simply because of differences in skin eolor,
language and culture, or lifestyles .., Each of us sheuld do our part to create an appropTiate
international society by accepting the cultural diversity of foreign residents, deepening
exchanges in the eommunity, and respecting each other's human rights" (T6ky6-to S6mukyoku Jinken-bu Jinken Sesaku Suishin-ka Panfuretto, Gaikokwfin no Jinken).
At first glance there is nothing objectionable in these statements. However, on eloser inspection a number of problems can be seen, First, in the definition provided in the MIC
"cultivating research repoTt that states, a relationship of equalitM while living together as
members of a local communitM" an emphasis is placed on the local community as site for
practicing multicultuTal coexistence. Behind this statement is the fact that Constitutional basie human rights (kihonteki J'inken) are provided only to Japanese nationals, excluding
fbreign Tesidents in the wording, while necording to Local Government Law, the local
government is responsible fbr residents' safety and the pTovision of health and welfare, thus
making the municipality the base for the daily lives of residents, including those of foreign
nationality Therefore, loeal goveTnments have a compelling reason to advocate multicultural coexistence (KO){AI 1997: 16'7). Areas with high concentration of fbreign residents (e.g.
Kawasaki City in Kanagawa, [[byota City in Aichi, and Shinjuku'ku, [[bkyo), therefbre, have
led the way in their responses. Conversely, this conceals the issue of multicultural
coexistence as a state affair. While the MIC may be praised for addressing the issue, there is
no explicit attempt to frame it as living together as members of the nationmstate. Disavowing
responsibility for this problem, the state leaves these difficult problems in the hands of local eommumtles.
"foreign Second, as can be seen in the [[bkyo multicultural coexistence promotion pamphlet, residents" (without specifying nationality or ethnicity) are framed in opposition to Japanese.
By frarning Japanese as a majoritM a potential fbr anotheT form discrimination takes shape,
"the as it is culture of foreign residents" that are emphasized as the difft)rences to keep at a
respectfu1 distance, There is no attempt to envision a case in which a fbreign resident
becomes a Japanese national, as will be discussed later.
Third, the culture implied in this eultural recognition is defined essentially The usage of
"Japanese "Korean culture, as in culture" or culture," implies that there is an entity with
different and essential qualities. The cultural acceptance entailed here is oftentimes limited
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to that of fashion, festivals and food.i4 This is a superficial kind of multieulturalism that the
C`cosmetic AustTalian historian [P2ssa MoRRIs-SuzuKI has called multiculturalism" (2002: 154),
Fourth, multieulturalism in the West is thought to stem from the problem of social
integration: how to integrate immigrants, indigenous groups, and other ethnic minorities into the framework of the nation"state (HmOTA 1996: 24).i5 SimilarlM Ko"{AI Hiroshi defines
"multiculturalism as an attempt to create a national cultuTe that respects the cultural
differences of diverse ethnic groups eonsisting of immigrants and indigenous peoples" (KoMAI
2006: 128) and emphasizes the nation-state as an important site for the actualization of
multieulturalism. However, as mentioned above, multicultural coexistence has largely taken
shape in superficial cultural exchanges in loeal communities and has cleverly avoided
addressing issues (e.g. of immigration, civil rights, and problems of national identity)
regarding social integration in the nation'state (KAJITA 2005: 285). Moreover, the Ainu, Okinawans, and discriminated minority peoples such as Burakumin are not included in these discussions ([IAKEzAwA 2009: 92), As mentioned befbre, since the Japanese government does not even have an immigration policM the influx of foreign residents is only addressed from
the peTspective of immigration control, In this regard, it is not possible to equate
multicultural ceexistence with Western ideas of multiculturalism,i6
On this point, Ki4Jl'rA Takamichi persuasively makes the fo11owing scathing assessment.
"The `government failure' in regard to the immigration policy has been addressed by local
`internationalization,' municipalities. However, viewing immigration policy as an extension of
the local governments' responses have been inadequate and fail to resolve the problems.
`coexistence' Moreover, the arguments surrounding are actually no different than
assimilationism and even fuel exclusionary discourses. Furthermore, the discussion on
coexistence trivializes the problem into the social-eultural sphere, making it impossible te pTovide a path toward a solution" (KAJITtsx 2005: 285),
i4 Discussing the transformation of multieulturalism in the age of neoliberalism, SHIoBARA Yoshikazu, who examined multiculturalism in Australia, points out that past research on multieulturalism overlooked the "unintended possible eon$equence" in which ethnic minorities are disempewered when neoliberal political forees appropriate cultuTal understanding based on academic anti'essentialism (Smo]ARA 2005i 38). It, is
prebably the ease, but･ mere importantly, as SHIoBARA $uggests in the last chapter of his book, we need to grasp essentia]ismtanti-essentialism as essentialism that reproduees hybridity, and to eonceptualize "multieultural multiculturalism as a principle of resistance (SHTOBARA 2005: 205`34). NeveTtheless, coexistence" in Japan seems not to havc evolved yet to such a stage. i5 The West is by no means homogeneous, as situations in Canada, Australia, the U.S,, France, the U.K., Gcrmany, etc., are different. Similarly, multieulturalism is interpreted differentl.v depending on the perspeetive taken. Lisa YONE\ArvtA distinguishes either thrce typesi 1. Iibera] multiculturalism, 2, corporate multieulturalism, and 3. eritical multiculturalism (YONEyAMi4 2003: 20), or two types (1 and 3) (YoNEyAD"IA 2006). ia Similarity, difference, and possible intersection ef multiculturalism and multicultural coexistence are examined by TAKEZAWA Yasuko (2009i 90'3). The Ministry ef Tnternal Affairs and Communications Committee
for ?romoting Multicultural Coexistence seems to define multicultural coexistence in the lineage of liberal multiculturalism; nevertheless, at this moment, Japanese government has not finalized the official definition of multiculturalism from which we start to discuss. IwABucHl Koichi (2010: 19) regards Japanese "multicultural multieultural coexistenee as coexistence without multiculturalism."
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As [[lessa MoRRIs-SuzuKI has discussed, the presence of immigrants alone has not made
Japanese society multicultural. Rathe]7, the economic and soeial development of the late - - twentieth century of whieh transnational migration is but one part have led to a
"multiculturalism within" (uchinaJ"u kokusaika) (MoRRIs'SuzuKI 2002: 246'7). Therefore.
whet･her one wants it or not, mu]ticulturalism is an issue linked to t･he nation-state's
adaptation to today's globalized world. But, as Japan begins to develop state policy toward
multiculturalism, there should be confrontation and disagreement in regards to redrawing
the boundaries of inclusion and exclusion (MORRIS"SuzuKl 2002: 163). Furthermo]"e, as
"advocate YoNEyAMA Lisa points out, we should not only coexistence and multieultural
understanding from a Iiberal standpoint, and include the others who have been excluded,"
`Creformulate but also the relationship between knowledge and power, and undertake a comprehensive review of whom and from what perspeetive knowledge is created, distributed, and normalized" (YoNEyArLcA 2006: 311'2), Only at that time will we be able to evaluate the
tTue value of multicultural coexistenee on the shape of multieulturalism in Japan. Now is
merely a prelude,i7
Ethnography of Okubo, Shinjuku: A Multicultural Urban Space
Apart from the definitions and conceptualizations of multicultural coexistence,
multicultural spaces have actually begun to appear in Japan. Okubo in Shinjuku-ku, {[bkyo,
is one example. Several authors have written about this neighborhood, including HARA
[[bmeaki (2009) in the above-mentioned 2009 special issue of the .lapanese Jburnat qf Cultural
Anthropology. Students in my fieldwork elass at the University of [Ibkyo did researeh in this
area as well in 2001 and 2002 ([Ebkyo Daigaku Bunka-jinruigaku KenkyU'shitsu 2003).
As of January 2010, there were 418,116 foreign residents in [[bkyo, comprising 18 percent
of the total numbeT in Japan, With an estimated population of nearly 13 million in [[bkyo,
non-Japanese make up 3.2 pereent of total, which is approximately double the national
average. Some 800,OOO foreign residents, or 36 percent, are concentrated in [fokyo and the surrounding prefectures of Kanagawa, Saitama, and Chiba. By nationalitM Chinese (157,070) and Koreans (116,158) are the large majority, fo11owed by Filipinos (31,502), Americans (United States) (18,746), and Indians (8,830). By wards, Shinjuku-ku (35,211) has the largest population, and is fo11owed by Edogawa"ku (25,703), Adachi'ku (23,291), Minato-ku (21,826),
iT Harurni BEFu (2006) portrays four f'uture optiens fbr Japan in regard to multiculturalism. 1, Continue monoculturalism by excluding foreign residents, Send foreigners back to their eountries and remove all fbTeign eommunities. This is. however, an unrealistic choice, 2. Maintain the status quo. Let fbreigners stay, but proclaim monoeulturalism. That is, foreign residents are allewed no more than as temporary sojourners or "eitizenship" marginal existenee in society. 3, Aceopt plurality as a prineiple. Give to pluralism and two eontradietory principles of pluralism and monoculturalism will exist side by side in Japanese society, Conflicting principles will compete, and contribute to the ft)rmation ef a dynamic soeiety, 4. Reneunce monoeulturalism, and multieulturalism will constitute the mainstream value of Japanese society. 0f the four scenarios, BEFu predicts that Japanese soeiety is likely to head for the third scenario. I am of the same opinion.
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and Koto-ku (20,331).iS
In Shiajuku-ku (total population 317,742), where Okubo is loeated, the rate of foreign residents reaches eleven percent.i9 This ratio approximately matehes what the national rate
will be by 2050 if the number of immigrants reaches ten million. In this sense, Shiniuku'ku
may represent an image of Japan forty years firom now in regards to the population Tatio of foreign residents. By nation, Korea is the largest group (14,332, 41 percent), fbllowed by China (11,314, 32 percent), Myanmar (1,274), France (1,128), and the Philippines (924),
Korean and Chinese residents make up 73 percent of the fbreign population. The fbreign
Tesident population is especially coneentrated in the neighborhoods of Okubo, particularly
Okubo 1-chome, 2"chome, and Hyakunin'cho 1'chome, 2'chome. The ratio in these
neighborhoods in JanuaTy 2008 was 35 percent, and was as high as 46 percent in Okubo 1-chome (INABA 2008: 28). According to INABA Ybshiko (2008: 26'31), the first signs of Okubo as an ethnic community
began around 1990. Befbre this there were fbreign owned stores in Okubo, and these were
mainly Zainichi Korean'owned yakiniku restaurants and Chinese restaurants run by oldcomer
Chinese. Entering in the 1990s, fbTeign-owned food stores and restaurants began to appear,
scattered thToughout the narrow off-streets and buildings, The scent of durian billowed into
the streets, crabs were placed in the front of stores, and Taiwanese soda andjuice was sold in vending maehines. The sights and smells were those genuine to Southeast Asia, creating an
atmosphere as if another eountry had crept into a nondescript corner of a Japanese
residential area. Taiwanese, Thai, Malaysian, and other ethnic restaurants, rental video
steres, supermarkets, and hair salons (frequented by women working in the neighboring
Kabuki-eho) emerged on the streets. From the midt1990s, travel agencies, hotels, seeondhand
stores, and various other types ofbusinesses came and went, Furthermore, churches, temples,
and mosques were established in the rooms of larger buildings. It became commonplace to
hear Korean and Chinese being spoken on the streets, and the Hqllyu (Korean> boom from
2004 strengthened the KQrean color of the town. Tourism stemming from the Hallyu boom
brought an increase in visitors, especially women, and places packed with crowds and shops
took shape similar to Harajuku's Takeshita-dori. INABA observes that Okubo is rapidly
growing and changing at a bewildering pace into a multiethnic town. The stimulus for the influx of immigrants to Okubo is that it is located next to Kabuki-cho,
Japan's largest nightlife district where many foreign hostesses work, and the location of many voeational and language schools fbr international students and trainees, INABA (2008: 139) explains that Okubo experienced a eollapse with the end of the bubble economy and an
"lost aging of loeal storeowners, but during Japan7s so'called de¢ ade" (perhaps two decades or
ig Pepulation Dynamics Statistics, Populatioll Statistics Divisien, Department of Statistics, Bureau of General Affairs, Tokyo Metropolitan Government. Gaikokay'in Tbroku (b]oreign resident registration). http:11www.toukei.metro.tokyo,jplgaikokulga-index.htm i9 Public Relations Division, Department of Planning, Shinjuku'ku. Shin.iuktt-ktt no Gaikokay'in Tbroku (Foreign ResidentRegistrationinShinjuku-ku),httpillhomepage2.nifty.comltanimurasakaeilsinnzyukugaikoku.htm
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more), foreign residents began to live as well as work in Okubo and steadily built small but livelybusinesses,
It is also important to note that this change did not occur overnight･. From the Edo period,
this town has been host to many difft)rent people, and before the 1990s there were sections of
town where Koreans lived and engaged in salvaging businesses. In the 1950s, the chewing
gum company Lotte (whose fbunder was a Korean national) established its factory and its
headquarters, which continues in this loeation today. There were employment oences (shokuan) and day laborer eamps lyoseba) in the area, and in Kabuki'cho there were rnany
Taiwanese and Zainichi Korean entrepreneurs and hotel managers, including naturalized
citizens (INABA 2008: 160-1). Thus, the shape of Okubo today is not neeessarily new but an
extension of this history
Okubo has had various problems related to fbreign residents, including safet･M apartment
tenancM and garbage disposal, but today; Japanese residents realize that there is no
alternative but to live side by side with foreign residents, In HAR?es discussion of KyojUkon
(an abbreviation of Gaikoktv'in to 7bntoni Sumu ShiFv'ukti-ku Mkechi-zukuri Kondonkai or The
Foreigner-Friendly Shinjuku Community Development Association, established 1992), he
"This cites the representative of the group, YAIs{AMoTo Shigeyuki, who states, town can no
longer exist without foreign residents. That is what I think multicultural coexistence is. If you unilaterally exclude others, your own existence will cease to continue" (HARA 2009: 145).2e
Within these developments, KrwArL{uRA Chizuko, who was born in Okubo and involved in its process of becoming multicultural, generalizes the multicultural space of Okubo with the "when "Through phrase, the local community extends beyond Japan." She explain$: accepting
the current situation of multicultural and multiethnic diversitM the local community has
become entangled in global ehallenges of humanity. Within the daily Iife of a community, we
have searched for ways to survive as humans and undertook the praetices te do so,... Humans have a right to pursue happiness wherever they may be, and having lived together with
ehildren of different ethnic backgrounds, we have come to realize what a benefit it is for the
eommunity and the growth of its people" (KAWAJYIURA 1998: 256'7).
The interesting point here is that the local community of Shinjuku has transcended the
"new nation of Japan, creating direct connections tQ the outside world. The globalized earth" (atarashii chiO･t'/) is no longer neatly divided into a color'coded map, but emerges as a world
made of rhizome connections that defy boundaries (YxMASHITA 2009: 172), and Okubo is a
"In prominent example of this, KAwAMuRA continues: the present circumstance the
eommunity has no ehoice but divide residents into Japanese and non-Japanese eitizens, while
they have to honor the International Covenants on Human Rights, Convention on Rights of
the Child, and the spirit of elimination Qf racial discrimination. It depends on the policies
20I had an opportunity to meet Mr. YAMAMOTO in tJuly. 2010. He told me that he beeame interested in "eohabitation" (lp)qUJ't?) frem the peTspeetive of the apartment renting business that has a new clientele of internationalstudents.
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toward foreign residents to resolve the contradictions involved, For that, one needs te
question what constitutes an equitable realization of human rights, and having examined `human human nature and historical changes, to continue to respond to the rights' not as words but appropriate practices within everyday life" (KAwAMuRA 1998: 258).
"human The important keyword here is rights," That is, to understand the simple truth that immigrants are not just a labor force but also humans, As humans, they will make a
living, marrM have ehildren, and may desire to bring over their families. They will nurture
their childTen and give them an education. These f-acts bring about a host of human rights problems for foreign residents. Since the mid'1990s, the local communities, local
governments, and human rights NGOs have clearly recegnized these problems and taken
various steps to address them,
Dreams of Filipina Migrants
In such a eontext, I would now like to turn to the case of Filipinas.2i Filipina women, who
`"tJapan-bound," are oftentimes referred to as .lbpayuki began entering the entertainment
sector in Japan around 1980. Jdpayuki derives from Japanese women's Ktirayuki ("China [Foreign lands] bound") in the past history of Japan from the Edo period to the Pacific War.
Jdpayuki were in fact pioneers of transnational female woTkers in the phenomenon of feminization of the labor market that began in the 1970s (ITo 1992). While many of the
Filipinas went abread to become domestic workers in the Middle East and Southeast Asia,
they came to Japan as entertainers or sex workers on entertainer visas, because Japan did
not acknowledge unskilled labor such as domestic work, Along with the increase of Filipinas
engaged in the entertainment･ sector, the number of marriages with Japanese men also grew,
marking over 100,OOO pairs between 1989 and 2007,22 According to Populatien Dynamics Statisties CJink6 Do-tai 7bkei) of the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare (2006), international marriages constitute 6.1 pereent of the total in Japan in 2006, but the figure rises to 10.2 percent in the [[bkyo Metropolitan area. Eighty
percent of these pairs eonsist of Japanese men and foreign women. With regard to the wife7s
country of origin, China remained at the top until 2006, while in 2007 the Philippines came to
the fore (33.8 percent), fbllowed by China (33,7 percent), and North and South Korea (16,8 percent).
Not all Filipinas are happily married. Sometimes being involved in domestie violenee, a
third of the marriages are estimated to end in divorce. Meanwhile, there are cases where the
father does not acknowledge a ehild, or does not marry the mother even when he
acknowledges the ehild - there are an estimated 50,OOO Filipina single mothers, Their
financial cheices aTe very limited, for with children they often cannot work at night clubs, and
ean only make ends meet through part-t･ime employment at boxed meal shops (bentoj?a) or
2i This ease has been discussed in YAIplAsHITA <2009: Chapter 3). 2! Cemmissien on Filipinos Overseas, http:1/www.cfo.gev,phfstatistics.htm
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factories. If they overstay theiT visa, legal employment is not an option. For all these
hardships, Filipinas are taking life positivelM dreaming about the future, The fbllowing quote
from Nancy CARAwny also applies to the Filipinas I interviewed between March and August
"The 2008: migrant female must be conceived of as a more self'assured, assertive, and
resoureeful woman who has a dream and a mission. She might be escaping something, a failed marriage or joblessness, but she is moving on and aheadi] (CARAwAy 2008: 243). At issue now is the next step from marriage, the offspring, They are called Japanese-Filipino Children (JFC>, and are calculated to numbeT over 200,OOO. In June 2008, ten of these
children went to Lhe Supreme Court with support from the NPO, JFC Network, demanding
Japanese citizenship of children born out of wedlock to Filipina mothers, and won the case.
According to the Article 3, Section 1 of the old Nationality Act, a child was not acknowledged
as a Japanese national if the parents were not married and the Japanese father did not
recognize the child befbre birth, Thus, if the child had an unmarried non-Japanese mother
and was reeognized after birth, he or she was not entitled to Japanese citizenship. Against
such a baekground, children born to a Japanese father and a Filipina mother and
unrecognized before birth claimed that their lack of entitlement to Japanese citizenship
violates equality before the law guaranteed by the Constitution. The Grand Bench of the
Supreme Court gave a decision to support the plaintiff group. The Nationality Act was
amended in Deeember 2008,
The media spotlighted the Supreme Court's deeision on the nationality of Filipino
illegitimate children. Asahi Shimbun (Morning edition, June 5, 2008) ran an article with a
picture of a mother and a child rejoicing in front ef the Supreme Court on the front page. 7bkyo Shimbun (Morning edition, May 31, 2008) featured one of the plaintiffS, Masami [EAPIRU.
Masami lives in the [[bkai area with her Filipina mother RQsana and sister Naomi, Rosana
came to Japan at the age of 24, and while working at a restaurant, came to know a Japanese
man who ]ater became the father of the sisters. When Masami was born, a birth registration
with her name in kanji and the report of recognition by the fatheT were submitted, but they
were unexpectedly notified that the child was a Filipina, and she could not use kanii for her
name. On the other hand, her sister Naomi acquired Japanese citizenship through fetus
recognition. ConsequentlM the older sister carries her mother's last name, [llxpmu Masami,
while the younger one is SATo Naomi. In the day care, they were asked if they were real
"I sisters because of their different, surnames. Masami tells of her dream: want to be a police
officer in the future."
"becoming The dream of a police officeT" is quite intTiguing, for most civil servant positions
"A are not open for foreigners, and especially police officers. police officer" may symbolize
Japan for Masami. It is not clear if she was aware of this, but her dream is deeply tied up
with becoming Japanese.
Speaking of dreams, I recall R's words when I interviewed her in ApTil 2008. R was participating in a program ealled CHOBET (Community and Home Based English [Ibachers, launched in May 2005) run by the NPO Center fbr Japanese Filipino Families. This program
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intends to give Filipina entertainers dignity and a means of living and empowerment by
training them to be English teachers. Children in the neighborhood where the Filipina live
"Community are the anticipated pupils, hence and Home Based English [feachers." R was
teaching three days a week, with a total of seven classes. She came to Japan as a singer in
1990, when she was twenty years old. After working at bars in Nagano and Koriyama, she got
a job at a hotel in Izu, Shizuoka, where she met her current husband, She got married in
1991, and when I interviewed her, R was a mother of five ehildren. When I asked about her
"ordinary dreams, she responded that she wanted to raise her children as working adults"
"ordinary Ctiditsfi no shahaijin). Nowadays, what makes a person an working adultV is rather difficult to define even for Japanese. For mixed-ethnicity children to beeome normal working
adults in Japanese soeiety may be much more challenging. R's dream, then, in attempting to
fight these challenges, is a much more audaeious projeet. From the perspective of children, however, whether they will be ordinary working adults as
their paxents hope is another matter. A child who acquired Japanese citizenship through a lawsuit ehose not to use a Japanese name, and eontinues going by his Filipino name with
which he is more comfortable. A hybrid identity seems to suit him better, There are also
children who wear blue contact Ienses and enjoy breakdancing on the street, In a waM this is
to claim their Filipino-Spanish'AmeTican identity more than Japanese, and we may interpret - - it as an appropriation of the Philippines' cultural heritage oT cultural capital that derives
from its history of colonization by t･he West.23 English is also a part of such cultural heritage
and cultural capital, and one ehild dreamed of studying in the United States or Canada using
his English fluency. In other words, their dreams may leap beyond Japan.
In his book Against Paranoid Ndtionalism, Lebanese-Australian anthropologist Ghassan HAGE
"mechanisms writes about hope in the globalizing and shrinking society. He sees societies as for the generation and distribution of hopefulness and social opportunities" (HAGE 2003: 9).
"multiculturally Therefbre, a coexisting" society must not only realize dreams and hopes of
Japanese but also those of immigrants, Here, the issue beeomes interconneeted with that of
immigrants' human security, which revolves around human rights, citizenship, and demoeracy
Human Rights: Global Ideoscapes and Local Practices24
The concept of human rights is said to have originated from the idea of natural law during
the Enlightenment between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It is widely known
that the idea that human beings are born free and equal contributed significantly to the
2R Personal communicatien with Ucmo Taichi, a cloctoral student at Human Security Program, Graduate
Schoel of Arts and Sciences, the University of Tokyo. !4 This section is an updated version of what I discussed before (YADvtAsmTA 2008, 2009: Chapter 8), edited for the t'ramework of this essay.
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Japan in 2050 17
American Declaration of Independence in 1776 and the French Declaration of the Rights of
Man and of the Citizen in 1789. Behind this is an issue of equality among men set forth by
the nature and the inequality caused by men, as proposed by Jean Jacques ROUSSEAU -
whom Claude LEvl'STRAusS called the fbunder of the sciences of man - in the opening of
Discourse on the Origin and Basis of lnequality Among Men (1755). In the twentieth centurM remorse over events such as the two wor]d wars and the holocaust prompted the United
"Everyone Nations' Universal Deelaration of Human Rights in 1948, which states: is entitled
to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Deelaration, without distinction of any kind,
such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin,
propertM birth or other status."
"inequality Nevertheless, even after more than 250 years since RoussEAu pointed out the
caused by men," it is hardly a resolved issue today. The Universal Declaration of Human
Rights is not legally binding, and in order to actualize human Tights as a common standard of
achievement for all peoples and all nations, a number of international treaties from the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (1951) to the Convention against [Eransnational
Organized Crime (2000) were adopted. The concept of human beings when referred to in the
context of human rights Iies in this Iineage of the notion of international human rights .regtme.
However, universal rights that apply to all human beings often perplex anthrepologists
who have been the champions of eultural relativism, In fact, when the 1948 Universal
Declaration of Human Rights was being prepared, the Exeeutive Board of American
Anthropological Association expressed a critical opinion on universal human rights from the
point of view of diversity and relativity of human beings and cultures (American
`"human" Anthropological Association 1947). Also, in the tradition of the West, the in the
context of the human rights is considered an attribute of an individual. Ybt as [[brence
"have TURNER points out, anthropologists learned not to regaTd either social actors or social Cindividual' bodies as unproblematically in the common Western sense of the term. They have
also eome to reeognize the fundamental role of social relations and groups in producing `human' (i.e. socially integrated and encultured) individuals" (TuRNER 1997: 275),
"the Furthermore, he states right to differenee may constitute a positive, transcultural basis of human rights" (TuRNER 1997: 286). Therefbre, what we need is not to att･ack universal human rights from the standpoint of
cultural relativism. Rather, the eoncept of universal human beings assumes the reality of - - human diversity or difference represented in race, nationalitM ethnicitM and gender. We
"human "human are becomings" rather than bei,ngs."25 Universalism and cultural relativism
25 At the 11th Biennial Conference of the European Association of Soeial Anthropologists (August 22-27, 2010, '`Beyond Maynooth, Ireland), Gisli PALssoN and Tim INGOLD held a vvorkshep called the Biological and the Soeial: Anthropolog.v as the Study of Human Beeomings,7' in which they proposed to recenceptualize the human "beings" "becomings" "biological" "social" not as but as to go beyond the opposition between the and the in
anthropological study ot' the human,
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in human rights are not mutually exclusive, but are in a complementary relationship. In
1995, Ameriean Anthropological Association established the Committee for Human Rights
and in 1999 they issued the Declaration on Anthropology and Human Rights. It states:
"Anthropology as an academic discipline studies the bases and the f-orms of human diversity
and unity; anthropology as a practice seeks to apply this knowledge to the solution of human
problems. As a professional organization of anthropologists, the AAA has long been, and
should continue to be, concerned whenever human differenee is made the basis for a denial of
`human' basic human rights, where is understood in its fu11 range of cultural, soeial, linguistic,
psychological, and biologieal senses."26 Ellen MEssER points out that anthropology has contributed to human rights discourses in "what two ways (MESsER 1993), One is its cross-eultural and comparative research inquiring
"who are rights" and are humans," the other eoncerns its scrutiny and criticism over
observance and violation of human rights. Examining diverse human rights practices in
Afi7ica, Asia, and Latin Ameriea, ME･ssER claims that today many experts and policy makers
undeTstand that the concept of human rights is culturally relative. As such, anthropology's
basic position is to explore and practice human rights within a diverse human reality In the
Declaration on Anthropology and Human Rights, human rights are understood not as a static
eoncept, but a progressive one that depends on the extent of our knowledge about human condit･ions.
These diseussions on human rights do not address the question of who guarantees the
rights of immigrants, Japanese citizens are guaranteed of their basic human rights by the Constitution. It is not elear, however, whether the Const･itution's guarantee extends to the
human rights of immigrants. GenerallM immigrants suffer from more vulnerable statuses,
are oftentimes stripped of their human rights, and oceasionally even subjected to human
trafficking. Given such conditions, as an advaneed immigrant region, Europe has seen many experiments to reconsider aliens' rights in terms of citizenship (KAJITA 2001: 8-11). In Japan,
citizenship tends to be conflated with nationalitM but in Europe, as it has long dealt with
immigrants and has formed the European Union, citizenship is now beginning to be
considered distinct from nationality.
Foreign Tesidents in Japan are usually regarded as sojourners who will return to their
original countries in the future. As stated befbre, in Japan unskilled labor is not recognized,
[`traineettechnical However, the tricky example is the intern," under which state-sanctioned
labor exploitation that borders on human trafflcking without the protection of Labor St,andards Act has developed (Gaikokujin KenshU Mondai Nettowaku 20e6; KoMAI 2006: 74"99).2T Therefbre, in order to begin discussing the citizenship of immigrants, Japan needs
2G Committee fbr Human Rights, American Anthropologieal Assoeiation, http:/lwww.aaanet.orglemteslcthrfDeclaration-on-Human'Rights.cfni 27 Since July 1, 2010, labor laws, such as Labor Standards Act and the Minimum Wage Act are applicd to technical learning activities to improve the proteetion of trainees and technical inteTns. However, the effect･ of such laws remains to be assessed, Immigration Bureau of Japan. http:11www.immi'moj.go.jplnewimmiact/ kournoku3. html
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to have an immigration policy; nevertheless, the issue ofimmigration is difficult to put on the agenda by Japanese politicians who are domestically oriented and guided by loeal votes, This is why there has been no explicit immigration policy,
The idea of diverse human rights practices leads to the core issue of contemporary
"global democracy that appears prominent in Arjun AppADuRAI's ideoscape" (ApRxDuRAI 1996: "In 36), MoRRIs-SuzuKI writes: the complex and globalized world of the late twentieth
`universality centurM it is useless to simply advoeate fbr the of democracy' or flee behind the
"unique imagined wall of a culture.' For what is meant by democracy is always changing.
tone Demoeracy cannot just mean person, one vote' or redistribution of wealth. [[bday's
demoeracy mainly involves how to acquire cultuval resources and express them, and how to
convert these cultural resources into cultural capital (that is, how to aequire socio-economic
autonomy)" (MORRIs-Suzu- 2006: 261), Cultural resources here refer to those of immigrants and native peoples, and the conversion into cultural eapital happens within the globalized
socio-eeonomic space. Here, culture becomes the fundamental issue of today's democracy If
multicultural coexistence is to turn into genuine multiculturalism, Japan, too, will inevitably
face this issue. AnthropologM with culture as its key term, is then to engage in quite
pragmatic challenges.
"New Public Anthropology: Public" and Anthropology
In this respect, I would like to pay attention to an emerging genre of public anthropology It intends to apply anthropology in the public sphere. In a session of Annual Ameriean
Anthropological Association Meeting in 1998, in which the mayors of Philadelphia and
Oakland participated, the then President of the Association James PEACOCK stressed the "public social contribution of anthropology, and asked or peTish?" playing on the aeademic
"publish maxim, or perish." In his book Tlhe Anthropotogicat Lens, he mentions public
"one anthropology as way of being actively engaged, contributing, of becoming integral and
significant to our culture and society. without becoming subservient" (PEAcocK 2001: 129).
"Public Robert BOROFSKy, an aTdent advocat･e of public anthropolog}L states: anthropology
seeks to address broad critical concerns in ways that others beyond the discipline are able to
understand what anthropologists can offer to the retframing and easing - if not necessarily - always resolving of present'day dilemmas,"L8 That is, anthropologM through research on
diverse societies and cultures, contributing to the understanding of the human, needs to
connect with the public sphere beyond its disciplinaTy framework by engaging today's pTagmatic and impertant issues like human rights. This is also a realization of the aforementioned Declaration by the AAA Committee for Human Rights. Here, we find
anthropology's novel attempt to redefine its discipline within the public sphere of society, and
to contribute to soeiety in rea} terms,
28 Rob BRoFSKy, Defining Public Anthropology (A Personal Perspective). Center for a Public Anthropology. http:tlwww.publicanthropology.orglpublic'anthropdogy/
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"new In establishing public anthropology in Japan, the notion of the public" (atarashii ko'kyj)
is worth noting. This is a point that former Prime Minster HATOyAMA Ytikio also stressed in
"[Ib his policy statement in January 2010: support people, and to be of service to people in
[new itself could be a source ofjoy and a meaning for life. We will call such power of people the
public,' and by encouraging such power, we hope to build a more humanized soeiety based on
independenee and eoexistence, to reinvigorate eommunity ties, and to eurtail the bloated
government (kan)."29
The notion of the new public, as with that of multicultural eoexistenee, is seen to derive
ftrom volunteer support activities at the time of the Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake. The fact that
approximately 1.3 million volunteers came to help rebuilding the disaster region is
"people" innovative in the sense that the new public involves (min) in the form of volunteers, while the old public was characterized by the government (han). There emerges a new
convergence of the public and the private that is unpTecedented.30 We should connect this new public and anthropology to establish public anthropology in Japan,
Actually we have already seen such experiments. These days there are strong demands fbr
the Japanese universities to eontribute not only academically but also socially Therefore in
"Anthropology 2007 the .lapanese .Jburnal of Culturai Anthrqpology featured a special issue at the
Time of the Cooperation between Universities and the Local Inhabitants." Reading the articles in this special issue, especially that of OKADA Hiroki (2007) who examined the
question of foTeign residents and multicultural coexistence in X Prefecture, it seems that
many difficulties await such collaboration. Nevertheless, challenging these issues through
collaborating with local communities may be one good way to build publie anthropology in Japan,
"Learning Conclusion; to Live Together in One World," or An Anthropological Imagination of the Future
Ibegan this essay by imagining Japan in 2050, so let me go baek to issues of the future.
"Utopia One of the authors of h}imigrant SZate Japan, SAK,4NAK,4 Hidenori portTays the of 2050" (SAKANAKA 2005: 203-26), in whieh Tama New [Ibwn in [[bkyo - where I happen to live - is a
Philippine town in 2050. SAKANAKA also argues that Japan in 2050 will be competitive in the
global market foT its IT industry supported by Chinese and Indian labor. Large corporations
will embrace multinationalism, establishing headquarters in the U.S. through a
dual'headquarters system, and may have an American CEO. Universities will find diverse
L" Prime Minister of Japan and His Cabinet, Pelicy Statement by the Prime Minister HAToyAr,･[A at the 174th Diet.httpitlwww.kantei.go.jpfjplhatoyamalstatement/201001f29siseiheusin.html Sn OGATA Akihiro (2004: 93) argues that volunteerism, institutionalized through the NPO Act (1998), which legalized the new public, serves the state, especially the neoliberal state that promulgates t･he maTket "new prineiples and a small government. Nevertheless, we need to observe carefu11y the publie" under the Democratic Party administration, which took oveT thc Liberal Democratic Party under KOIZUMI that pursued a Japanesetstyle neoliberal state.
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eJnpan in 2050 21
ethnicities in their student bodies, 20 pereent of which may consist of second or thivd-generation immigrants in Japan. Seventy percent of the classes will be given in
Japanese, 30 percent in English, and 30 percent･ of the faculty will be from outside Japan. As for marriages, inter-ethnic unions will keep increasing, reaching 30 pereent of tetal
marrlages.
We do not know whether these future predietions of Japan in 2050 are correct or not, But
this essay exercised anthropological imagination toward the future, and by exploTing the
dreams of Filipina migrants and their children, argued fbr the importance of public
anthropology to address issues of human rights and human seeurity We are reminded here
`CLearning the title of Margaret MEAD's unpublished work, to Live Together in One World."
MEAD was planning to publish this book in 1944, but her anguish over the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki caused her to suspend the publication (BEEMAN 2004). However,
over sixty years has passed since then, and this theme is ever more eontemporary and urgent.
The experiments of multicultural coexistence in {]apan, t･oo, with all the challenges, aTe
"Learning situated in a larger historical course direeted toward MEAD's project of to Live
[Ibgether in One World,"
"Other In the opening of this essaM I refeTred to Marshall SAHLINs' Distinguished Lecture,
Times, Other Customs." B}r exercising our imagination toward Japan's future, which may
"customs" have different firom now, we may be able to develop our way to the anthropology of
2050 as well,3i The future may net be necessaTily new, and the past･ may. be never old.
Imagining our future, we must traee back flrom MEAD to BoAs, and further from BoAs to
"end RoussEAu. Some say we have reached the of anthropology,"32 but if we could study the - "equalized human by exercising our imaginat･ien toward the yet-to-be-realized humanity
"both humankind" - within the large framework that is forward-looking and retrospective,"33
then I believe there is still a f:aison d'e'tse for anthropology in 2050,
REFERENCES
American Anthropological Association
1947 Statement on Human Rights. Afneriean Anthropotogist 49, 539.
APPADURAI, A.
1996 (2004) ua)dernitv. at Latge.' Cutturat Dimensions of Globarization. Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press, lt5ill.;:R.5itiltptuL'!VL･ltCD"Ik-fiJFY!, FeF'[ltfi31-(st).]IR:VfiJ･LN,
(Tokyo: Heibonsha)
Si Coineidently, UIf HANNERz also refers tQ anthropology. in the year 2050 in the conclusion ef his recent work (HANNERZ 2elO), `'The 32 The theme of American Anthropological Association Annua] Meeting in 20e9 was Endls ef Anthropology."
iin This expressien was inspired by the title of KUZUNO Hiroaki's essay about cultural resourees of the Sami of
"Ro'karu Northern Europe, katsu Gztronbaru na Shigen e, Kako Sok.v[t katsu ildirai ShikO na Shig. eJi e" NII-Electronic Library Service Japanese SooietySociety of Cultural Anthropology 22 YAMASlllTA Shilji BEEMAN ， W ． ’ ’ − 2004 Learning to Live in One Morld ．Margaret Mead s Unfinished Work and its Wisdom fol the International Community ． Keynote Speech presented at the International Symposium on the ・ Social Use of Anthropology in the Contemporary World． October 29 30， National Museum of Ethnology， Osaka ． ベ フ ハ ル BEFu Harumi ， ミ 2006 「外 国人 労 働者 が 変 え る 目 本．文 化 ．1 （Japanese Culture Transformed by lmmigrant Labor）『ト ラ − ・ ン ス ナ シ ョ ナ リ テ ィ 研 究』（T”ansnationatity Research）4，39 53．大 阪大 学21世 紀 COE プ ロ グ ラ ム ー ー ・t − イ ン タ フ ェ ス の 人 文 学 （lnterface Humanities ，21 Century COE Progra 皿 ， Osaka Univer sity ）． CARAWAY ， N ． “ ” − 2008 Do No Harm ：The Asian Female Migrant and Femillist Debates in the Global Anti trafEcking Movement ． In Gender and Globalization in Asia and the Pacijic． K ． E ． FERGUSON and M ． − ’ NIRONESCO ， eds ．， pp ．253 71 ． Honolulu ： University of Hawai i Press ． CAST 王．ES ， S ． − 1998 New Migrations ， Ethnicity and Nationalism in Southeast and East Asia． E paper Ba5ed on a Talk Given to the Transna しional Communities Programme Seminar Series at the School of Geography ， Oxf （）rd UniverE ity， June 12 ，」998． ー Gaikokujin KenshO Mondai Nettow 蚕ku （ed ．） 外 国人 研 修 闇題 ネ ッ トワ ク （編 ） 一．一．．．． ニ’ 2006 『外 国 人 研 fl多生 時給 300円 の 労 働 者 』（Foreign Trainees’ Laborers at 300 y． en Per ilour）．東 京 ： 明 石書 店 （Toky ：Akashi Shoten）． HAGE ， G ． ’ ・ 2003Against Pafanoid Nationalism，Seα rchingfor Hope in A Shrinking Society． London ： Merlin Press． HANNERZ 、 U ． ’ ・ 一 − ， ： 2010 Anthropotogy s Mortd・ Lifb in a Twenty勘 暦 ’ Centur） 1）isciρ！ine． New York Pluto Press． ． HARA Tomoaki 原 知 章 ． 一 ・ 2009 「『多文化共 生』を 内破す る ．実践 東京 都新宿区 大久 保 地 区 の 『共 住 懇』の 事例 よ り 」（lmploding “ ” “ − ” tlte‘ Mu ］ticultural Coexistence Policy： The Case of ‘ Ky6ju kon in Okubo Distriet of Shinjuku， ・ ・ − ）「文 人 類 学 （．Japanese ．Xoitinal C ：tltttrat Anthiot ）otogy 74 1 136 55 ． Tokyo 化 』 qズ ） （）， HIROTA Yasuo 広 田 康 生 ・ 1996 1総 論 多 文 化 化 す る 学 校 地 域 仕 会 」 （lntroduction ： Multiculturalizing Schools and Communities ） 『多文 化 11義 と多文 化 教 育』駒 井 洋 監 修 ，．広 田 康生 （編）（ln KOMAI Hiroshi， ・ − − Editorin chief ， and HIROTiN Yasuo ， ed ，，、Multiculturalism and MulticuUurai Education）， pp ．15 33．東 ． 京 ： 明 石 書 店 （Tokyo ； Akashi Shoten）． INABA Yoshiko 稲 葉佳 子 ・ ’ 2008 オ オ ク ボ の の ナ ズ ム Okubo the ρ 「 、 都市 力 多文化 空 間 ダイ ミ 』（ ， ow σ 〔ijthe Ci（y： D ．vnamism qf 、lfulticutturai Space ）．京 都 ： 学 芸 出版 社 （Kyoto： Gakugei Shuppansha ）． ． ITo Ruri 伊 藤 る り “ ” 「 ジ パ ． ．．． へ − 1992 『 ャ ゆ き さ ん 』現象再 考 八 十 年代 H 本 の ア ジ ア 女性 流入 」 （Rethinking Jcrpayukisan Phenomenon ： In 且ux ofAsian to the 士 Women Japan in Eighties）『外 国 人 屶働 者論 』伊 艨谷 登 翁 ， iorkers 梶 田 孝道 （編）（In IYOTANI Toshio and KAJITA Takamichi ， eds ．， Essays on Jmmigrant ” ）， pp ． − 293 332 ．東京 ： ・払文 堂 （Tokyo ： Koubundou ）． 一 NII-ElectronicN 工 工 Eleotronio Library Service Japanese SooietySociety of Cultural Anthropology Japan in 2050 23 一一 IWABUCHI Koichi 岩 渕功 ・ “ ” 2010 「多 文化 仕 会 R 本 に お け る （文化 ＞ 4 ）問 い 」 （Questions of Culture in Multicultural So¢ iety， 一 一 Japan ）『多 文 化 社 会 の 〈文 化 〉 を 問 う 共 生 ／ コ ミ ュ ニ テ ィ ／ メ テ ィ ア 』 岩 渕 功 （編 ） （ln ” ” ’ IWABUCHI Koichi， ed ．，ノnquiring CuUure of ，Vultiet‘lturat Society： Coexistence， Co〃砌 碗 y， Media）， − pp ．9 34．東 京 ： 青 弓社 （Tokyo ： Seikyusha）． KAJITA Takamichi 梶 田孝道 200 ユ 「序論 」 （Introduction ）『国際 化 と ア イ テ ン テ ィ テ ィ 』 梶 田 孝 道 （編 ） （In KAJITA Takamichi ， ed ．， − Internationatization and Jdentity）， pp ．1 30．京都 ： ミネ ル ヴ ァ 書房 （Kyoto ：Minerva Shob6）． 7 ’ 2002 日 本 の 外 国 人 労働 者政 策 」 （Japan s Policy on lmmigrant， Workers ）『国1祭化す る 日 本社会』梶 田 孝 道，宮 島 喬 （編 ） （KAJITA Taka 皿 ichi and MIYAJIMA Takashi， eds ．， Internationaliiin9 Jaρanese − Society）， pp ．15 43 ．東京 ： 東京 大学 出版会 （Tokyo ：The University of Tokyo Press ）， 2005 「共 生 か ら統合 へ 権利保障 と移 民 コ ミ ュ ニ テ ィ の 相 互 強 化 に 向け て 」 （From Coexistence to Integration ： Toward Securing Rights and Mutual Reinforcement of Immigrant Communities ） ・ ・ ー 『顔 の 見 え な い 定住 化 日 系 ブ ラ ジ ル 人 と 国 家 市場 移民 ネ ッ ト ワ ク 』梶 田 孝道 ，丹 野 清 人 ，樋 口 直 人 （編 ） （ln KAJITA Takamichi ， TANNO Kiyot ， and HIGUCHI Naoto， eds ．， Permanent ・ ienvork ， Residency u ithottt浸 Faee．Japanese BrCtziiians and the State， i／farket． and bnmigrant 八 ＞1 PP ． ・ ． 285 305 ．名古屋 ： 名 宀屋 大学出版会 （Nagoya ：The University of Nagoya Press）． KATo Chikako 力lr藤千 香子 ． “ … への の ； 2008 序 論 『多文 化 共生 』 道程 と新 自由 主 義 H寺代 ご （IntroductionAJourney to Multicultural ” Coexistence and the Era of Neoliberalism）『H 本 に お け る 多文 化 共 生 と は 何 か 』崔勝 久 ，加 藤 千 and eds ， Mhat is ivabeltict ，ltural Coexistence in Japan7 ． 呑 子 （編 ） （ln CHE Sung KATO Chikako， ， ），pp − − − 11 31．東 京 ： 新 曜 仕 （Tokyo ： Shin yo sha ）． KAWAMURA Chizuko（ed ．） 丿II村 千 鶴 子 （編 ） 一 ・ is 1998 『多 文化 共 生 の 街 新宿 の 底 力 』（The CiOT（of Metltieutturat Coexistence，Shinjorktt Power ）．朿京 ： 明 石 書店 （Tokyo ： Akashi Shoten）． KOMAI Hiroshi 駒井洋 ． 1997 1 は じ め に 内 な る 国 際 化 に よ る 多 文 化 共 生 社 会 の 構 築 」 （lntroduction： Building Multicukurally CQexisting Society through lnternationalization from Within）『自治体 の 外 国人 一 へ の 政 策 内な る国 際化 取 り 組 み 』駒井 洋，渡戸 郎 （編）（ln KOM ，NI Hiroshi and WATATO ’ ） IchirD， eds ．， fmmigration 1 θ licies qf Municip α lities： E／7brts on Jnternationatiz‘ltion fro〃τ PVithin）， PP ． − 15 23 ．柬京 ： 明 石 書 店 （Tokyo ：Akashi Shoten＞． ー − ’ 2006 『グ ロ バ ル 化 11寺代 の 日本 型 多 文化 共 生 社会 』（Japanese Styte ．Vulticttttutat！y Coexi，yting Society in tke ． Age qf σ lobalizaiion）．東京 ： 明 右 書店 （Tokyo ：Akashi Shoten）． KUZUNO Hiroaki 葛野 浩 昭 ー ー ー 2007 「ロ カ ル か つ グ ロ バ ル な 資源 へ、過 去 遡 及 か つ 未 来 志 向 の 資源 へ 北 欧 の 先住 民 族 サ ミ 人 に よ る文化 の 管 理 と 表現 の 試み 1 （Toward Local and Global Resources， Toward Retrospective − ： Managemen し and Expression by the Sam 重 Northern and Forward lookingResources Cultural ， European Native People）『資源 化 す る ．文化 』 〔資源 人類 学 講 座 2 ）山下 晋 司 （編）（ln YA ）CASHITA − Shinji ed ． Czf〃L齠 ’伽 τ律 η∫ 加 o R830 ’解 ε 5 ［Resource Anthropo ］ogy Series 21） ．201 29 ，東 京 ： ， ， ，PP 弘文堂 （Tokyo ： Koubundou ）． MESSER ， 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Best and Bri ghtest ：Global Competition for Asian Talent ． A Paper Presented at the ・ International Conference on Migration in China and Asia． May 20 21， Beijing． 一 TAKEZAWA Yasuko 竹 沢泰 f 2009 「序 多．丈化 共 生 の 現 状 と課 題 」 （lntroduction： The Current Situation and Challenges of − ）．文 人 Japanese Journat 〔］uUural AnthropoXog 74 1 86 95 ． MulticultruralCoexistence 『 化 類学⊥（ qf ．y）， （）， − − Toky． o Daigaku Bunka jinruigaku KenkyO shitsu 東 京 大 学文 化 人類 学研 究 室 ー ．．一 2003 「越境 者た ち の エ ス ノ ス ケ プ ．東京 都新宿 区大 久保 地 区 の 事例 か ら』C4n Ethnoscape ofBoarder ・ ’・ 一 Ciossef s ，TSie（Jase of Okubo，訪 ’ψ κ〃 肱 Tokyo）．東京 ： 東 京 大学 文 化 人 類 学研 究 室 （Tokyo ： Department of Cultural Anthropology， The University of TokyD）． TURNER ， T ． 一 NII-ElectronicN 工 工 Eleotronio Library Service Japanese SooietySociety of Cultural Anthropology Japan 童n 2D5 25 ’ 1997 Human Rights， Human Difference：Anthropology s Contribution to an E 皿 ancipatory Cultural − Politics． Journat ofAnthropological Researeh 53，273 91． YAMAsHITA Shinji 山 下 晋 司 ・ ’ 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