Indonesia: Elections 2014 by Igor Dirgantara
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Indonesia Beyond Reformasi: Necessity and the “De-Centering” of Democracy
INDONESIA BEYOND REFORMASI: NECESSITY AND THE “DE-CENTERING” OF DEMOCRACY Leonard C. Sebastian, Jonathan Chen and Adhi Priamarizki* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: TRANSITIONAL POLITICS IN INDONESIA ......................................... 2 R II. NECESSITY MAKES STRANGE BEDFELLOWS: THE GLOBAL AND DOMESTIC CONTEXT FOR DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA .................... 7 R III. NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ................... 12 R A. What Necessity Inevitably Entailed: Changes to Defining Features of the New Order ............. 12 R 1. Military Reform: From Dual Function (Dwifungsi) to NKRI ......................... 13 R 2. Taming Golkar: From Hegemony to Political Party .......................................... 21 R 3. Decentralizing the Executive and Devolution to the Regions................................. 26 R 4. Necessary Changes and Beyond: A Reflection .31 R IV. NON NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ............. 32 R A. After Necessity: A Political Tug of War........... 32 R 1. The Evolution of Legislative Elections ........ 33 R 2. The Introduction of Direct Presidential Elections ...................................... 44 R a. The 2004 Direct Presidential Elections . 47 R b. The 2009 Direct Presidential Elections . 48 R 3. The Emergence of Direct Local Elections ..... 50 R V. 2014: A WATERSHED ............................... 55 R * Leonard C. Sebastian is Associate Professor and Coordinator, Indonesia Pro- gramme at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of In- ternational Studies, Nanyang Technological University, -
SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO and HIS GENERALS by Leonard C
SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO AND HIS GENERALS by Leonard C. Sebastian EXECUTIVE SUMMARY a civilian government where the to provide the military with an special position of the armed forces adequate budget. Third, if a The Indonesian National Military allowed it autonomy to reserve civilian government is unable to (TNI, Tentera Nasional Indonesia) power enabling the TNI to play a maintain national stability and unity. may no longer be the most dominant leading role in politics or mediate Particularly in the third scenario, player in Indonesian politics but between political contenders. The the likelihood that the TNI will has pragmatically incorporated a TNI’s preeminent position was a temporarily re-enter the political strategy that enables it to play a reflection of its special entitlement arena in partnership with other like- significant “behind the scenes” role. owing to its role in the war of minded social and political forces The situation in Indonesia today independence (1945-48) where its to stabilize national politics cannot has closer parallels with the state defence of the Republic ensured be discounted. The mindset of of civil military relations in Germany that the returning Dutch colonialists the officer corps has not changed between the two World Wars or would not be able to subdue the drastically despite the abolition France in 1958.1 In analysing the TNI independence movement by military of its Dual Function role in 2000. relationship with the Yudhoyono means. There remains a deep contempt for presidency, this paper argues that civilian rule and a belief that only the Dr Yudhoyono enjoys the loyalty and The situation in Indonesia since TNI is capable of rising above the trust of the TNI elite. -
Downloaded from Brill.Com09/26/2021 05:50:49AM Via Free Access 96 Marcus Mietzner
Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Vol. 165, no. 1 (2009), pp. 95–126 URL: http://www.kitlv-journals.nl/index.php/btlv URN:NBN:NL:UI:10-1-100094 Copyright: content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License ISSN: 0006-2294 MARCUS MIETZNER Political opinion polling in post-authoritarian Indonesia Catalyst or obstacle to democratic consolidation? The introduction of democratic elections in Indonesia after the downfall of Soeharto’s authoritarian New Order regime in 1998 has triggered intensive scholarly debate about the competitiveness, credibility, and representative- ness of these elections. Understandably, discussion has focused mainly on the primary actors in the elections – parties, individual candidates, and voters. In particular, authors have analysed the linkage between leadership, polit- ico-religious cleavages, and voting patterns (Liddle and Mujani 2007), or the extent to which voters are influenced by financial incentives when casting their ballots (Hadiz 2008b). But this concentration on voting behaviour and electoral outcomes has shifted attention away from another development that is at least as significant in shaping Indonesia’s new democracy: the remark- able proliferation of opinion pollsters and political consultants. Ten years after the resignation of long-time autocrat Soeharto, a whole army of advis- ers informs the political elite about the electorate’s expectations, hopes, and demands. Indeed, public opinion polling has acquired such importance that no candidate running for public office can afford to ignore it, and voters have consistently punished those who thought they could. The central role of opinion polls in post-Soeharto politics – and the diver- sity of views expressed in them – have challenged much of the conventional wisdom about the Indonesian electorate. -
Suharto's Iron Fist Brought 32 Years of Centralized Stability to Indonesia
indonesia Suharto’s iron fist brought 32 years of centralized stability to Indonesia Ten years after his departure, Indonesia’s fractious provinces acquire new powers BY RiDwan MAX SIJabat hile Indonesians pursue m o s t a m b i t i o u s their headlong plunge decentralization programs. into decentralization From 1999 onward, the pro- and devolution of pow- gram has continued through Federations W ers to the provinces, the nation paused the administrations of four recently to ponder the legacy of Suharto, successive presidents, trans- their former iron-fisted leader, whose 32- ferring powers, money and year tenure brought them peace and even civil servants from the some economic development but denied capital to the provinces. 2008 them the ability to contest his rule. Many Indonesians feared H C Suharto’s death on Jan. 27 came that such moves would lead to R almost 10 years after he relinquished the break-away of many prov- power. Despite more than 30 years of sta- inces. But except for East | MA bility, his critics, including human rights Timor, which voted to secede RY A groups and the international media, held from Indonesia in 1999 and RU him responsible for political repression, became a UN-recognized FEB unresolved human rights abuses and country in 2002, that has not corruption that benefited his family and happened. his cronies. Instead, what Indonesians Suharto was no supporter of federal- call “special autonomy” – ism for Indonesia, a view his detractors something like the powers of a claim was a cover for his corrupt profi- Canadian province – has been teering from the natural resources of the granted to the provinces of provinces and for a kleptocracy that Papua and Aceh, and the one- would inevitably be curtailed with the time rebels from those regions ceding of powers to the provinces over have laid down their arms and the resource wealth. -
23 Populasi MIGRATION, ETHNICITY and LOCAL
Populasi Volume 24 Nomor 2 2016 Halaman 23-36 MIGRATION, ETHNICITY AND LOCAL POLITICS: THE CASE OF JAKARTA, INDONESIA Aulia Hadi and Riwanto Tirtosudarmo Research Center for Society and Culture, Indonesian Institute of Sciences Correspondence: Aulia Hadi (email: [email protected]) Abstract As the capital city of a country with the world’s fourth largest population, Jakarta, like many other big cities in the developing economies, for example, Mexico City or New Delhi, hosts migrants from all regions of the country. Without a doubt, Jakarta has increasingly become the major core of the agglomeration processes transforming it and its satellite cities into a Mega Urban Region (MUR). This paper traces historically the interactions between migration, ethnicities and local politics in Jakarta from the 1960s to the 2000s focusing on the latest development, in which the phenomenon ‘Ahok’, the nickname of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, a Chinese-Christian from the small district of Belitung, has become an increasingly popular Governor of Jakarta. The paper argues that through the recent developments in Jakarta the politics have apparently been transformed into more civic, rather than ethnic politics. The nature of Jakarta as a proliferating migrant city transcends narrow cultural identities as well as conventional party politics into a more active citizenry through the widespread use of social media. Keywords: migration, ethnicity, local politics, new media Introduction had already started in the 17th century. Because of the low number of inhabitants, the Government of the Dutch East Indies The interconnection between migration, encouraged people to move to Batavia1 to ethnicity and politics has been thoroughly meet its labour needs. -
National Attributes Analysis of Indonesia Thousand Friend Zero Enemies Policy
National Attributes Analysis of Indonesia Thousand Friend Zero Enemies Policy Arsinta Rahadianty K. and Annisa Pratamasari Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Airlangga Keywords: Indonesia, million friends zero enemy, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, middle power, democracy Abstract: The foreign policy of a country is certainly influenced by many factors, internal and external, including Indonesia. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is the first president elected through direct elections. Indonesia was experiencing rapid development of democracy in the era of president of the leadership of SBY. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in the second period of his tenure to make a different move with the advent of the motto on Indonesia's foreign policy, namely million friends zero enemy. Policies million friends zero enemy then bring Indonesia to a different level in international politics. Indonesia sought to build conception to play a larger regional role, while strengthening bilateral relations with each country. Indonesia's foreign policy making is certainly influenced by elements of the domestic as well as the role of national attributes such as size, the element of geopolitical, demographic, political systems, as well as military and economic capabilities. National attributes become one of the elements that influenced the foreign policy making. This paper then discusses the underlying reasons for the selection of foreign policy million friends zero enemy through the Level of Analysis of national attributes. 1 INTRODUCTION then cannot be separated from the motto "million friends zero enemy" expressed during his The process of making a country's foreign policy inauguration speech in the second period of 2009. -
Political Party Debate on the Presidential Threshold System In
Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 418 2nd Annual Civic Education Conference (ACEC 2019) Political Party Debate on the Presidential Threshold System in the Multi-Party Context in Indonesia Putra Kaslin Hutabarat Idrus Affandi Student of Civic Education Department, Professor of Civic Education Department, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, Bandung, Indonesia Bandung, Indonesia Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Abstract- This paper will have political implications in actually related to the party's rational choice in maximizing terms of the implementation of the presidential election system resources to prepare forces ahead of elections [4]. In that is relevant to the style of political parties in Indonesia. practice a democratic consolidation emphasizes the Reviewing the chosen solution for implementing the existence of strong legitimacy targets and solid coalitions so presidential threshold system in the upcoming presidential that all elements including political parties have strong election. This paper was made using descriptive qualitative and using a comparative design. Data collection using interviews, commitments. In other words, democratic consolidation collection and study. The subject of this study was a cadre of requires more than lip service that democracy is in principle the PDI-struggle Party DPP namely Mr. Ir. Edward Tanari, the best governance system, but democracy is also a M.Sc and Head of the Gerindra Party DPP Secretariat namely commitment normative is permitted and reflected Mr. Brigadier General (Purn) Anwar Ende, S.IP. besides this (habituation) in political behavior, both in elite circles, research also took the opinion of political communication organizations, and society as a whole [5]. -
The Framing of Ahok's Leadership Style in the Jakarta Post
The Framing of Ahok’s Leadership Style in The Jakarta Post and The Jakarta Globe Articles Aulia Anggari 2225115510 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fullfilment of the Requirement for the Degree of “Sarjana Sastra” English Department Faculty of Language and Art State University of Jakarta 2016 LEMBAR PERNYATAAN Yang bertandatangan dibawah ini, Nama : Aulia Anggari No Registrasi : 2225115510 Program Studi : Sastra Inggris Jurusan : Bahasa dan Sastra Inggris Fakultas : Bahasa dan Seni Judul Skripsi : THE FRAMING OF AHOK’S LEADERSHIP STYLE IN THE JAKARTA POST AND THE JAKARTA GLOBE ARTICLES Menyatakan bahwa benar skripsi ini adalah hasil karya saya sendiri. Apabila saya mengutip dari karya orang lain, maka saya mencantumkan sumbernya sesuai ketentuan yang berlaku. Saya bersedia menerima sanksi dari Fakultas Bahasa dan Seni Universitas Negeri Jakarta, apabila terbukti bahwa saya melakukan tindakan plagiat. Demikian saya buat pernyataan ini dengan sebenarnya. Jakarta, 29 Januari 2016 Aulia Anggari 2225115510 LEMBAR PERNYATAAN PERSETUJUAN PUBLIKASI KARYA ILMIAH UNTUK KEPENTINGAN AKADEMIS Sebagai civitas akademik Universitas Negeri Jakarta saya yang bertandatangan dibawah ini: Nama : Aulia Anggari No Registrasi : 2225115510 Fakultas : Bahasa dan Seni Judul Karya : Skripsi Judul : THE FRAMING OF AHOK’S LEADERSHIP STYLE IN THE JAKARTA POST AND THE JAKARTA GLOBE ARTICLES Demi pengembangan ilmu pengetahuan, saya menyetujui untuk memberikan kepada Universitas Negeri Jakarta Bebas Royalti Non-Eksklusif (Non-exclusive free Right) atas karya ilmiah saya. Dengan Hak Bebas Royalti ini, Universitas Negeri Jakarta berhak untuk menyimpan, mengalih data/ formatkan, mengelolanya dalam bentuk pangkalan data (database), mendistribusikannya di internet atau media lainnya untuk kepentingan akademis tanpa perlu meminta izin dari saya selama tetap mencantumkan nama saya sebagai penulis/pencipta dan sebagai pemilik Hak Cipta. -
Redalyc.Democratization and TNI Reform
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Marbun, Rico Democratization and TNI reform UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 15, octubre, 2007, pp. 37-61 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76701504 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 15 (Octubre / October 2007) ISSN 1696-2206 DEMOCRATIZATIO A D T I REFORM Rico Marbun 1 Centre for Policy and Strategic Studies (CPSS), Indonesia Abstract: This article is written to answer four questions: what kind of civil-military relations is needed for democratization; how does military reform in Indonesia affect civil-military relations; does it have a positive impact toward democratization; and finally is the democratization process in Indonesia on the right track. Keywords: Civil-military relations; Indonesia. Resumen: Este artículo pretende responder a cuatro preguntas: qué tipo de relaciones cívico-militares son necesarias para la democratización; cómo afecta la reforma militar en Indonesia a las relaciones cívico-militares; si tiene un impacto positivo en la democratización; y finalmente, si el proceso de democratización en Indonesia va por buen camino. Palabras clave: relaciones cívico-militares; Indonesia. Copyright © UNISCI, 2007. The views expressed in these articles are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of UNISCI. Las opiniones expresadas en estos artículos son propias de sus autores, y no reflejan necesariamente la opinión de U*ISCI. -
Parliamentary Team Visits M'sia Over Workers Issue
04 FEB 2002 Indon-Team PARLIAMENTARY TEAM VISITS M'SIA OVER WORKERS ISSUE JAKARTA, Feb 4 (Bernama) -- A five-member team of Indonesian parliamentarians flew to Kuala Lumpur this afternoon to appeal to the Malaysian government to relax its decision to reduce the number of Indonesian workers in the country. The team, led by a Deputy Speaker of the People's Representatives Assembly, Muhaimin Iskandar, comprises Sabam Sirait who is also head of the Inter-Parliamentary Committee, Bachrum Rasir, Happy Bone Zulkarnain and Posma Lumban Tobing. Muhaimin, who is responsible for parliamentary affairs on the people's welfare, told reporters before leaving for the Malaysian capital that during the two-day visit the team would hold discussion with Malaysian Foreign Minister Datuk Syed Hamid Albar. He was confident that with the close working relationship between the parliaments of the two neighbouring countries, an amicable solution to the problem could be reached. Indonesia had been worried by Malaysia's drastic action in deporting thousands of its workers as this could put pressure on unemployment at home where almost 40 million people are already without jobs. The move was prompted by a series of criminal incidents involving Indonesian workers, the latest being the violent riot at a textile factory hostel in Nilai, Negeri Sembilan, and the fight among themselves in Cyberjaya. Indonesia has not only apologised for the rampage but also appealed to Malaysia to continue giving Indonesia priority in its recruitment of foreign workers. Displaying concern over the issue, President Megawati Sukarnoputri last Friday sent Justice and Human Rights Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra as her emissary to discuss matters affecting Indonesdian workers. -
Rizal Ramli Interviewer
An initiative of the National Academy of Public Administration, and the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and the Bobst Center for Peace and Justice, Princeton University Oral History Program Series: Governance Traps Interview no.: C7 Interviewee: Rizal Ramli Interviewer: Matthew Devlin Date of Interview: 15 July 2009 Location: Jakarta Indonesia Innovations for Successful Societies, Bobst Center for Peace and Justice Princeton University, 83 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, New Jersey, 08544, USA www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Use of this transcript is governed by ISS Terms of Use, available at www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Innovations for Successful Societies Series: Governance Traps Oral History Program Interview number: C-7 ______________________________________________________________________ DEVLIN: Today is July 15th, 2009, I’m here in Jakarta, Indonesia with Dr. Rizal Ramli. Dr. Ramli headed the nation’s State Logistics Agency and most notably was Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs under the administration of then President Abdurrahman Wahid and also Minister of Finance among other positions in politics here in Indonesia. Dr. Ramli, thank you for joining me. If I could, could we possibly begin by you giving us a sense of the environment here in Indonesia at this transitional point between the longstanding new order and the post Suharto era? RAMLI: The Suharto regime had been in power for such a long time, more than 32 years before it fell. The longer he stayed, the more authoritarian the nature of his regime. But the core of his political support was essentially the armed forces, the bureaucracy, and of course the ruling party which is Golkar. So it is interesting to note for Suharto to go there should be an underlying shift in the perception of the key player in Indonesian politics, especially the army towards Suharto. -
The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race?
Asia Pacific Bulletin EastWestCenter.org/APB Number 266 | June 5, 2014 The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race? BY ALPHONSE F. LA PORTA The startling about-face of Indonesia’s second largest political party, Golkar, which is also the legacy political movement of deposed President Suharto, to bolt from a coalition with the front-runner Joko Widodo, or “Jokowi,” to team up with the controversial retired general Prabowo Subianto, raises the possibility that the forthcoming July 9 presidential election will be more than a public crowning of the populist Jokowi. Alphonse F. La Porta, former Golkar, Indonesia’s second largest vote-getter in the April 9 parliamentary election, made President of the US-Indonesia its decision on May 19 based on the calculus by party leaders that Golkar’s role in Society, explains that “With government would better be served by joining with a strong figure like Prabowo rather more forthcoming support from than Widodo, who is a neophyte to leadership on the national level. Thus a large coalition of parties fronted by the authoritarian-minded Prabowo will now be pitted against the the top level of the PDI-P, it is smaller coalition of the nationalist Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which had just possible that Jokowi could selected former vice president Jusuf Kalla, nominally of Golkar, as Jokowi’s running mate. achieve the 44 percent plurality If this turn of events sounds complicated, it is—even for Indonesian politics. But first a look some forecast in the presidential at some of the basics: election, but against Prabowo’s rising 28 percent, the election is Indonesia’s fourth general election since Suharto’s downfall in 1998 has marked another increasingly becoming a real— milestone in Indonesia’s democratization journey.