The Clash of Islam with the West?
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Telling the Truth About Class
TELLING THE TRUTH ABOUT CLASS G. M. TAMÁS ne of the central questions of social theory has been the relationship Obetween class and knowledge, and this has also been a crucial question in the history of socialism. Differences between people – acting and knowing subjects – may influence our view of the chances of valid cognition. If there are irreconcilable discrepancies between people’s positions, going perhaps as far as incommensurability, then unified and rational knowledge resulting from a reasoned dialogue among persons is patently impossible. The Humean notion of ‘passions’, the Nietzschean notions of ‘resentment’ and ‘genealogy’, allude to the possible influence of such an incommensurability upon our ability to discover truth. Class may be regarded as a problem either in epistemology or in the philosophy of history, but I think that this separation is unwarranted, since if we separate epistemology and the philosophy of history (which is parallel to other such separations characteristic of bourgeois society itself) we cannot possibly avoid the rigidly-posed conundrum known as relativism. In speak- ing about class (and truth, and class and truth) we are the heirs of two socialist intellectual traditions, profoundly at variance with one another, although often intertwined politically and emotionally. I hope to show that, up to a point, such fusion and confusion is inevitable. All versions of socialist endeavour can and should be classified into two principal kinds, one inaugurated by Rousseau, the other by Marx. The two have opposite visions of the social subject in need of liberation, and these visions have determined everything from rarefied epistemological posi- tions concerning language and consciousness to social and political attitudes concerning wealth, culture, equality, sexuality and much else. -
Guide to the Asian Collections at the International Institute of Social History
Guide to the Asian Collections at the International Institute of Social History Emile Schwidder & Eef Vermeij (eds) Guide to the Asian Collections at the International Institute of Social History Emile Schwidder Eef Vermeij (eds) Guide to the Asian Collections at the International Institute of Social History Stichting beheer IISG Amsterdam 2012 2012 Stichting beheer IISG, Amsterdam. Creative Commons License: The texts in this guide are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 3.0 license. This means, everyone is free to use, share, or remix the pages so licensed, under certain conditions. The conditions are: you must attribute the International Institute of Social History for the used material and mention the source url. You may not use it for commercial purposes. Exceptions: All audiovisual material. Use is subjected to copyright law. Typesetting: Eef Vermeij All photos & illustrations from the Collections of IISH. Photos on front/backcover, page 6, 20, 94, 120, 92, 139, 185 by Eef Vermeij. Coverphoto: Informal labour in the streets of Bangkok (2011). Contents Introduction 7 Survey of the Asian archives and collections at the IISH 1. Persons 19 2. Organizations 93 3. Documentation Collections 171 4. Image and Sound Section 177 Index 203 Office of the Socialist Party (Lahore, Pakistan) GUIDE TO THE ASIAN COLLECTIONS AT THE IISH / 7 Introduction Which Asian collections are at the International Institute of Social History (IISH) in Amsterdam? This guide offers a preliminary answer to that question. It presents a rough survey of all collections with a substantial Asian interest and aims to direct researchers toward historical material on Asia, both in ostensibly Asian collections and in many others. -
Labour and Democracy? Reflections on the Indonesian Impasse1 Olle
Journal of Contemporary Asia Vol.34, No.3 (August'04) or No.4 (Nov.'04). Labour and Democracy? Reflections on the Indonesian Impasse1 Olle Törnquist Department of Political Science University of Oslo PO Box 1097 Blindern; NO 0317 Oslo Norway [email protected] Conventional theories about the emergence of democracy have not proven particularly helpful in the case of Indonesia. For example, it was a capitalist crisis – and not a process of socio-economic modernisation – that gave birth to the world’s third- largest democracy in May 1998. Nor was it the growing bourgeoisie and middle classes that offered resistance against state and private authoritarianism and fought for human rights and democracy, but rather marginal intellectual groups among students, scholars, lawyers, social and cultural workers, and journalists. Moreover, it was not until the fall of Suharto that the West really began to support some aspects of democratisation. Only a few years later, however, many of the attempts to craft democracy (originating from southern Europe and Latin America) had largely failed. The idea had been to compensate for the structural constraints on democracy: first, through foreign support to skilful institution-building; second, by promoting elite acceptance of constitutional democracy (in return for protection of its private economic and social powers); and third, through agreements between reformist incumbents and moderate dissidents that would marginalise radicals and prevent popular revolts. But such support to supposedly “ideal” institutions remained subject to the operations of existing power relations. For instance, it is impossible to trade privileged private property rights to capitalists in exchange for political democracy and the rule of law as long as business is in critical need of partisan intervention by politicians, bureaucrats, judges and officers who, moreover, are also engaged in the primitive accumulation of capital. -
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland a Cultural History of the Socialist Discourse, 1970-1991
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland A cultural history of the socialist discourse, 1970-1991 by Jan Kubik Assistant Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University American Society of Learned Societies Fellow, 1990-91 Program on Central and Eastem Europe Working Paper Series #20 January 1992 2 The relative weakness of social democracy in postcommunist Eastern Europe and the poor showing of social democratic parties in the 1990-91 Polish and Hungarian elections are intriguing phenom ena. In countries where economic reforms have resulted in increasing poverty, job loss, and nagging insecurity, it could be expected that social democrats would have a considerable follOwing. Also, the presence of relatively large working class populations and a tradition of left-inclined intellec tual opposition movements would suggest that the social democratic option should be popular. Yet, in the March-April 1990 Hungarian parliamentary elections, "the political forces ready to use the 'socialist' or the 'social democratic' label in the elections received less than 16 percent of the popular vote, although the class-analytic approach predicted that at least 20-30 percent of the working population ... could have voted for them" (Szelenyi and Szelenyi 1992:120). Simi larly, in the October 1991 Polish parliamentary elections, the Democratic Left Alliance (an elec toral coalition of reformed communists) received almost 12% of the vote. Social democratic parties (explicitly using this label) that emerged from Solidarity won less than 3% of the popular vote. The Szelenyis concluded in their study of social democracy in postcommunist Hungary that, "the major opposition parties all posited themselves on the political Right (in the Western sense of the term), but public opinion was overwhelmingly in favor of social democratic measures" (1992:125). -
French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J
Santa Clara University Scholar Commons History College of Arts & Sciences 9-2013 Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/history Part of the European History Commons, and the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons Recommended Citation Andrews, Naomi J. (2013). Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation. The ourJ nal of Modern History, Vol. 85, No. 3 (September 2013) , pp. 489-527. Published by: The nivU ersity of Chicago Press. Article DOI: 10.1086/668500. Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/668500 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation* Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University What we especially call slavery is only the culminating and pivotal point where all of the suffering of society comes together. (Charles Dain, 1836) The principle of abolition is incontestable, but its application is difficult. (Louis Blanc, 1840) In 1846, the romantic socialist Désiré Laverdant observed that although Great Britain had rightly broken the ties binding masters and slaves, “in delivering the slave from the yoke, it has thrown him, poor brute, into isolation and abandonment. Liberal Europe thinks it has finished its work because it has divided everyone.”1 Freeing the slaves, he thus suggested, was only the beginning of emancipation. -
Indonesia's Transformation and the Stability of Southeast Asia
INDONESIA’S TRANSFORMATION and the Stability of Southeast Asia Angel Rabasa • Peter Chalk Prepared for the United States Air Force Approved for public release; distribution unlimited ProjectR AIR FORCE The research reported here was sponsored by the United States Air Force under Contract F49642-01-C-0003. Further information may be obtained from the Strategic Planning Division, Directorate of Plans, Hq USAF. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Rabasa, Angel. Indonesia’s transformation and the stability of Southeast Asia / Angel Rabasa, Peter Chalk. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. “MR-1344.” ISBN 0-8330-3006-X 1. National security—Indonesia. 2. Indonesia—Strategic aspects. 3. Indonesia— Politics and government—1998– 4. Asia, Southeastern—Strategic aspects. 5. National security—Asia, Southeastern. I. Chalk, Peter. II. Title. UA853.I5 R33 2001 959.804—dc21 2001031904 Cover Photograph: Moslem Indonesians shout “Allahu Akbar” (God is Great) as they demonstrate in front of the National Commission of Human Rights in Jakarta, 10 January 2000. Courtesy of AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE (AFP) PHOTO/Dimas. RAND is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND® is a registered trademark. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of its research sponsors. Cover design by Maritta Tapanainen © Copyright 2001 RAND All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, -
Le Socialisme Sa Définition
Émile Durkheim Le socialisme Sa définition. Ses débuts. La doctrine saint-simonienne source : http://www.uqac.uquebec.ca/zone30/ Classiques_des_sciences_sociales/index.html Cette édition électronique a été réalisée par Jean-Marie Tremblay, professeur de sociologie au Cégep deChicoutimi à partir de l'édition de 1928. Table des matières INTRODUCTION, par Marcel MAUSS LIVRE PREMIER : DÉFINITION ET ORIGINES DU SOCIALISME CHAPITRE I. Définition du socialisme Leçon 1 Leçon 2 CHAPITRE II. Socialisme et communisme Leçon 2 (fin) Leçon 3 CHAPITRE III. Le socialisme au XVIIIe Siècle Leçon 3 (fin) Leçon 4 CHAPITRE IV. Sismondi Leçon 5 LIVRE DEUXIÈME : SAINT-SIMON, SA DOCTRINE : L'ÉCOLE SAINT-SIMONIENNE CHAPITRE V. Saint-Simon. Vie et oeuvres Leçon 5 (fin) Leçon 6 CHAPITRE VI. La doctrine de Saint-Simon. Fondation du positivisme Leçon 6 (fin) Leçon 7 CHAPITRE VII. La doctrine de Saint-Simon (suite). - Origines historiques du système industriel Leçon 7 (fin) Leçon 8 CHAPITRE VIII. La doctrine de Saint-Simon (suite). - Organisation du système industriel Leçon 8 (fin) Leçon 9 Leçon 10 CHAPITRE IX. La doctrine de Saint-Simon (fin). - L'internationalisme et la religion Leçon 11 Leçon 12 CHAPITRE X. Saint-Simon (fin). - Conclusions critiques Leçon 12 (fin) CHAPITRE XI. L'École saint-simonienne. - Conclusions critiques du cours Leçon 13 Leçon 14 CONCLUSIONS DU COURS 2 INTRODUCTION Ce livre est le début d'une oeuvre qui n'a jamais été terminée. C'est la première partie d'une Histoire du socialisme, rédigée sous la forme de leçons. Le cours a été professé à Bordeaux, à la Faculté des Lettres, de novembre 1895 à mai 1896. -
Le Mouvement Socialiste, L'écriture D'un Mouvement En 1899
Le Mouvement socialiste, l’écriture d’un mouvement en 1899 Vincent Chambarlhac To cite this version: Vincent Chambarlhac. Le Mouvement socialiste, l’écriture d’un mouvement en 1899. EUD. Rouge et rose, deux siècles de socialisme européen, 2007. hal-01626612 HAL Id: hal-01626612 https://hal-univ-bourgogne.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01626612 Submitted on 31 Oct 2017 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Le Mouvement socialiste, l’écriture d’un mouvement en 1899. Article paru dans Jean Vigreux (dir), Rouge et rose, deux siècles de socialisme européen, Dijon, EUD, 2007. Milieu partisan, le monde des revues contribue à la construction du socialisme français de la Belle époque sur son flanc intellectuel1. Ce travail sur le Mouvement socialiste porte sur l’écriture du mouvement, comprise dans les débats contemporains et les tensions liées à la dialectique unité/ scission qui colorent le socialisme français avant 1905. Une écriture rendue nécessairement fragmentée, kaléidoscopique et inachevée par la pluralité concurrentielle des revues, mais une écriture qui informe le socialisme français. Saisie dans cette perspective, la revue se conçoit dans l’ambiguïté d’un positionnement simultanément interne et externe au mouvement socialiste. -
From Grassroots to the Airwaves Paying for Political Parties And
FROM GRASSROOTS TO THE AIRWAVES: Paying for Political Parties and Campaigns in the Caribbean OAS Inter-American Forum on Political Parties Editors Steven Griner Daniel Zovatto Published by Organization of American States (OAS) International IDEA Washington, D.C. 2005 © Organization of American States (OAS) © International IDEA First Edition, August, 2005 1,000 copies Washinton, D.C. The opinions expressed in this document are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the Organization of American States or the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. Editors: Steven Griner Daniel Zovatto ISBN 0-8270-7856-4 Layout by: Compudiseño - Guatemala, C.A. Printed by: Impresos Nítidos - Guatemala, C.A. September, 2005. Acknowledgements This publication is the result of a joint effort by the Office for the Promotion of Democracy of the Organization of American States, and by International IDEA under the framework of the Inter-American Forum on Political Parties. The Inter-American Forum on Political Parties was established in 2001 to fulfill the mandates of the Inter-American Democratic Charter and the Summit of the Americas related to the strengthening and modernization of political parties. In both instruments, the Heads of State and Government noted with concern the high cost of elections and called for work to be done in this field. This study attempts to address this concern. The overall objective of this study was to provide a comparative analysis of the 34 member states of the OAS, assessing not only the normative framework of political party and campaign financing, but also how legislation is actually put into practice. -
Translating Membership Into Power at the Ballot Box? Trade Union
This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis as: Teri L. Caraway, Michele Ford & Hari Nugroho (2015) Translating membership into power at the ballot box? Trade union candidates and worker voting patterns in Indonesia's national elections, Democratization, 22:7, 1296-1316, DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2014.930130 Translating Membership into Power at the Ballot Box? Trade Union Candidates and Worker Voting Patterns in Indonesia’s National Elections Teri L. Caraway, Michele Ford and Hari Nugroho Abstract This article analyses the effectiveness of trade unions’ electoral engagement in the union-dense electoral localities of Bekasi and Tangerang in Indonesia’s 2009 legislative elections. Our analysis reveals that legacies of authoritarianism, electoral rules, and union fragmentation pushed unions to pursue an ineffective electoral strategy of running union cadres on various party tickets. In Bekasi, local leaders within the Federation of Indonesian Metalworkers Unions (FSPMI) chose not to mobilize resources to support union candidates because the union’s national leadership had failed to convince them of the soundness of its strategy. In Tangerang, local leaders embraced the National Workers Union’s (SPN) national electoral strategy, but had inadequate membership data to conduct electoral mapping and did not provide candidates with financial and leadership support. Neither union, meanwhile, gave much consideration to the problem of translating membership to votes: survey data reveal that most members could not name union candidates, and many of those who could did not vote for them. The article argues that, despite its flaws, trade unions’ strategy of engagement in the electoral arena constitutes an important step forward in the consolidation of Indonesia’s democracy. -
Revue Française De Civilisation Britannique, XIII-1 | 2004 De L’Utopie À La Praxis : William Morris Et Le Guild Socialism 2
Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique French Journal of British Studies XIII-1 | 2004 William Morris De l’utopie à la praxis : William Morris et le Guild Socialism From Utopia to Praxis: William Morris and Guild Socialism Valérie Auda-André Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/3286 DOI : 10.4000/rfcb.3286 ISSN : 2429-4373 Éditeur CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d'études en civilisation britannique Édition imprimée Date de publication : 1 septembre 2004 ISBN : 2–911580–19–2 ISSN : 0248-9015 Référence électronique Valérie Auda-André, « De l’utopie à la praxis : William Morris et le Guild Socialism », Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique [En ligne], XIII-1 | 2004, mis en ligne le 01 septembre 2004, consulté le 07 octobre 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/3286 ; DOI : 10.4000/rfcb.3286 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 7 octobre 2019. Revue française de civilisation britannique est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. De l’utopie à la praxis : William Morris et le Guild Socialism 1 De l’utopie à la praxis : William Morris et le Guild Socialism From Utopia to Praxis: William Morris and Guild Socialism Valérie Auda-André 1 Comment évaluer la contribution des Nouvelles de Nulle Part de William Morris à l’émergence d’une pensée socialiste en Grande-Bretagne ? À l’évidence, la question est complexe. Traditionnellement, l’évaluation de la portée de la pensée morrissienne est indissociable de la question de sa conformité avec le dogme marxiste. -
Thomas B. Pepinsky. Economic Crises and the Breakdown of Authoritarian Regimes: Indonesia and Malaysia in Comparative Perspective
Thomas B. Pepinsky. Economic Crises and the Breakdown of Authoritarian Regimes: Indonesia and Malaysia in Comparative Perspective. Cambridge and New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2009. 326 pp. Jemma Purdey Thomas B. Pepinsky's exciting political economy analysis compares Indonesia's and Malaysia's authoritarian regimes at the point of economic crisis in 1997-98. Why, he asks, did one collapse but not the other? The analysis combines theoretical rigor with engaged fieldwork, bringing an important new contribution to the studies of these countries and for that of the political economy of authoritarian regimes. He poses a complex argument based on the premise that the success or failure of an authoritarian regime faced with financial crisis depends on how the needs of mobile and fixed capital coalition agents supporting the regime are accommodated, or not, in the formation of adjustment policy. As Christian Chua similarly argues in his book Chinese Big Business in Indonesia: The State of Capital} the role of capital in this political constellation is critical. Pepinsky uses his extensive skills in qualitative, as well as empirical, statistical analysis to show that, in cases where mobile and fixed capital make up this coalition (as in Indonesia, Argentina, Uruguay), it will lead to conflict in a crisis: "Mobile capital is a dangerous coalition partner for authoritarian regimes because it can easily redeploy overseas" (p. 272). This type of coalition, moreover, makes for seemingly illogical and erratic policy, destined to fail. Alternatively, when agents of fixed capital are involved and work together with ruling elites (Malaysia, Chile, Mexico), political and economic stability can be achieved and authoritarianism remains.