Tourism and Consumer Culture in France, 1930S to 1970S Author(S): Ellen Furlough Source: Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Society for Comparative Studies in Society and History Making Mass Vacations: Tourism and Consumer Culture in France, 1930s to 1970s Author(s): Ellen Furlough Source: Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 40, No. 2 (Apr., 1998), pp. 247-286 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/179414 Accessed: 20-10-2016 01:21 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Cambridge University Press, Society for Comparative Studies in Society and History are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Comparative Studies in Society and History This content downloaded from 128.59.130.47 on Thu, 20 Oct 2016 01:21:12 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Making Mass Vacations: Tourism and Consumer Culture in France, 1930s to 1970s ELLEN FURLOUGH Kenyon College Do not talk about your work. Tell me how you spent your vacation and I will tell you who you are. Michael Chadefaud (1987)1 In the 1950s, French political geographer and social critic Andre Siegfried de- nounced modem mass tourism as "tourism de serie ... organized, almost mech- anized, collective, and above all democratic." Echoing derisory discussions of mass culture and mass consumption, Siegfried criticized modem tourism as a degraded aspect of cultural and social democratization, best exemplified by ba- nal American hotel chains. Siegfried complained that modern tourism had es- sentially destroyed older regimes of pleasure and substituted only amusements. Someone who yearned for the older "aristocratic" era wherein wealthy leisured elites sojourned in grand hotels, he believed that the only hope for the future was with "people of refined taste, knowing how to distinguish... between filth and beauty."2 Siegfried's lament portrays the historical emergence and consolidation of mass tourism as the decline of travel by leisured elites and its replacement by rationalized "moder" tourism for the masses. His comments also suggest a new cultural and economic understanding of the mass tourism that did emerge from the middle of the twentieth century. For Siegfried, tourism had become a I Michael Chadefaud, Aux Origines du Tourisme dans les Pays de l'Adour (Pau, 1987), 976. I am especially grateful to Victoria de Grazia, Joan Wallach Scott, Melissa Dabakis, and Clifton Crais for their careful readings of various versions of this essay and for their help in clarifying my ideas. Research for this article was supported by the Rutgers Center for Historical Analysis, where I was a Senior Fellow in 1992-93, and by Kenyon College. I also appreciate the help of audiences who shared insights on early versions of this essay: The Rutgers Center for Historical Analysis seminar (1992-93); the Workshop on Interdisciplinary Approaches to Modem France at the University of Chicago; the French Cultural Studies Workshop at the National Humanities Center; and the Keny- on Seminar. Individuals whose comments have been helpful include Leora Auslander, Regina Ben- dix, Joan Cadden, Gary Cross, Karen Dubinsky, Patrick Fridenson, John Gillis, Nicole Samuel, Ir- win Wall, Rosemary Wakeman, and Susan Whitney. This article is dedicated to Dorothy Glass Gentry Johnson (1908-96). 2 Andre Siegfried, Aspects du XXe Siecle (Paris, 1955), 107, 123-25 and 148. 0010-4175/98/2454-0310 $9.50 ? 1998 Society for Comparative Study of Society and History 247 This content downloaded from 128.59.130.47 on Thu, 20 Oct 2016 01:21:12 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 248 ELLEN FURLOUGH product, a standardized commodity inextricably bound up with the emergence of post-war European mass culture and mass consumption. This narrative of de- cline has proven especially durable for describing the mass tourism that became predominant in Europe and the United States after World War II. It provides the framework for contemporary stereotypes of mass tourists as herd-like, lacking internal social distinctions, doggedly seeking amusement, and guided by mass- produced tour books. As consumers, tourists are said to exemplify qualities thought to adhere to mass culture and mass consumption: tasteless, serialized, socially uniform, and culturally passive.3 Siegfried thus becomes one of a long line of commentators who have based their own cultural superiority, in part, upon their distance from, and disdain for, vulgar tourists. This narrative can also be seen as part of a larger discourse concerning the decline of high culture by post-war elites. This essay offers a revisionist reply to the "linear decline" model posited by Siegfried and developed subsequently by writers such as Daniel Boorstin and Paul Fussell.4 Recent histories of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century tourism and travel writing have challenged this narrative of travel becoming su- perseded by tourism. They have demonstrated that both notions existed simul- taneously, serving to represent travelers as socially and culturally superior to "mere tourists" by claiming that travelers' originality and authenticity was based on a knowledge of places "off the beaten track."5 I believe that older views of mass tourism also missed a central dynamic in the history of mass tourism and vacations in particular and of mass consumption in general. Mass tourism's suc- cess and appeal from the middle of the twentieth century was due to its ability both to be popularly accessible and to express social distinction and cultural dif- ference. This paradox of seeming both obtainable and exclusive was a central engine in the making of the mass consumer culture and society of which vaca- tions were a part. The growth of mass tourism and vacations was also intimate- ly bound up with a particularly French, but also European, understanding of the 3 As Jonathan Culler observed: "Tourists are continually subject to sneers and have no anti- defamation league. Animal imagery seems their inevitable lot: they are said to move in herds, droves, flocks and swarms; they are as docile as sheep." In "Semiotics of Tourism," American Jour- nal of Semiotics, 1:1-2 (1981), 138. In David Lodge's novel, Paradise News (New York, 1991), depictions of tacky, herd-like tourists abound. 4 Boorstin wrote that tourism was "diluted, contrived, prefabricated," a "pseudo-event" instead of "sophisticated pleasures" enjoyed by "well-prepared" men. Fussell asserted that the "final age of travel" was the inter-war period, after which there was only tourism. He celebrates "what it felt like to be young and clever, and literate" before the deluge of mass tourism, and adds that "the re- semblance between the tourist and the client of a massage parlor is closer than it would be polite to emphasize." Daniel J. Boorstin, The Image: A Guide to Pseudo-Events in America (New York, 1987) and Paul Fussell, Abroad: British Literary Traveling Between the Wars (New York, 1980). 5 The best examples of this kind of analysis are James Buzard, The Beaten Track: European Tourism, Literature, and the Ways to Culture, 1800-1918 (New York, 1993) and Jean-Didier Ur- bain, L'Idiot du Voyage: Histories de Touristes (Paris, 1991). The classic text on tourism, recently re-issued, is Dean MacCannell's The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class (1976). A recent article by ethnographer Orvar L6fgren, "Learning to Be a Tourist," Ethnologia Scandinavia, 24 (1994), 102-25 argues that the history of tourism is a "history of emancipation." This content downloaded from 128.59.130.47 on Thu, 20 Oct 2016 01:21:12 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms TOURISM AND CONSUMER CULTURE 249 relationship between leisure, vacations, and politics. From the 1930s and ac- celerating in the post-war period, paid vacations came to be understood as a right of citizenship bound up within a European standard of living, part of a new so- cial contract. Unlike in the United States, for example, where modem vacations developed as a "privilege" accorded salaried and waged workers as part of their employment "package," access to vacation time in France and in most European states has been politically secured. The vast majority of Europeans are guaran- teed as much as five weeks of paid vacation by virtue of their status as citizens, rather than as a result of employee "benefits."6 This essay describes and analyzes the making of mass vacations in France from the 1930s, a moment captured in images of French workers waving from trains as they set out for their first paid vacations, through the early 1970s, when tourism and vacations were firmly ensconced as significant elements of con- sumer expenditure, a leading sector within commercialized leisure and a staple element of mass culture.7 I argue that vacations in France became at once ob- jects of mass consumption, subjects of mass culture, and politically secured so- cial entitlements, a constellation of meanings that were historically specific and which often differed from those developed elsewhere. I am particularly con- cerned with the changing meanings of the vacation in France-how vacations came to be defined in certain ways, which definitions counted, and how such definitions were instituted and reproduced. I contend that the history of mass vacations must be understood not as the logical result of seemingly natural in- creases in leisure time due to advanced industrialization but rather as being "made" from a complex skein of political choices and concerns, social "prob- lems" defined and debated, economic transformations, and culturally perceived anxieties and pleasures.