Syrian and Lebanese Long-Distance Nationalisms in New York City, São Paulo, and Buenos Aires, 1913-1929
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1 MAKING NATIONS, IN THE MAHJAR: SYRIAN AND LEBANESE LONG-DISTANCE NATIONALISMS IN NEW YORK CITY, SÃO PAULO, AND BUENOS AIRES, 1913-1929 By Stacy D Fahrenthold Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of History Northeastern University Boston, MA June 2014 2 MAKING NATIONS, IN THE MAHJAR: SYRIAN AND LEBANESE LONG-DISTANCE NATIONALISMS IN NEW YORK CITY, SÃO PAULO, AND BUENOS AIRES, 1913-1929 by Stacy D Fahrenthold ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University June 2014 3 This dissertation traces the emergence of transnational political institutions among Arabophone Ottoman emigrants living in New York City, São Paulo, and Buenos Aires, and analyzes the development of a long-distance nationalist politics among emigrant activists during and after World War I. Using socially-produced primary materials written and circulated by Syrian and Lebanese emigrants themselves, this research argues that emigrants living abroad played fundamental roles in the nascence of competing Arab, Syrian, and Lebanese nationalist movements. From the Americas, these activists were the first to envision a post-Ottoman political future for the homeland which placed Syria (or Lebanon, established in 1920) within the international community of nation states. The pursuit of nation-building led many of these activists to pursue partnership with the Entente Powers, particularly France and the United States of America. The partnerships formed between Syrian emigrants and the Great Powers influenced the politics of the 1919 Paris Peace Conference and helped to usher in the French Mandate declared over Syria and Lebanon in 1920. But as the French instituted an increasingly imperialistic state over the Levant, sizable emigrant communities in the Americas presented a constant source of dissent, agitation against French rule, and support for an increasingly radical nationalist movement. By tracing nationalist politics and activism across transnational space, this study labors towards a needed reframing of modern Syrian and Lebanese history within the social networks and human geographies of individuals, rather than the territorial confines of the nation-state. 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation research would not have been possible but for the unrelenting patience and support of many people working across several institutions. First and foremost, I wish to thank Ilham Khuri-Makdisi, whose investment in this project gave me an enduring reserve of strength to see it through to completion. Thank you to my committee members, Laura Frader and Akram Khater, whose comments and suggestions on earlier drafts helped me to improve the current manuscript, work that has been started but much of which remains. All three of them have much to do with this dissertation’s success; the manuscript’s imperfections are, of course, mine alone. Next, I would like to thank members of the faculty at Northeastern University who made all the difference in my time there: Katherine Luongo, Anthony Penna, Clay McShane, and especially the late Christina Gilmartin, who took an early interest in me and who helped me to navigate the early challenges of coursework, comps, and graduate school in general. My graduate student colleagues at Northeastern University have been an enormous source of support as I wrote, rewrote, celebrated, and mourned this dissertation. Special thanks go to my writing partners, Ross A. Newton (esq) and Victoria Hallinan, with whom many hours were spent sipping coffee and writing in campus cafes. I would also like to thank those who read portions of this thesis and helped me improve it: Burleigh Hendrickson, Ethan Hawkley, Elizabeth Lehr, Feruza Aripova, and Regina Katzyulina. I would like to thank the many people who through helped me undertake this research in both Lebanon and the United States: first among them, Guita Hourani, Liliane Haddad, and Elie Nabhan at the Lebanese Emigration Research Center (LERC) at Notre Dame University in Zouk Mosbeh. Through no small effort on their part, my 2011 stay with LERC was the most significant turning point for this project. I would also like to thank Sami Salameh, who assisted 5 me with collections in the Maronite Patriarchate in Bkerke, Ibrahim ʿAssi and Michel ʿObeid at the Centre des archives nationales in Beirut, as well as the staff at the American University of Beirut’s Nami Jafet Library. In the U.S., I would like to thank the archival staff at University of Minnesota’s Immigration History Research Center, particularly Daniel Necas, Elizabeth Haven Hawley, and the Center’s former director, Donna Gabaccia. At the Arab American National Museum in Dearborn, Michigan, special thanks go to Matthew Stiffler and Kirsten Terry. In Boston, Massachusetts, I would like to thank the archivists at the Schlesinger Library for Women’s History as well as the staff at the Widener Library Philips Reading Room. Finally, I would like to thank several individuals with whom I sounded out various iterations of this project, and whose input on innumerable conference papers and presentations helped me organize the thoughts contained here: Isa Blumi, Andrew Arsan, Simon Jackson, Reem Bailony, Stephen Hyland, John Karam, William Gervase Clarence-Smith, Philip S. Khoury, and many, many others. Mahjar studies is more than a collaborative research field; it is a community. Thank you all. I would like to thank my partner, David Schultz, who celebrated with me daily even the smallest milestones and who also provided me with comfort or a good meal when I needed it. Thanks to Ed Burton for being a sounding board; many homebrews spent and (hopefully) many more to come. And finally, I owe everything to my grandparents, Martha and David Burton, who made college, graduate school, and a whole lot more possible for me and who were always at the ready with a kind word and a cup of coffee. If I can strive to be even half the academic (and person) they think me to be, I am sure I will be just fine. 6 Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................................................... 4 INTRODUCTION: MAKING NATIONS, IN THE MAHJAR: SYRIAN AND LEBANESE LONG- DISTANCE NATIONALISMS BETWEEN NEW YORK, SÃO PAULO, AND BUENOS AIRES ....... 10 Ottoman, Syrian, Lebanese, or Arab: Issues of Definition ................................................................. 13 Long-distance Nationalism: Nationalism across Transnational Spaces .............................................. 18 Transnational Activism and Substantive Citizenship: Making Claims on the Homeland .................. 35 Long-distance Nationalist Culture? Transnational Activism, Nationalism, and Gender .................... 39 “Moveable Texts:” Methodological Considerations ........................................................................... 43 Chapter Outline and Significant Findings ........................................................................................... 47 CHAPTER 1: MASHRIQ IN THE MAHJAR: READING SYRIA’S ‘COLONIZATION’ OF THE AMERICAS IN GLOBAL CONTEXT, 1880-1912 ................................................................................... 55 Syrian Emigration in Global Context .................................................................................................. 57 Comparing and Connecting the Syrian Colonies of the Americas ...................................................... 70 The New York Colony: “Little Syria” on Washington Street ............................................................. 75 A Colonia: the Syrians of São Paulo on Rua 25 de Março ................................................................. 82 Avenida Corrientes in Buenos Aires: Piastres en la Plata ................................................................... 90 Shared Structures, Common Culture: Why the Syrian Colonies Should be Considered Together ..... 94 “Long-Distance Ottomanism:” Transnational Ottoman Patriotism after 1908 ................................... 96 CHAPTER 2: TRANSNATIONAL MODES AND MEDIA: THE SYRIAN PRESS IN THE MAHJAR AND EMIGRANT POLITICAL ACTIVISM DURING WORLD WAR I ............................................. 105 Transnational Media: Syrian Publishing Houses and the Varieties of the Press............................... 108 The Press in the Mahjar as Transnational Archive ........................................................................... 111 The Syrian Press Abroad: From Reform to Nationalism .................................................................. 113 Syrian and Lebanese Nationalist Activism in the Mahjar, and Growing French Influence .............. 121 Mahjar Against the Mashriq: Syrian-Arab Nationalism and the Question of Representation .......... 129 The “New Syria Parties:” Syrian-Arab Nationalism and the American Mandate ............................ 135 The Second Lebanese Delegation of 1919: Competing Lebanese Nationalisms and the Church..... 143 Conclusions ....................................................................................................................................... 150 CHAPTER 3: MANDATING THE MAHJAR: THE LEBANESE CENSUS OF 1921 AND THE EMERGENCE OF A TRANSNATIONAL CITIZENRY ABROAD ...................................................... 152 The French Mandate and its Census: Who are the Lebanese? .........................................................