UNIVERSITY OF GONDAR

A HISTORICAL SURVEY OF SOCIO-CULTURAL INTERACTION AND INTEGRATION BETWEEN THE AMHARA AND TIGRE PEOPLE IN GONDÄR TOWN (1930 to 1970)

BY

TESFAMICHAEL FENTIE DERSO

OCTOBER, 2020

GONDAR, ETHIOPIA A HISTORICAL SURVEY OF SOCIO-CULTURAL INTERACTION AND INTEGRATION BETWEEN THE AMHARA AND TIGRE PEOPLE IN GONDÄR TOWN (1930 to 1970)

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND HERITAGE MANAGMENT IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTERS OF ARTS IN HISTORY

By

Tesfamichael Fentie Derso

UNIVERSITY OF GONDAR

COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND THE HUMANITIES

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND HERITAGE MANAGEMENT

A HISTORICAL SURVEY OF SOCIO-CULTURAL INTERACTION AND INTEGRATION BETWEEN THE AMHARA AND TIGRE PEOPLE IN GONDÄR TOWN (1930 to 1970)

By

Tesfamichael Fentie Derso

Approved by the Board of Examination

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Principal Advisor: Signature Date

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Co-Advisor Signature Date

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External Examiner Signature Date

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Internal Examiner Signature Date

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Chairperson Signature Date TABLE OF CONTENTS

Contents Pages KEY TO TRANSLITERATION SYSTEM ...... iiii

ABBREVIATIONS ...... v

GLOSSARY ...... vii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ...... xii

PREFACE ...... xiii

ABSTRACT ...... xiv

CHAPTER ONE ...... 1

GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF GONDÄR TOWN ...... 1

Geographical Setting of Gondär Town ...... 1

The Peopling of Gondär Town ...... 3

An Overview of the Tigre People in Gondär Town ...... 4

The Tigre and Amhara: Shared Traditions and Institutions in General ...... 6

Farming and Feeding Habits ...... 9

Kinship...... 11

Baptismal and Burial Culture ...... 13

Historical Background of the Amhara and Tigre Interaction and Integration ...... 14

Basic Economic Activities ...... 17

Urbanization and Socio-Cultural history of Gondär Town ...... 18

CHAPTER TWO ...... 23

SOCIO-CULTURAL INTERACTION BETWEEN THE AMHARA-TIGRE PEOPLE IN GONDÄR TOWN (1930s to 1941) ...... 23

Socio-Cultural Interaction between the Amhara-Tigre people in Gondär town (1930s to1935) ...... 23

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The Italian Occupation and its Socio-Cultural Impacts in Gondär Town (1936 to 1941) ...... 25

CHAPTER THREE ...... 35

RESTORATION OF MONARCHIAL RULE AND SOCIO-CULTURAL INTERACTION AND INTEGRATION BETWEEN THE AMHARA AND TIGRE PEOPLE IN GONDÄR TOWN (1940s to1960s) ...... 35

Resettlement of Local People after the Last Battle of Gondär ...... 35

The New Permanent Settlement Pattern of Tigreans in Gondär Town ...... 36

Market Centers and their Role in Interaction and Integration ...... 40

Marriage and Family Bonding ...... 42

CHAPTER FOUR ...... 46

SOCIAL WELFARE AS MEANS OF ETHNIC INTERACTION AND INTEGRATION BETWEEN THE AMHARA AND TIGRE IN GONDÄR (1960s to 1970s) ...... 46

Self-help Institutions and their Role in Interaction: Iddir and Iqub ...... 46

Iddir ...... 47

Iqub ...... 52

Christian Religious Clubs as means of Interaction: Mähäber, Senbete and Others ...... 55

Mähäber...... 56

Senbete ...... 59

Islamic Social Welfares and their Role in the Family System ...... 677

CONCLUSION ...... 72

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 74

LIST OF INFORMANTS ...... 84

LIST OF APPENDICES…...….……………………………………………………………..…..98

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KEY TO TRANSLITERATION SYSTEM I. The seven sounds of the Ethiopia alphabet are represented as follows:

1st በ = Bä

2nd ቡ = Bu

3rd ቢ = Bi

4th ባ = Ba

5th ቤ = Bé

6th ብ = Be

7th ቦ = Bo

II. Palatalized sounds are represented as follows:

ሸ= š

ቸ = ch

ኘ= ñ

ዠ= zh

ጀ= j

III. Glottalized sounds are represented as follows:

ቀ = q

ጠ = ţ

ጨ = č

ጸ= ts

ጰ= p

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IV. Germination is always indicated by doubling.

Examples: - በዛብህ = Bäzzabbeh

ከበደ = Käbbäddä

ተሰማ =Täsämma

V. General examples:

ተናኘወርቅ =Tenagnworqe

እስክንደር = Eskineder

ሚካኤል = Mikäël

አዛዥ = Azzäzh

ጴጥሮስ = Pëtros

ሽሬ = Sherë

ጺዮን = Tsion

ኤርሚያስ = Ërmyäs

ጅፋር = Jifar

ግራኝ = Gragn

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ABBREVIATIONS AD: Anno Domini

BA: Bachelor of Arts

BP: Before Present

EC: Ethiopian Calendar

EOTC: Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church

IES: Institute of Ethiopian Studies

MA: Master of Art

CGAZA: Central Gondär Administrative Zonal Archives

PhD: Doctor of Philosophy Degree

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GLOSSARY Abbät/abboy /: father

Abun: metropolitan of the Ethiopian Church

Adreshgn: a Gondäriän origin religious feast dedicated to St. Mary

Af ä Negus: spokes man of the king

Aggot /Akko/: uncle

Akesst/ammo/: aunt

Aläqa: head of a church

Ambä /mändär/: from ten to fifty homesteads make up the average size hamlet

Amäch: a male affine relationship

Aräs: a mother under newly maternity

Arätä: usurer

Ato: Mr.

Awäj: herald

Ayät /abbä-häggo/: grandfather

Ayit: a female affine relationship

Bändä: Ethiopian collaborators to the then enemy

Bête/gojjo/: house

Beitekirstyan: a churchyard. It also served as a small administrative unit Bête Mengist: house of

governance

Bejrond: royal treasurer

Blätägettä: learned men; advisors to the king

Burnos: overcoat made from animal product

Burkutä: it’s a kind of local bread prepared in an oven like stone by Tigrean travelers

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Dabo: bread

Déjàzmäch: a politico - military title lower in rank to Ras

Debetera: men associated with the church; considered to be men of letter, astute and crafty

Dabbo-kollo: small hard bread balls that travelers commonly carry

Dilih /Awazi/: hot sauce

Doro Wat: traditional chicken stew basically made using local spices

Echege: the head monk of EOTC

Egzeiäbher: God

Ennät /addéy /: mother

Ehit /hafti/: sister

Fäsikä: Easter

Fitäwräri: commander of the vanguard army Gärie Agelgelote: an old-fashioned wooden vehicle that is used for transporting goods or

people. Some carts are pulled by animals

Gäbbär: a peasant paying the gibbr, the main land tax

Genfo: a kind of food prepared from the mixture of flour and boiled water

Gesho: a kind of plant used to prepare local beer

Ginbot Lidetä: a feast on the birth of Mary

Gräzmäch: commander of the left, a politico - military title above Bälämbäräs

Injera/tävitä/: Ethiopian traditional pancake-like, fermented bread

Iddir: a traditional non-religious self-help institution

Iqub: a traditional saving and credit association

Itä: lottery

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Jebbenä Bunä: kittle coffee

Käntibä: mayor

Kenda: pergola

Kemise: dress

Kenäzmäch: leader of the right guard

Kität: penalty

Kirstna: baptism

Kitta: flat unfermented bread

Kuntal: quintal

Kurban: mass

Liquämäkwas: impersonator of the king in time of war

Mähäber: monthly feast associations where members are usually non-kinsmen celebrate in

which the membership composed of non-kinsmen

Märäshä: plow

Mäqdäs: nave

Mäskäle: cross

Meshine: three tined wooden pitch forks for threshing crops

Muse: Mosses

Negädräs: leader of merchants

Nifro: a boiled grain

Qaddast: ambulatory prayer

Qegn Azmač: a politico - military title senior to gerazmač

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Qurban: religious type of marriage (bondage/promise) takes place in a church and is performed

by an Orthodox Christian priest

Ras: a higher politico - military title inferior to Negus

Säfär: camp

Sembete: a weekend church religious feast

Shemma: traditional cloth produced by weavers

Sheikh: a religious title given to Muslims.

Täbot: ark of covenant

Tellä: local beer made of the leaves of an aromatic plant barely and corn flour.

Teji: honey wine

Tezkär: praying ceremony for the forgiveness of the life after death in the heaven

Timket: Epiphany

Tsäbäl: Holy water

Tswa: chalice

Tsahäf Tezäz: minister of pen

Wat /Tsevhi/: stew

Wondem /hawye/: brother

Wayzaro: title for married woman Yä-kität awaj: general mobilization

Yelij-lij: grandchild

Yäggot-lij: cousin

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Yäkest-lij: cousin

Zemed: any relative

Zemen Mesafint: the era of princes, 1769-1855 in the history of Ethiopia

Zikr: a religious feast in the EOTC tradition which is a get-together like ceremony in

commemoration of the patron saints

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This study would not be fruitful without the help of different institutions and individuals. Therefore, I would like to mention a few of them. First and foremost I would like to express my gratitude and appreciation to my advisors: Abebe Fentahun (Assis. Prof) and Awugchew Amare (PhD Candidate) for their constructive guidance, comment and criticism. Mr. Awugchew Amare in time of the genesis of my thesis title, he shaped and historicizes it and provided to me sources that were crucial to my study and in his brotherly guidance rearranged table of contents. Really Sir thanks so much.

I am also grateful to Dessalegn Bizuneh (Assis. Prof) who provided to me important sources and encouragement to conduct this research. I also extend my deepest gratitude to Ebrahim Damtew (Associate Prof) he offered to me sources that have direct relation with my study. I owe a lot of thanks to all staff members of the History and Heritage Management Department of University of Gondar for their support and family-like like approach.

I want to thank my mother who informed me a figure elder informants instead of those are very important to the study. And also I would like to extend my gratitude to my sister who lives in Hamburg for sponsored my stay in Addis Ababa.

I just want to express my heart-felt thanks to all of my informants who devoted their time to share information for me. Really, without your help, the success of my effort would be unthinkable. And I would like to thank all of my friends for their encouragement; my deepest gratitude goes to Mulugeta Belete, for your comments and proof reading my study.

Last but not least, I would like to thank Debub FM. 100. 9, FM. Addis 97.1, Addis FM. 96. 3 and Bahir Dar FM for their 24 hour service, for helping me alert and accompanying me in my night- long absorption in my work.

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PREFACE Social history at large and history of socio-cultural interaction and integration in particular has not yet been studied. Social history is a history of ordinary people. Socio-cultural interaction and integration is one of the major among elements of social history. It focuses on the study of the way how learning, developments and interactions are emended in social and cultural activities. The existing historical and anthropological works are fragmented and concentrated on particular aspects of socio-cultural interaction and integration between the Amhara and Tigre people in Gondär town from 1930 to 1970. The year 1930 is taken as a landmark because it was a period when the Tigre people came and settled in Gondär town and the Tigre-Amhara interaction and integration began in the town in this time. It was also a landmark because in this time Empress Zeweditu was succeeded by Ras Teferi Mekonnen, who instead of became Emperor Haile Selassie I.

The year 1970s is also a landmark because, in this time many welfares were established in the Gondär town. Following the emperors’ official decree, iqub, iddir, and other social institutions established in the town and strengthen the early Tigre-Amhara interaction and fusion in the town. And from the late 1960s Tigreans spread in all parts of the town and involved in the historical religiously self-help institutions and associations and religiously feasts. Moreover, this was the last period of monarchical rule in the country’s history.

The primary purpose of this thesis is to reconstruct a history of interconnectedness and integration between the people and culture on one hand and between the people themselves on the other. This study is conducted through systematic collection, investigation, analysis and interpretations of primary and secondary sources. This thesis has four chapters. It begins with geographical and historical background of the study area where the geographical setting, peopling, the Tigre and Amhara: shared traditions and institutions, and economic activities are outlined. Urbanization and Socio-cultural history of Amhara and Tigre people in the study area to 1930 is also considered in this chapter. The second chapter deals with socio-cultural interaction between the Amhara-Tigre people and it also deals with the Italian occupation and its socio-cultural impact in Gondär town.

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The third chapter focuses on restoration of monarchial rule and socio-cultural interaction and integration from 1942 to 1960s. The last chapter outlines a social welfare as a means of ethnic interaction and integration in Gondär from 1960s to 1970s.

However, the process of obtaining sufficient historical sources and realization of this thesis is not free from hardships. The most difficult challenges come from the collection of archival sources. This is because of the mismanagement of the archives in general and distractions of local archival sources just after the downfall of the Derg government in particular. Instead of archival sources found in Central Gondär Administration Zonal archives are so disorganized that getting them with complete information and obtaining materials relevant to the topic is difficult. Moreover, it is a horror place to gather information alone. It might be in the case of age or over work load, the Gondär patriot Mahaber secretary did not give his good will to the researcher to gather archival sources unlike to Central Gondär Administration Zonal archives and IES. Most of the sources found in National Archives and Library Agency are not directly related to the history of socio-cultural interaction and fusion.

Furthermore, socio-cultural interaction and integration had been out of the domain of many scholarly works. Most of thesis, dissertations, journals and books written on Gondär concentrated on Beta Israel and Kimant peoples’ interaction and integration than Amhara-Tigre interaction and integration. During the researcher’s filed work on the area where informants present, some of them were reluctant to share their memories due to politicization of historical investigation. Some of them considered the researcher as stand to other negative act. The researcher overcomes these problems by giving them a detailed awareness concerning the objectives of the study. Besides the recommendation letter of the department helped him to convince them.

Due to the aforementioned problems, researcher needs to express that this thesis is not an end. Other scholars could use this work to conduct further compressive study of a history of socio- cultural interaction and integration between the Amhara-Tigre people in Gondär.

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ABSTRACT Socio-cultural interaction and integration among different people was common in Gondär. From these groups who had a long age interaction was between the Amhara and Tigre. This study concentrated on the Amhara-Tigre people’s interaction and integration in the town from 1930 to 1970. Gondär town is located in Northwestern part of Ethiopia in Amhara Regional States. Throughout the period understudy, three historical developments had transformed the socio- cultural interaction of the people. These are the natural socio-cultural interaction between the local people, the permanent settlement pattern of Tigrean in Gondär and the impact of social welfares. The legacy and consequence accompanied by these three historical developments as well as other changes and continuities brought the socio-cultural integration between the two peoples in the study area. In collecting the necessary data, the study basically relied on primary and secondary sources. In this case, interview of key informants and document review of books, journals, theses, and archives were used. The data collected through qualitative methods were carefully examined, cross-checked, analyzed and interpreted. The Tigre-Amhara interaction and integration in Gondär was completely peaceful and coexistence in means of social welfares, religious feasts, market centers and other religious commandment get the two people together in good and bad luck. And after the Tigrean permanently settled in the study area adopted the Amhara culture, value, language and ways of live and the Amhara people inherit the mason, carpenter, cart service, charcoal production and other new business from their Tigrean brothers. Their historical interaction gradually led to the birth of half-Amhara, half-Tigre double identity children’s and the two ethnic groups lived in the study area as “double faced jacket” or as “seregena teff.”

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CHAPTER ONE GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF GONDÄR TOWN Geographical Setting of Gondär Town

o Gondär is situated in Northern part of Ethiopia; in Amhara Regional state. 12 61’North latitude and 37o 46’ East longitude. It is one of the Metropolitan towns in Ethiopia, in the historical province of Bägemdǝr, today Central Gondär Zone.1 It evolved from an obscure 17th century market town in the flourishing capital of the Ethiopia monarchy, passed through an era of decline and destruction and underwent a slow renaissance in the middle of the 20th century.2 Gondär had become a permanent capital under Fasiladas. His successors also made the capital their abode. They also built churches and castles. Though the construction of palaces and churches gave Gondär an air of grandeur, its general picture was one of an agglomeration of squalid villages.3

The size of the town continued to grow and by the 1760s it seems to have reached the Kähä and Angäräb rivers, which flanked Gondär on both sides and joined at its southernmost end. Pearce, who had been to the city in early 1800, however, believed that the town had occupied a vast tract of land.4Gondär was the capital of Bägemdǝr and Semien province, is located 740 km to the Northwest of Addis, 523 km and 220 km Southwest of Asmarä and neighboring Sudan, respectively. Domestic services of the Ethiopian Airlines and all-weather gravel roads connected these cities. An air service also connects Gondär to Lälibelä. As any visitor may observe, Gondär is situated in the centre of a ring of mountains, the highest of which is 3,000 meters. The annual average temperature is about 19oc. It is generally characterized by Wäyna Däga climate.5The population and housing census of 2007 indicates that the population of Gondär town was 206,987of which 98,085 were men and 108,902 women. The majority of the inhabitants (84.2%)

1 Gondar Ketema Astedader, “Gondär Zarie,” Sebategnaw Ye Ketemoch Forum, No.1, (2007 E.C), 6; Gerima Tafer, “Gondär ena Akababiwa,” Tiyent Gondar Amharic Monthly Newspaper, No.6, (March-April 1974), 1. 2 Laverle Berry, “Gondar,” Encyclopaedia Æthiopica, (2005), 838. 3 Gondar Ketema Astedader, 6. 4 Solomon Addis, A History of the City of Gondar (Trenton: Africa World Press, 2006), 1-2, 19, 31-32. 5 Ibid., 165; Gondar Ketema Astedader, 6.

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attend Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity, while 11.8% of the populations were Muslims and 1.1% attendants were Protestants.6

The 1994 national census reported that the three largest ethnic groups reported in Gondär were the Amhara (88.91%), the Tigre (6.74%), and the Kimant (2.37%); all other7 ethnic groups made up 1.98% of the population. Amharic is spoken as a first language by 94.57%, and 4.67% spoke Tigrigna; the remaining 0.76% spoke all other primary languages reported.8 The total area of the town is 5,560 hectares. Gondär town consists of seven sbu-city, these are Arada, Aba-Jale, Arbegnoch-Adebabay, Azezo, Medhani-Alam, Zoble and Marakie.9

Besides the cultural tangible heritages, timket celebration is adding value for the historic and cultural significance of the town. There is no better place to experience the commemoration of this holy event than the town of Gondär. During the celebration (Jan 20-22), attended by tens of thousands, the town of Gondär has a festival environment peoples dress in cultural costumes, colorful church umbrellas. Though tourism in Gondär highly attracts international visitors, timket is one of the moment’s domestic tourists attracted by it.10Doro Wat is perhaps the best known food in Ethiopia and is referred as that country’s national dish. Gondär is referred as the origin of this spicy dish and still it is one of the places in Ethiopia one can find the best Doro Wat. In addition, Gondär is also well known for the production of traditional alcoholic beverages like tej (Honey wine) and tellä.11Gondar is also a noted center of ecclesiastical learning of the Ethiopian

6 Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Population Censuses Commission, Summary and Statistical Report of 2007 Population and Housing Census Results for Amhara Region State (Addis Ababa, 2007), 60, 111. 7 Just like the Amhara-Tigre integration in Gondär Kimant, Oromo, Bete-Israel and Agäw ethnic groups intermixed one another and with the rest Amhara and assimilated the Amhara culture. In fact according to Central Statics Authority most inhabitant of the town are Amhara ethnic groups, but the statics authority in the country level failed to examine the ‘double identity’ (hybrid) people whom born from different ethnic groups, the same is true to the Amhara-Tigre the two family born sons and daughters. So the researcher suggest to the concerning body to conduct censuses on the number of the two family born groups of people. The local source indicates that the ‘double identity’ Amhara-Tigre family estimates the second number of the total population of Gondar. A number of historical articles published in different journals on Euro-Asian and American ‘double identity’ people, but there is lack of such studies in Ethiopia. Of course in the country level a PhD Candidate of Canada University that is Tewodros Zewedu conducting a dissertation on fusion identity of Ethiopians in general. When he finished his study, I think he will bring a new big deal on fusion people of the country. 8 Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Population Censuses Commission, Summary and Statistical Report of 2009 Population and Housing Census Results for Amhara Region State (Addis Ababa, 1994), tables: 2.1, 2.7, 2.10, 2.13, 2.17. (Annex.1) 9 Ibid.; Gondar Ketema Astedader, 6; Alemitu Degu. 10 Sisay Sahile, Wassie Negash and Girmay Kebede, Gondar Ye Ketemochi Enate [Gondar The Mother of Cities] (Gondar Ketema Astedader: GGM Entertainment, 2009 E.C), 10. 11 Gondar Ketema Astedader, 10.

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Orthodox Tewahedo Church, and known for having “forty four” churches for many years more than any other settlement in Ethiopia. Downtown of Gondär shows the influence of the Italian invasion of the late 1930s. The main Piazza features, shops, the cinema hall, and other public buildings in a simplified Italian modern style still distinctive of the period. Inhabitants of the town made up of different group of people who belong to varieties of ethnic, religious and linguistic groups.12

The Peopling of Gondär Town The Amhara are the second largest ethnic groups in Ethiopia. They shared so many significant features of other ethnic groups. The Amhara people speak Amharic as their vernacular language.13The traditional Amhara societies were living in a highly hierarchical system. Every individual is aware of his position in this hierarchy; the customarily performances of numerous functions on the behalf of territorial communities or other collectives. 14 Its main axis of organization rather is that of a highly personal relationship between superior and subordinate, with the subordinate existing essentially as an extension of the ego of the superior. Within the segment of superior-subordinate relations: husband-wife, father-son, master-servant, teacher- pupil, confessor-confessant, lord-retainer, elder-youth domination is virtually unlimited.15

In almost all cases, the Amhara socio-cultural interactions have undergone change due to various reasons. These are among the common features of Amhara nation living in different corners of the country. The Amhara-Tigre peoples are native Ethiopians, of course including the South Arabian and other tribes next to come to the land of Abyssinians’ and mixed with these peoples in different historical phenomena. Most of the inhabitants of the study area are the Amhara ethnic groups; most predominantly belong to Bägemdǝr, Goǧǧam, Shoä, and Wällo Amhara.16

The settlement pattern of the Amhara was based on scattered semi-isolated homesteads bet of one or more thatched hut bet or gojjo, usually walled and without fencing and spatially separated

12 David Rifkin, Modernity and Continuity in Ethiopian Architecture and Urbanism – the Case of Gondar (Florida: Florida International University, 2011), 495. 13 Fredric J. Simons, Northwest Ethiopia: Peoples and Economy (Madison: Wisconsin, 1960), 25. 14 Donald Levine, Wax and Gold: Tradition and Innovation in Ethiopian Culture (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1965), 253. 15 Ibid. 16 Informant: Alemitu Degu; Harold G. Marcus, A History of Ethiopia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), xi; Simons, 30.

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from one another by distance ranging from twentieth yards to half a mile.17 From ten of fifty homestead makeup the average size hamlet mändär or ämbä, the boundaries that make off one hamlet from the next being defined mare importantly by the social relationships of its inhabitants than by natural feature of geography. A cluster of hamlet from the largest local social and political subdivision and important territorial unit, the parish…. The parish church almost always surrounded by a thick grove of bamboo and cedar, conspicuously dominates the parish.18 When Gondär served as the capital of the country, the habitation in the town has a long history of population movement related to trade, socio-cultural and natural factors as well as administration rearrangement. The town has been a home of both Amhara and Tigre peoples.19

An Overview of the Tigre People in Gondär Town The movement of people from place to place in search of better life is as old as human history. Traditional societies probably lived in different parts of the country by changing the area of their residences. There were perhaps the systems that they had used to adapt themselves with their environments. One of the systems was fusion into the indigenous people of the area.20 The establishment of Gondär in 1636 as a permanent capital had massive impact on Ethiopian socio- political structure and relations among its peoples and classes. It brought people of diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds together.21

From many ethnic groups 22 who had lived in Gondär for many years before and after the foundation of the town is the Tigre group. Regarding the first habituation of Tigrean into the surrounding districts of Gondär some of native and foreign scholars try to deal with it. One of the early scholars is Habte-Mariyam, who recalls that before the foundation of Gondär as the capital

17 William A. Shack, The central Ethiopians Amhara, Tigrina and Related Peoples (London: International African Institute, 1974), 28. 18 Ibid. 19 Yared Girma, Ye Gondär Tarik [A History of Gondar] (McMaster University: McMaster University Press, 1989), 149; Informants: Alemitu Degu and Tega Wondale. 20 Seketa Akuma, “Historical Survey of Socio-Cultural interactions among the peoples of Gidda Woreda, East Wallaga, 1936-2000” (MA Thesis in History, Addis Ababa University, 2018), 12. 21 Dessalegn Bizuneh, “Aspect of Ethnic Interaction and Integration in Gondar: The Case of the Qemant (c. early14th century–first decade of 21st century,” International Journal Research and Publication, Vol. 8, No. 2, (June 2018), 63. 22 From the foundation of Gondär to the present modern era different ethnic groups live in Gondar in agglomerations of socio-cultural interactions and integrations with the rest Amhara settler of the area these were Negede: Bete-Israe, Kimant, Agaw, Oromo and Woyto.

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of the country, in Aksumite administration the area was known by the Aksum kings.23The Aksum kings regularly sent their army and some groups into the area and the area could catch the eyes of these kings because it was source of fabulous agricultural products and as part of the kingdom the area settlers were paid tribute, later on due to smooth ground of the area to these soldiers and the new arrival some Tigreans, they prefer permanently settled and before they back to Aksum these soldiers give name to the surrounding districts and the remaining Tigreans who came with the soldiers were intermixed within the Amhara inhabitants in Wägära and Dämbiya.24

During Emperor Fasil’s administration, just like in his predecessors’ regime, locust attack resulted in the death of many Amhara-Tigre groups and they were forced to move to the less affected areas. In comparison with other north-central part of the country, Dämbiya was the less affected and the king welcomed Tigre and some Amhara peoples from the affected area and provide food and other needs.25

In their residence on the surrounding districts of Gondär, the Tigre ethnic groups interacted and created integrated with the rest of Amhara settlers, however, Pankhurst corroborates that just like the rest ordinary peoples except some who had political involvement, the Tigre people were not equally treated with the high ranking officials, up until the coming of Ras Mika’el Sehul of Tigray in Gondär history and he ruled the two brotherly peoples within a great joy and extremely peace and relative judgment.26 From the early time of their advent in the town, the Tigre have had socio-cultural and ethnic intermixing with the rest Amhara and it led to the fusion of the two people. And the two peoples become “double face jacket” and it’s very difficult to identify one

23 Habte-Mariyam Assefa, Ye Ethiopia Tarik Teyaq Ena Bahiloch [A History of Ethiopia, Questions and Cultures] (Addis Ababa: Berhan ena Selam Publisher, 1986 E.C), 71-72. 24 Ibid. However the area districts were renamed in the later periods. 25 Richard Pankhurst, “The History of Famine and Pestilence in Ethiopia prior to the Founding of Gondar,” Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 10, No. 2, (1972), 57. From early time of Zara Ya’eqob to his successors famine extremely attacked the Amhara-Tigre people in a very great plague of locust which destroyed the fresh crops (and trees) on very big scale. Their multitude, which covers the earth and fills the air is not to be believe; they dark the light of the sun and the two peoples moved in to less affected areas. Toward the end of the 16th c an epidemic occurred during the region of Śärsä Dəngəl, whose chronicle states that it broke out in the kings camp and many people’s died as result. Within the citation of the chronicle of Susenyos and Jesuits account Pankhurst elaborates that from 1611-1616 there was a plague was called mänän tita , literally “whom did it leave?” and many people died, particularly in the province of Dämbiya including Katiba Za Ghiorghis died in the daises. The present locust attack that stand from Middle East and affect some part of Oromo, Afar, Amhara and Tigre Regional States can be testimony for thus incidents. 26 Richard Pankhurst, “Notes for the History of Gondar,” Ethiopia Observer, Vol. XII, No. 3, (1969), 198.

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from another physically, because according to informants before other Tigre groups came and settled permanently in the study area in post Italian invasion and before that in many districts of Gondär Tigre fathers had settled and created marriage alliance with the Amhara ethnic groups.27

The Tigre and Amhara: Shared Traditions and Institutions in General Except some Euro-centric and ethno-nationalist, many writers consider both the Cushitic and Semitic speaking peoples of Ethiopia belong to a common Ethiopian descent. Their physical type is different from both South Arabian and Negro physical types. The Ethiopian physical type is fairly tall and slender to moderate body built. Their skin color may vary from brown to black.28

The highland Ethiopians are known to the Western world through classical literature as Abyssinians who properly speak Amharic and Tigrigna. In strict sense, the name Abyssinia, which seems to have made its first appearance in a European source in thirteenth century, is only applicable to the old Aksumite Empire, the present population of Amhara-Tigre ethnic groups being descendants of founder of the ancient kingdom. The Amhara refer their language as Amharic or Amargna. In their home of Tigre their language is Tigrigna or Tigre.29

The Amhara and Tigre are plow cultivators of cereal grains and keep herd of cattle. They had an umbilical decent system and organized in what was called a feudal system. The Tigre-Amhara peoples were prominent figures of Ethiopian monarchy and administration. From early, time there was no partial discrimination of political engagement; rather the requirement was capability and loyalty of individual than ethnic identity. The Amhara-Tigre ethnic groups dominated the country’s socio-economic and political aspects for long time.30

The great majority of Tigre-Amharas are devoted followers of Christianity converted as state religion; majority of these peoples particularly accepted this religion following the arrival of the nine saints. 31 The two peoples believe in a single Supreme Being and creator of the world and mankind known as Egzeiäbher. Extreme devotion is expressed to the Virgin Mary (Maryam) and

27 Informant: Mengiste Melkie. 28 Simons, 20-21. 29 Shack, 15. 30 Tekle-Sadik Mekuria, Ye Gran Ahmed Worera [The invasion of Gran Ahmed] (Addis Ababa: Berhan ena Selam Publisher: 1973), 15; Mordichi Abir, Ethiopia and the Red Sea (Frank Class and Company Liited: New York, 2006), 37. 31 Abir, 37.

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to a lesser, to numerous Biblical and local saints just like Saint Georg, Michael, John the Baptist, Tekle-Haimanot, and Gebre Manfus kidus. Mary is believed to dwell in high mountains, spring and groves of sycamore trees; all such natural areas are treated as sacred and in them sacrifice and cult activity took place.32

Almost every Amhara-Tigre village has its own church (beitekirstyän), which is usually a circular building with thatched roof. Conspicuous because it is perched high on a hill enclosed by a stone wall, and surrounded by a grove of trees. Churches commonly bear the name of Jesus, Mary, or one of the saints and sometime, too, the name of locality. Clergies are so common in the Christian parts of Ethiopia that one man in every time serves the church in some capacity.33

The abun more than his leadership of the church had responsible to crown the new king and the ritual system of the entire society ultimately depend on him, so religious performance and the study of holy text of between Amhara-Tigre group was centered in Gondär.34 To all services only priests, deacons and the king may enter the sanctuary (mäqdäs) which is in the center of the church, completely hidden from the view of the communities in the surrounding ambulatory (qäddäst). Chairmen (debeterä) and ritually cleansed communicates stand in the outer ambulatory (qenemählet); the reminder of the congregation, technical ex-communicants, stands outside the church together.35

Ethiopian Christianity is thus a religion with carefully limited participation. It is more a religious of fast and calibration not less than two hundred fast days in a year including each Wednesday and Friday as well as lent. For the festivals, the treasures of the church are brought forth, including the täbot or Ark, a consecrated slab of stone or wood which symbolizes at one the Ark of the Covenant and the Table of Law and which gives Sanctity to a church.36

Besides to the abundant Tigre-Amhara orthodox Christianity followers, Islamized Amhara and Tigre groups also inhabited and consisted of families and group scattered throughout the Christian highlands. They were known as Jabarti and these Muslim merchants settled in different

32 Shack, 44. 33 Simons, 25-26. 34 Levine, 119; Laverly Berry, “The Solomonic Monarchy at Gondar, 1630-1750: An Institutional Analysis of Kingship in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia” (PhD Dissertation, Boston University, 1976), lviii. 35 Shack, 44. 36 Simons, 26.

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districts and exercised their own religion.37 The other groups of Amhara-Tigre were the catholic religion followers. In comparison with the Muslim and Orthodox, the catholic were few in number. This religion had got native adherents following the advent of the Portuguese catholic missionaries in to the country. A few local peoples also practiced protestant faith; this religion attracted some native inhabitants following the arrival of European traders’ and missionaries’ advent in the late Zemen Mesafint.38 According to many native and western linguists Yilma to mention one, both Amharic and Tigrigna originated from one common ancestor that is Ge’ez; an Ethiopic language widely used in Aksumites period. Gradually, the above two languages evolved from Ge’ez, particularly following the coming of Tewodros II, Amharic has been widely spoken 39 and many literatures works are produced in it. This enabled Amharic to get wide audience than Tigrigna. Yilma stress that from the many linguistic similarities Amharic and Tigrigna have, the following names clearly shows that Amharic has direct relation with Tigrigna: gimjä bǝt (treasure house), eser bet (prison), and fered bet (court) all were Tigrigna, however later added prefix “yä” and used as Amharic.40

The Amhara-Tigre indigenous political structure was based on monarchical administration; the king exercised absolute power, within principal lords who together with other nobility made up of the royal court of titled civil, military and religious officials. The most important court officials and their duties were civil: Afä Negus (spokes man of the king), Tsahäf Tezäz (private seal), Bejirond (treasure), Blätägettä (educated men, advisor to the king), Käntibä (lord mayor), Negädräs (chief of the merchants), Liquämäkwas (impersonator of the king in time of war); militarily: Déjàzmäch (guardian of the door of the kings teen in time of war), Fitäwräri (leader of the advanced guard), Gräzmäch (leader of the left guard), Kenäzmäch (leader of the right guard) and religious: Abun (metropolitan of the Ethiopia church), Ichege (administrative head of the church). With the exception of the Abun till 1960, all officials were appointed and their title bestowed by the emperor personally.41

37 Shack, 46. 38 Ibid.; Simons, 17. 39 Yelema Diersa, Ye Ethiopia Tarike [A History of Ethiopia] (Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University Press, 1990), 23. 40 Ibid. 41 Ibid., 154; Shack, 38.

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To support their kingdom, the kings derived principally from the system known as gebär (gabbär), which literary mean one who pays tribute. Tribute in theory was based upon the land not the person. In practice, higher nobles as well as the king himself might instruct technicality be called gebär since they were burdened with some gebär service.42

The traditional construction of Tigre-Amhara houses is a circular of thin pole in the ground and hold together by horizontal cross-withes laced to the upright. Both insides and outside walls are plastered with wattle, a mixture of mud and cow dung. The conical thatched roofed is supported by four to five parts attached to horizontal stationed midway of the rafters. Storage areas are provided for cooking utensils and the rest house is serving as sleeping and living quarter.43 Since the late eighteenth century, Amhara-Tigre men and women of social classes have worn cotton clothes, which gradually replaced the skin clothing formerly worn by commoners and women.44 The coarseness or fineness of weave and texture of the shemma, and the style in which it is draped and manipulated connote rank and status, and represent variety of symbolic nonverbal expressions.45

Farming and Feeding Habits The Tigre-Amhara farming system center on the märäshä or plow, a simple but brilliantly adoptable tool which when drawn by a yoke of oxen break but does not invert the soil. This scratch, or arid, stands at the center of the agricultural system because of its simplicity and its efficiency in human labor. A common form of plough cultivation is practiced in production of all good staples for bread and injera (Ethiopian pancake): they grown teff, wheat, broad beans, grey beans and for stew: cultivated lenities, onion, garlic red pepper, potato, chickpeas and cabbages.46

Gesho is growing primarily for fermenting barely beer; a leafy plant called ades (Chena ades in Tigrigna) is used for clarifying butter of the oil plants cultivated, sesame is considered a luxury the oil extracted being used in preparing food and other oil seeds used for preparing food. Harvesting of grain principally men’s work is done with sickle: women and children assist men

42 Ibid., 39. 43 Ibid., 41. 44 Beckingham, C. F. and G. W. B. Huntingford, Some Records of Ethiopia: 1593-1646 (London: Hakluyt Society, Vol. 2, 1954), 18. 45 Shack, 41. 46 Ibid., 45, 69.

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by collecting the harvest on an earthen floor, called awdemä prepared from stamped cow dung. The crop is threshed either by beaten manually with sticks or by a team of several oxen on the threshing floor to crush the grain. Winnowing is done by tossing the grain into the air with a three tined wooden pitch fork (meshine).47

From the early beginning to the later harvest time women had a great role first with the help of the daughters they cleaned the harvest-field using cow-dung and they were responsible to separate chaff from the grain, transporting it in the house and all responsibility changing the raw grain in to final food laid on women.48

The principal livestock are sheep and goat. In addition to their use as source of food, their hides and skins are used in making leather products and sheep’s wool is woven in to blankets (burnos)

and rugs. Beside, horses, mules and donkeys are raised mainly for transportation. The Amhara- Tigre ethnic groups commercial leaders had a long tradition of engaging in external trade through Red Sea with the principal commercial centers in East Africa, Arab, Egypt, and India and with other European countries and these traders actively engaged in import-export trade.49

The basic food stuffs everywhere in Amhara-Tigre are grains and legumes. Important supplements are barely-malt beer, cow’s milk and butter, eggs, spices and vegetable oil. Some of the more complex forms of prepared grains and legumes are whole grains porridge (nifro), of which there are several types, porridge made from flour (genfo), flat, unfermented bread (kittä), pancake-like, fermented that bread (injera, tavita), raised bread (dabo) and hard bread ball (dabo k’olo) which are carried as food by travelers. So the staple food; injera is regularly eaten through stew (wat or tsevhi) that could be made from different grains and animal meat. Most ordinary poor people eat injera through the hot sauce (dilih, awäzi).50

The Amhara-Tigre peoples usually eat their meals three times a day: breakfast at seven or eight in the morning (mostly they eat bread), launch at the noon and supper in the evening after the dark (injera with stew). In the late afternoon, they sometimes eat a snack with beer as drink. At the meantime’s, husband and wife culturally eat first together (drink tellä, tej and wine) and,

47 Simons, 65; Shack, 48. 48 McCann James, From Poverty to Famine in Northeast Ethiopia: A Rural History, 1900-1935 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1987), 75. 49 Shack, 26, 48. 50 Simons, 165-166.

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after they have finished the children and servants eat what leftover. Just like their similar tradition, the Amhara-Tigre peoples shared many institutions. 51

Kinship The Amhara-Tigre kinship nomenclature stress bilateral relation, consanguine term beyond the nuclear family being neither numerous nor precise. In the first ascending generation, in Amhara- Tigre father is called abbät, abboy; mother is ennät, addéy; the term for aunt, akésst, ammo/hätino/ and uncle, aggot, akko, are extended also for consanguine kinsmen in the parental generation. In the second ascending generation all grandparents are referred to as ayät in Tigre abbä-häggo to grandfather, and ennä-häggo to grandmother.52

All relatives of ascending generation are referred to as qedmäyät all collaterals and siblings are referred to either as wondém, häwye (brother) or ehit, häfti (sister). Descriptive terminology for cuisine is said to be used in situation to stress the consanguine tie, for example yäkést-lij (cousin) yäggot-lij (cousin). Sons and daughters are called by a single term lij but more commonly parents address a child by name. Grand children are referred as yélij-lij (grandchild).The following term of affine relationship is recorded; male use amäch; female use ayit and distance relatives in Amhara-Tigre called zéméd.53

Marriage contracts have different substantial issues by religion, class and previous martial states of the partners. However, the overall guiding principle for highland Christian marriage has been equality of contribution. 54 Customarily Amhara-Tigre parents arranged marriage for their children when their daughters were between nine and twelve years of age and when son approached age twenty. Both Tigre-Amhara proscribe as incestuous marriage between persons who have a common ancestor in the six or seven generation. Premarital chastity for children of both sides is a value strong held by the two parents, who go to great lengthen to enforce its observance by surprising the conduct of their offspring after puberty. As soon as a daughter

51 Ibid., 168-170. 52 Shack, 29. Then, and now, women who have earned reputations for brewing quality mead and beer enjoy a mild form of prestige and status. Although the Amhara -Tigre now drink coffee and tea, formerly these were tabooed as beverages associated with Muslim customs. 53 Ibid. 54 James, 73.

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experienced her first menses she is kept under close watch and she is not permitted to communicate boys who are not of her relatives.55

According to Levine, premarital sexual experience for Amhara-Tigre boys, though frowned upon is regard as a natural occurrence and in well to do families maid servants often provide boy with sexual initiation. In both ethnic groups religious holidays such as Feast of the Holy cross (mäskäle), Epiphany (timket) and Easter (fasika) provide occasion for mild flirtations behavior between adolescent boys and girls.56

The Amhara-Tigre ethnic groups have three legitimate forms of marriage: Church marriage or qurbän marriage, Civil marriage and Wage marriage. The qurbän or religious type of marriage takes place in a church and is performed by an Orthodox Christian priest. During the ceremony the bride and groom take communion and the marriage truly establishes an indissoluble bond, not broken even by the death of one of the partners. In the qurbän marriage, the husband is accepted to remain completely to live in fidelity to his wife and vice versa.57 The sémänyä or Civil marriage contract is the most common form of marriage in Ethiopia society. It is performed by a civil magistrate in the presence of a village official and blessed by a priest. It consists of a contract sworn to be upheld by both parents. The third form of marriage practiced by Amhara- Tigre was dämoz or Wage marriage is a temporary arrangement. The duration and pay are set in oral or written contract. It is actually a convenience device for men who are traveling away from their real homes. The marriage doses not establish any relationship between the families of the partner and the wife in this arrangement is usually a divorced woman on her own.58

The two groups also have similar culture when women traditional midwife, who assisted a mother to give birth to a child and her elder daughters shouting “elleletä” 12 times for a boy and 9 times for a girl.59 After the midwife washes the child shapes his head and features, wraps it in muslin and places it next to the mother, to return the weak power of the mother into her previous strength a food called génfo in Amhara culture and gäte in Tigre culture which is prepared from

55 Shack, 30-31. 56 Levine, 119. 57 Mekonnen Meshesha, Ethiopian Refugees: Beyond the Famine and the War (Massachusetts: Newton International Press, 1994), 53. 58 Ibid. 59 Informant: Lete -Berhan G/Michael.

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wheat flour mixed with hot water, butter and red pepper.60 It is prepared not only to her but also the surrounding relatives and neighbors if it is not a fasting season. To protect the newly born baby and the mother from evil spirit, an iron like bracelet wear to the baby and any iron piece material place under the pillow and midwife mother protected by her relative till in the day of tenth and she guarded when she went to toilet.61

Baptismal and Burial Culture During the period of confinement to childbed/maternity (aräs) Tigre-Amhara mothers make a sling or harness from goat or sheep, decorated with beads and couriers shells. Baptism takes place after 40 and 80 days of male and female birth respectively. After baptism ceremony is concluded in the church, all extended and close relatives attend the family of the newly born baby and celebrated the day with food and drink. Before the baptism ceremony was held over, a person of non-biological relation is selected to become the godfather or godmother.62

When man/women senses that his/her death is near the summons his/her Father Confessor, the priest who attends to his/her personal spiritual needs, and two or three elders of the parish to witness his/her final will and testimony of his/her confession words. When a person passed away, grief is expressed by shouting, weeping, tearing the hair, scratching the face and beatniks and throwing oneself to the ground.63 The rite of preparing the corpse for burial, called gǝnzät, is performed by a person of the same sex as the deceased. The body is washed, the large toes tied with a white chord of thread, the thumbs tied and the hand, placed so as to cover the genitals, the arms secured with a separate cord strung round the torso. If the dead person is a priest, nun, or monk, the hands are crossed and tied in the palms resting on the chest. The corpse is then wrapped completely in a fresh cloth; sometimes the shrouded corpse is again wrapped in a sheet of papyrus (sälǝn).64

Apart from persons who died by drowning, by falling from a cliff, from being eaten by wild animals, or by sluice the funeral of Christian Amhara-Tigre is always officiated by a priest, the

60 Informant: Fenta Tegode; Shack, 37. 61 Informant: Fenta Tegode; Shack, 37. 62 Informants: Adugna Tegegne and Zemam Amare; Shack, 37. According to informants this new family bonding practice of the church order, just like other social institution played its great role in the process of interaction and integration between the Amhara-Tigre people. 63 Shack, 42. 64 Informants: Ezra Addis and Mulu Shitaye; Shack, 42.

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burial taking place in the parish churchyard. In the surround to the church yard, the funeral procession, led by the priest(s), takes rest six times to make absolutions, the rear of the procession is brought up by men carrying pots of food and beer.65 When the procession reaches the Church, the corpse is set on the ground by the north gate to the churchyard if the deceased is a man, by the south gate if a woman. A group of mourners then raise and tilt the corpse three times, an act said to be performed to make the deceased pay final tribute to God. Formerly coffins are shaped from the hollowed trunk or dried bark of an acacia tree, or the grave would be lined with stones collected along the way to the burial by mourners in the procession.66The symbolic funeral procession retraces the route originally taken to the churchyard for the actual burial, and under each tree the procession passé along the way pots of food and beer are left for the consumption of neighbors in other parishes. The deceased is mourned for the first three days after his death, then on the twelfth and fortieth days, and on seventh anniversary of the death.67 From the early beginning to present time Tigre-Amhara people have had their own self-help institution and association that strength the two people’s long term integration in terms of happiness, birth, marriage, disease and death. Some of these self-help associations are iddir, iqub and religiously, senbete, mähäber, timket, mäskäle déméra, zikr, and wedding and other social institutions and associations.68

Historical Background of the Amhara and Tigre Interaction and Integration The historical relations between the two highlander [Amhara-Tigre] people have been characterized by many aspects in time of war (to defend their religion and political power) and peaceful social coexistence (in case of trade, marriage and social institutions and traditions).69

In time of war, the two peoples had a long term tradition of commonly fighting against their enemy. From the regime of Lebne-Dengel to Susǝnyos, Amhara-Tigre people, were attacked and

65 Informants: Ezra Addis and Mulu Shitaye; Shack, 42. 66 Shack, 42. 67 Ibid. 68 Informants: Adugna Tegegne and Zemam Amare. 69 Berry, “The Solomonic Monarchy…”, viii; Richard Pankhurst, “An Eighteenth Century Ethiopian Dynastic Marriage Contract between Empress Mentewwab of Gondar and Ras Mika'el Sehul of Tegre,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Vol. 42, No. 3, (1979), 460; Tekle-Sadik, Ye Gran Ahmed Worera ,15; Abir, 37.

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disrupted by Muslim armies.70 Arab Faqihi states that after Gragn’s force conquered the coalition of Amhara and Tigre force and solemnly controlled Debra Berehan and to get victory over the remainder Christian army he penetrated into Aksum. 71 Over there Lebne-Dengel already stationed and after logn debate the way how to conquer the Muslim force, the coalitional Amhara-Tigre troops under the leadership of Robel and Fikre Eyesus defeated Qachin Abubakar. It was paradox news to Gragn and he began massive preparation under Ottoman aide for the next war.72

Lebne-Dengel’s underestimation of the Muslim forces enabled Gragn to easily conquer Fanuel in 1517 and Ras Deghan in 1519. Following this humiliated defeat, many troops betrayed the emperor and joined Gragn. The only force that stayed as guardian of the state and the church was that of the combined Amhara-Tigre force.73 Another major historical event that showed the early interaction and integration of Amhara-Tigre people was related to Susǝnyos administrative. Just like the period of Minas, Catholicism had got influence over Orthodox Christianity till it was declared as state religion. None of Amhara and Tigre people sent any religious student into the capital and extremely opposed the king’s decree.74

Socio-cultural, political interaction and integration between the Tigre-Amhara people was also witnessed in the middle of 18th century. Following the death of Iyasu II, his half Yejju Oromo son called Iyoas became king of the country. Iyoas then had shown more favorable policy towards the Oromo elites who were stationed into the court. Within his Oromo mother, the king declared all socio-political situation of the court run by Oromo and Oromiffa.75 So Mentewab dissatisfied with her grandson’s action and to return her power and resort the Solomonic dynasty into the court, she called to the court the most powerful lord of Tigre who had been loyal advisor of Iyasu II.76

70 Hiroki Ishikawa, “Changes in the Military System during the Gondar Period (1632-1769): Their Influence on the Decline of the Solomonic Dynasty,” Annales d’Ethiopie Vol. III, (2002), 216. 71Arthur Strong (edit.), Futuh Al-Habasha [The Conquest of Abyssinia] (University of Michigan Libraries: Tsehai Publisher, 1817), 353-367. 72 Ibid., 355. 73 Tekle-Sadik Mekuria, Ye Ethiopia Tarike Ke Atse Libne Dingil Eske Atse Tewodros [Ethiopian History From Emperor Libne Dingil (r.1508-1540) to Emperor Tewodros (r.1855-1868) (Addis Ababa: Berhan ena Selam Publisher, 1992), 219. 74 Ibid., 269. 75 Yared, 227-228. 76 Ibid.

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The arrival of Negus Mika’el in collaboration with the Amhara elites led to the removal of Iyoas and the Oromo socio-cultural and political domination from the Gondäriän court. For his dedication Mika’el was bestowed with the most powerful political title [Ras]. His loyal and effective administration made Mika’el adorable between the Amhara and Tigrean people settled around Gondär and they called him law giver and the two people’s interaction and integration reflected more in his lordship. 77 Even though Tigreans had socio-cultural interaction and integration with the Amhara and other ethnic settlers in Dämbiya and Wägärä districts, the ordinary Tigreans had no pronounced involvement(except some political elites) in the day to day livelihood of the Amhara people, who were living in Gondär town up until 1930s.78

Of course the hegemonies period of Gondär began to decline since 1769, and the period of decline, instability and decentralization continued up to 1855. 79 The coming of Tewodros brought relative centralization and peaceful administration. Unfortunately the early regional lords who were dissatisfied with Tewodros’s centralized administration approach and the Church clergy who opposed his policy toward the church forced them to work with the unsatisfied lords and in collaboration let the emperor hate by the ordinary Gondäriän who supported the king’s early attempts of unification and “justice administration.” In the face of this opposition and in other factors [to build modern armament industrial zone] Tewodros forced to leave Gondär into his new capital Debra Tabor.80

From 1860 on, Gondär was the forgotten town until Emperor Yohannes’s attempt to revive its importance. Though Emperor Yohannes IV had fought to save Gondar until his last breathe, he couldn’t save the town from the Dervishes attack.81 So Dervishes’ attack aggravated the decline of Gondar and it continued up until the coming of Empress Zeweditu. By the Empress’s official order great trading centers, being linked by main routes to Gälläbät on the Sudan, were opened and in her final rule, the Saturday market of Gondär revived again and accelerated and the socio-

77 Pankhurst, “An Eighteenth Century Ethiopian Dynastic Marriage…”, 460. Mikael's advent in the city, however it may be judged, was an event of major importance, Bruce observing that since Mika’el had become Ras, Tigrinya became the language most used in Gondar by political elites. 78 Informants: Argash Asgede and Alemitu Degu. 79 Gerima, “Gondär ena Akababiwa”, 1; Habtamu Mengistie “Land Tenure and Agrarian social structure in Ethiopia, 1636-1900” (PhD Dissertation, University of Illinois, 2011), 142. 80 Pankhurst, “Notes for…”, 217. 81 Ghiorghis Mellessa, “Gondar Yesterday and Today,” Ethiopia Observer Vol. XlI, No. 3, (1969), 165 -170.

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economic importance of the town increased.82 As heir to the throne, Ras Teferi or the late Emperor Haile Selassie continued to encourage Gondär in trade and administrative rearrangement, and then Gondär rose again, so these motives inspired many Tigreans to come from different Tigray districts to learn religious education, to give spiritual service and some masons, carpenters and laborer to work in Gondär.83

Basic Economic Activities

The basic means livehood for the peoples of Gondär town are agriculture, trade and tourism. Agriculture accounts the largest share followed by tourism. In addition, investment, particularly small scale micro-enterprises have been remained as main economic activities of the town.84 Gondär has huge potential to provide agricultural products for both the domestic and foreign residents. Peoples in villages surrounding Gondär are engaged in crops, animal and forester producing sectors. The major production sources in many respects for Gondär are Wägärä, Dämbiya and other surrounding woredas.85

Crop production is the major agricultural activity of the area. Gondär has stayed nucleus for annual crops production (cereals, pulses, oil sides, fiber, cotton and root crops) which are grown in different districts. Being center of agro-ecological diverse districts, Gondär may perhaps able to produce all crop types. Besides, planting crops which can be produced in other corner of the country, Gondär is oversize producer of sesame, cotton, chickpea and spice. 86 The other alternative investment is spice, which can yields 25 quintals per hectare. Particularly Täkusa and Dämbiya are districts, who supply the largest black and white cumin to local and global markets. Gondär has livestock potential districts which accounts for 20% of Amhara region livestock is from Gondär. Fattening of animals becomes a common practice in Gondär.87Gondär is popular as a tourist destination for its many picturesque ruins in Fasil Ghebbi (the Royal Enclosure), from which the emperors once reigned. The most famous buildings in the town lie in the Royal Enclosure, which include Fasilädäs castle, Iyasu’s palace, Däwit’s Hall, a banqueting hall, stable,

82 Pankhurst, “Notes for…”, 221. 83 Informants: Argash Asgede; Alemitu Degu and Demelash Beyene. 84 Tesfamichael Fentie, “Historical Celebration of Epiphany in Gondar” (BA Senior Essay, in History and Heritage Management, Wolaita Sodo University, 2015), 8. 85 Gondar Ketema Astedader, 7. 86 Ibid. 87 Ibid., 8.

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Empress Mentewab's castle, a chancellery, library and three churches. Gondar is a home for Fasilädäs bath, home to an annual ceremony where it is blessed and then opened for bathing. Gondar is also known for the Qusquäm complex, built by Empress Mentewab; the eighteenth century Ras Mika’el Sehul's palace and the Debra Berhan Selassie Church.88Tourism, which has registered a very fast growth in the last few years, is major earning source of the country. In 2015, 62,899 domestic and 19,096 foreign tourists visited Gondär and 48, 927, 713; 00 birr has been collected from ticket price. In general, tourism is the foundation of Gondär economy with enormous potential.89

As form of economic activity, women prepare different kinds of beverages and used the income for their livelihood. Different local beer producers (kommäre) competes each other in preparing best beverage with required quality. Men from high to low income used to drink such alcoholic drinks often collectively by inviting each other on voluntary basis. Especially from the town of Gondär Enkoya Mäsk, Cherkose /Chika Säfär/, and L-shape are some of the prominent local beer production center. Socio-cultural and other aspects have been raised and discussed over there.90 Young ladies in the town also recently participated in traditional economic activity known as jǝbbǝnä bunä market (a street coffee ceremony), particularly this activity is flourished after the first Epiphany carnival launched, including the down town and in the surrounding area women participated in jǝbbǝnä bunä market and they could impress many clients and generate income. The elder women who came from different districts of the country used rental house and involved in a traditional Ethiopian pan cake production.91

Urbanization and Socio-Cultural history of Gondär Town Fasiladas preferred Gondär because it was the center of long distance trade that linked southwest part of the country to north and it was free from malaria, thus forced him to leave his father’s seat and founded Gondär as the capital of the county and he began palace building and other construction works that led to the end of the mobile court of the Solomonic rulers.92

88 Graham Hancock, The Beauty of Historic Ethiopia (Nairobi: Camerapix Publisher International, 1997), 78. 89 Gondar Ketema Astedader, 8. 90 Informants: Befriedu Shemlese and Dessalegn Niguse. 91 Informant: Saba Tajebe; Tesfamichael, 8-9. 92 Administrator, “Ya Gondär Tarike Betemeramariwe Ayne [A History of Gondar in the Eyes of Researcher],”Addis Admass News. Tuesday, 29 July 2014, http://www. Addis Admass News. com/2020/8/07/.html; Yared, 116. To fulfill the Archangel Raguel direction of founding the capital start its name by “Go” Christian kings

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Palace and church building in Ethiopia did not originate at Gondär or with the reign of Emperor Fasiladas, rather in Aksum and later in Zagwe period many architectural developments flourished in the country. Among many of the igniters of Gondäriän urbanization, one finds castle as castles were the magnets of urbanization and thus the city of Gondar is the by-product of castles and churches. The construction of the castle or Bête Mengist [house of governance] was the principal factor/reason that triggered for the emergence of Gondär.93

Fasiladas (r. 1632-1667), one of the greatest of the Gondäriän Emperors, is attributed to the building of the main palace which still bears his name.94 The castles were built in an area between Angäräb and Kähä rivers, surrounded by several churches and residences of the Ichege [The head monk of EOTC]. The royal enclosure was residence for the royal families and their servants. Castles served the Ethiopian empire to organize monarchical institutions through which the kings discharged their responsibilities.95 Hassan Ben Ahmed El-Haimi, who came to Gondär in 1648 A.D. soon after the completion of Fasiladas castle, reported that Fasil built seven churches in and around Gondär town. Also attributed to Emperor Fasil's work is the Wesheba Gimb (ancient hospital) which is in ruins and located between the castles of Emperors Bakaffa and Dawit.96

During the reign of Fasiladas' son Yohannes I (r.1667-82), Gondär and the surrounding areas became the centre of political and architectural development.97 In the royal compound of the castle, almost five meters away from his father palace, Yohannes built a palace and house of horses; since he spent his time in the court he led the development of Addäbäbäy, neighboring square.98 Emperor Yohannes had magnificent achievement to the development of urbanization in

from Lebne Dengle to Fasil moved their capital from place to place as mobile court. To hunt animal Fail was riding a horse around the present heart land of Gondar it was extremity covered by forest, suddenly he saw a buffalo around the forest when Fail chased the buffalo immediate diapered from his eyes, within gave up losing the buffalo in his way to the palace, he asked the elders of there where the buffalo disappeared and they told him as it was called Gondar haired that he was impressed and delighted and officially change the capital from Gomange to Gondar. 93Muluken Fikadie, Sisay Sahile and Busha Taa, “Historicizing Urbanism: The socio- economic and cultural pattern of the city of Gondar, Ethiopia,” ERJSSH Vol.5, No.2, (July, 2018), 108-1010. 94 Richard Pankhurst, “The City of Castles and Forty-Four Churches,” Tiyent Gondar Amharic Monthly Newspaper, No.2, (November-December 1975), 5; Pankhurst, “Notes for…”, 181. 95 Muluken, Sisay and Busha, 109. 96 Ghiorghis Mellessa, 169. 97 Pankhurst, “Notes for…”, 182. 98 Ghiorghis, 165-167.This historical Addäbäbäy still used by EOTC as prayer square whenever mankind faced natural and manmade problems. For instance in the past three years when the country faced political anarchy many people’s were harshly killed, churches in southeast part of the country were burnt and also locust attack the country,

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Gondär; by his lordship different ethnic groups established their own separate quarter from the palace, the Beta-Israel established their separate quarter at Wälkä and Muslims settled in their new settlement at Addis Aläm. At the same time Franks and other Europeans who were not favored to EOTC established their own separate quarters in the edges of the capital.99

Emperor Iyasu, like his father and grandfather, seems to have taken a great interest in building construction at Gondär, and was responsible, according to tradition, for a huge new castle to the north-east of the Fasiladas palace, as well as two fine churches. Pankhurst states that this building, more gorgeous than the house of Solomon, was erected by Walda Ghiorghis, able, intelligent and of good renown. When the King saw it he was full of joy and happiness, and preferred this residence to all his other houses.100

Following the death of Iyasu I the successive four rulers’ regime was not impressive just like their predecessors and successors, however all of them had their own impact in the town’s urbanization, particularly in the construction of churches. The berates came to an end with Emperor Bakaffa who left two fine castles-one attributed directly to him and the other to his consort, the Empress Mentewab.101Bakaffa’s successor, Iyasu II, is regard by most historians as the last of the Gondar Emperors to rule with full authority. His monarchy also developed buildings outside the castle in the hills north-west of the town known as Qusquäm.102

The development of the city has brought different religious and socio-political features for churches. Since the late seventeen century, churches have become centers of education, art, and music. As centers of education, they were delivering basic education for the children who needed religious knowledge. The churches were also responsible for certifying students who had accomplished their courses. The communities who belonged to certain churches were responsible taking care of the churches. These economic supports were provided in the form of asrät, si’elet, and meba’e.103Additionally, the church had been collecting products from their rim that was

to ask mercy from God the town people regardless of sex and age bow down in the square. And also in this square before social distance announced by the government Gondäriän also pray to God to stop the spread of Covid-19 pandemic. 99 Pankhurst, “Notes for…”, 183. But the case of Kimant settlement around Cherker was not established as their quarter by Yohannes order, rather they received the area from Fasiladas, to courage their hustle in the court. 100 Ibid., 186. 101 Gerima, 1; Hancock, 78. 102 Pankhurst, “The City of Castles…”, 5; Hancock, 78. 103 Muluken, Sisay and Busha, 111.

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harvesting land granted from the king who established them. The settlers around the churches have been assigned to various individual and communal works. They share household activities and work to maintain the security of the village. Additionally, the neighbors are responsible to help each other in time of thick and thin in the household. They also participate freely in preparation of feasts: wedding, tezkär, baptism, zikr and other ceremonies.104

The French travelers Ferret and Galinier were so impressed by the town that they called it the “Paris of Abyssinia,” alluding by that designation not only to its commercial importance but also to the role of the Gondär as the fashion setters of the empire (i.e the settler of Gondär were more “modernized” than any other parts of the country) .105 Long-distance trade was at the root of the rise of Gondär, and it was trade that sustained it. In its heyday, Gondär came to host a daily market and a population variously estimated at between 10,000 and 40,000 souls.106In fact the socio-economic system of Gondär at the country level declined due to rivalry of regional lords. Unlike its early zeal period Gondär faced decline in Zemene Mesafint. In the citation of Bruce, Kleina, reports that toward the end of the eighteenth century that the Gondär Amhara-Tigre lived better than the other Ethiopians.107

The town served as Ethiopia's capital until Tewodros II moved the Imperial capital to Mägädälä upon being crowned Emperor in 1855.108Abdallahi Ibn Muhammad sacked Gondär when he invaded Ethiopia in June 1887. Gondär was ravaged again on 23 January in the next year, when Sudanese invaders set fire to almost every one of the town churches.109 So Gondär was the forgotten town till Empress Zeweditu, by the empress’s orders the early socio-economic structure of Gondär raise, long distance trade re-linked with Gälläbät and Gondär recovered.110 Unfortunately six years later Italian troops occupied Gondär on 1 April 1936, and within two years 2,000 Europeans lived in the town. Most of Gondär’s 12,000 Ethiopian inhabitants lived south of the main castle where the ridge slopes gently down toward the major market at the southern edge of town. The Italians concentrated their building activity north of the Fasil Ghebbi

104 Ibid. 105 Solomon, xi. 106 Ibid. 107 Rebecca A. Kleina, “We do not eat Meat with the Christians: Interaction and Integration between the Beta Israel and Amhara Christians of Gonder, Ethiopia” (PhD Dissertation, University of Florida, 2007), 54. 108 Sven Robeson, King of Kings: Tewodros of Ethiopia (Addis Ababa: Haile Selassie I University, 1966), 71. 109 Ghiorghis, 165 -170. 110 Pankhurst, “Notes for …”, 221.

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on two adjacent level areas, but separated by a twenty-meter change in elevation.111The Italians had built two hospitals, one clinic for emergency cases and one recovery center in the city. While one of the hospitals was “blacks only” and had been located at Sämunä Bär, the other hospital was “Whites only” and was situated in ĉaĉala.112

The lower area served as a commercial district, with a wide, tree-lined street running north from the castles, past the cinema to the prominently sited post office. The higher area immediately to the east comprised the governmental district, centered on two monumental buildings for the military authorities, whose towers commanded distant views and marked the center of power in the new Gondär.113 Communication and transport were also enhanced with the commencement of air transport between Gondär, Asmärä, Addis Ababa and Dässe. Beside passengers, the airline also provided transport services for mail and parcels. The airfield was 16 kilometers away from the town which was located at Azezo. Initially the Italians had tried the Abuwärä Ghiorghis.114

Postal service embodied the extension of Italian imperial authority across East Africa, and its headquarters in Gondär demonstrated the city’s importance as a center for communications and administration. The state highway agency completed the road connecting Gondär to Asmärä and the Red Sea coast in 1938, enabling regular bus service to Gondär by the Gondränd Company.115 The town which emerged between 1936 and 1941 exemplifies imperial urbanism under Italian fascism. Like cities and neighborhoods built in Italy during the fascist era, Gondär gave physical form to the values and aspirations of the regime.116 As a colonial center and provincial capital, Gondär segregated its population according to race and class, emphasized the surveillance of both residents and the surrounding countryside, and normalized foreign domination over a sovereign state. From its details to its broad strokes, Gondär was the very model of a modern imperial capital.117

111 Gerima Tafer, Gondare Begashaw (Addis Ababa: Tesfa G/Sillasse Printing Press, 1949 E.C.), 13-14. 112 Solomon Addis, “The Evolution and Development of the Public Health College and Training Center in Gondar: the History of Che-Che-la, from an Italian Consular Office to Medical College /1910s- 1970s/,” NP, (NY), 4. 113 David Rifkind, “Gondar Architecture and Urbanism for Italy’s Fascist Empire,” JSAH, Vol. 70, No. 4, (December, 2011), 495. 114 Solomon, A History of the..., 32; Rifkind, “Gondar Architecture and Urbanism…”, 496. 115 Rifkind, “Gondar Architecture and Urbanism…”, 498. 116 Ibid., 509. 117 Ibid.

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CHAPTER TWO SOCIO-CULTURAL INTERACTION BETWEEN THE AMHARA-TIGRE PEOPLE IN GONDÄR TOWN (1930s to 1941) Socio-Cultural Interaction between the Amhara-Tigre people in Gondär town (1930s to 1935) Although the church of Aksum Tsion Mary attracted theologians, just like Shoä and Lastä, from Tigray, many religious students and clergies came to Gondär to learn and provide spiritual services. And these religious students bring desiccated food from their family, however few months later when they finished the food, they moved into the churches area respective home and mendicancy in the name of Virgin Mary and if there is enough food the area settlers give them a food that prepared at home daily by saying Bä Ente sele-Maryam sele-Embrihan.118 And after they accomplished their education accordingly to the degree they took, half of them back to the area where they originally came, while the rest stayed in Gondär and its neighboring districts, as well as in the other parts of the country, and they had moved from one church to another in whole their live to preach gospel.119 These religious scholars from Tigray, together with the rest of the Amhara church scholars, organized the song in a row and composed a hymn and aromatic chanting of the hymns and the distinctive style of Ethiopia. Singing traditions have been adopted by the churches in the acceptance of the Gondär culture. In addition, teachers have translated the Bible and criticized other religious books.120

Many the Tigre-Amhara eyewitnesses gave their testimony, just like teachers and students of spiritual ministry. Some groups of Tigreans from different Tigray provinces came to Gondär for work, since the final period of Zeweditu and the beginning of Haile Selassie regime in 1930. The Tigreans, who came to Gondär from 1930 to 1935, lived in a group together from 3 to 4 in renting house in the suburbs and serving the people in their profession.121 The Tigreans, who were looking for their services as a carpenter and builder, went from rented houses to repair the

118 Informant: Ezra Addis. The main reason why these religious students mendicancy in the name of Mary is to commemorate her mendicancy. 119 Informant: Ezra Addis. 120 Informant: Argewine Berhie; Gerima Tafer, “Liqawintu ena Memehiran be Gondär,” Tiyent Gondar Amharic Monthly Newspaper, No. 7, (April-May 1974), 4. 121 Informants: Alemitu Degu; Demelash Beyene and Messele Berihun.

23 house; yard and other infrastructure of the town settlers. When they had done their work, people paid them 1-2 birr a day in cash for their amazing works. Those who had the art of remodeling and repairing house hold materials, they moved to all directions of the town, for their promotion was heard through oral news. People with old-fashioned repairs hired them to renew their materials, while the town’s people would pay 25 to 50 cents for the repaired materials.122

Laborers were also involved in various types of labor services, traveling around the town and earned grain and cash. After work, some of them baked bread together in their rent house and other groups prepared stew and injera /tavita/ and feed together. And their diligent effort enabled them not to experience period of unemployment, and they have never been seen in a hostile environment or idle and time consuming places (tellä and teji bet). By their interactions with the rest of the Amhara people, they have developed kinship with many families of the town.123 After having done all their work for which they were paid in cash, they saved their money. And when they were given cereals in kind as wage, they sold the cereal and changed into cash or if it was not sold they put cereal cosign into the town settlers for the next year. And all of them went back to their original area (Tigray) in May, because May in Ethiopian Calendar is agricultural season; they got engaged themselves in agricultural production there.124

Through the money they got from Gondär, some bought oxen, cows and things they had not had. Then, at the end of agricultural season a few newcomers from the previous careers, as a role model to buy oxen, cows and a variety of items, and some the early Tigrean seasonal workers who wanted to got more cash in Gondär regularly came and continued their seasonal work and other services till Italian occupation of the town.125Later following the defeat of the Italian fascists, the interrupted seasonal workers came again and since 1942, they have acquired a permanent resident camp in north part of the town and then they have taken their entire family from various districts of Tigray particularly from Agame district.126

122 Informants: Almitu Degu and Demelash Beyene. 123 Informants: Alemitu Degu; Demelash Beyene and Mesfin Mekonnen. 124 Informants: Alemitu Degu and Demelash Beyene. 125 Informants: Demoz Amare; Muchité Alemu; Tekle Girmay and Esayas Desta. 126 Informants: Argash Asgede and Demelash Beyene.

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The Italian Occupation and its Socio-Cultural Impacts in Gondär Town (1936 to 1941) The Italian consul in Gondar around 1930s was Rafael Di Lauro. He setup his Embassy around ĉaĉala and he was undertaking his job with an Eritrean translator. There were also local people working with Rafael Di Lauro, among them were Mrs. Enkoyehu and Mr. Tefera. The rest of the population lived with an obsessive look and suspicion of working with the Italians. Rafael Di Lauro complained to them by sending telegram to the Italian consulate in Addis Ababa and reported that Ethiopia has entered into a major break with Italy.127

Following the completion of the consul, by exploiting the Wal Wal incident of December 1934 as a pretext, Italian force crossed the Marab River and invaded Ethiopia without an official declaration of war on 3, 1935. Subsequently, they advanced to Adwa-Entico-Adigrat line. Simultaneously, Emperor Haile Selassie declared Yä-kität awaj (general mobilization) to the people of Ethiopia against the Italian invasion. Following the awaj, the people of Bägemdǝr and Seimen reacted really with a great zeal to pay sacrifice saying: “I would do what I should do for my country’s independence.”128

Gondär was selected as one of the centers of mobilization for the soldiers of the northern front. Hundreds of thousands of men, women and children marshaled in to the town; a phenomenon that the town had not encountered since its heydays and an event that temporarily swelled the five thousand or so population of the town to more than one hundred thousand.129 Being nearer to the war front; beside Tigray, Gondär was also a base of supplies for the ragtag army. This brought an Italian preemptive air strike on the town on November 30, 1936. The indiscriminately showering bombs took the lives of four women and six children while burning.130

On March of the same year, the war was fought out; and both Ras Emiru and Däjäch Ayalew's forces who had been engaging the enemy in the Shire front were retreating in disarray. Following in their footsteps, Italian military columns were converging upon the town from two directions. The commanding officer of the Italian forces at the Shire front, General Gobitto, followed the

127 Informants: Demelash Beyene and Argas Asgede. 128 Debash Yimam, “A History of Wagara District to 1974” (MA Thesis in History, Addis Ababa University, 2011), 40. 129 George Steer, Caesar in Abyssinia (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1936), 142. 130 Solomon, A History of the…, 30.

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caravan trail to Gondär.131 Meanwhile, another mechanized column led by General Strache was also hurrying towards Gondär. The march from Eritrea to Gondär through Hummérä, the lowlands of Tägäde and Armächiho was accomplished with ease. Däjäch Ayalew's forces, which were also expected to conduct subversive warfare and delay the enemy's march towards the town, were nowhere to be seen.132

On Wednesday April 1, 1936, at 5 o'clock, General Strache, led the Italian army in the northwestern part of the town of Gonderoch-Ghiorghis133 and cut off the Kähä River and reached Gondär. The army, led by General Gobitto, four hours later, entered the fort and set up its headquarters near the Apostle Light Trinity. This marked the beginning of an Italian invasion that lasted for the next five years.134 In the same year a meeting was held in Gondär town. At the meeting, religious leaders were forced to send a message to the common people to submit to the Italian government. Then issued a decree for the inhabitants of the town to surrender and give the armament equipment to the Italian government. Local people who suspected of patriotism also began to suffer at the Italian penitentiary in mount Qusquäm.135

Religious fathers in the cross of Gänä-Yohannes, who were found guilty of violating the Italian decree, have been beaten and killed by the fascist. Also, one teacher of religious song in Gondär, named Aleqa Tekle Haymanot was killed because he preached along the Fechfächite River about the fall of Italy. 136 The fascist government had been studying the area for years since taking over Gondär and had developed a master plan to build a modern city. The preparation of the master plan continued up to October 1937, taking into consideration the potential of the town’s residents, especially those from Italy. This master plan was based on racial discrimination.137 According to the master plan, the structure of the town became central to the churches. The high ground on the north side of the town was occupied by Italians, government offices, shopping

131 Anthony Mockler, Haile Selassies War (London: Grafton Book, 1984), 77; Gerima, Gondare Begashaw, 19. 132 Gerima, Gondare Begashaw, 15. 133 As an observer of the entry of General Strache, in to Gondär through Gonderoch-Ghiorghis the researcher with his friends visited a number of fragmented fortress and an old like Italian army camp in Genete Terärä, Enkulale Meda and Fetchfächite localities (especially in around local place called Ke Ganu Wuha) areas. The researcher suggest to the concerning body to examine these caves and old fragmented structures, because many the town elders informed there are the hide treasure in these and other Italian camps of the town. 134 Gerima, Gondare Begashaw, 15. 135 Ibid., 27. 136 Ibid. 137 Rifkind, “Gondar Architecture and Urbanism…”, 502; Sisay, Wassie and Girmay, 219.

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malls, cinemas, and the street decorated in street light. By contrast, no part of the town was built as part of Ethiopia's south of the Fasil fort.138

Since Italian residents in the town were swollen to 20,000 people, the master plan was reorganized. The master plan, which was modified from 1938 to 1939, went so far as to deprive the country of its citizens. The landscape of Gondär changed. Gradually, new neighborhood names like Piazza, Parco Auto, Belico, ĉaĉala, and Brigatta were replaced.139 The Fascist Italians exiled the local people from the town, where they were guarded by siege guards and guarded the inner part of the town by setting up nine entrances.140

The Italians, who started Gondär as a subject of their efforts, found that the laundry stones of the Angäräb and Kähä rivers were considered black and white races, while the peoples of the town instructed to wash their cloth underneath of Italians around Aqenje Metere on the Angäräb River. Infra of Kähä River was decided to be behind the now-defunct abattoir or Fasiladas Preparatory School. Cattle were slaughtered from the fields of Fasiladas daily, and the daily blood of cattle was mixed with the underneath of the two rivers, which means that black Ethiopians were washing their clothes with distilled water.141

Small rivers were also controlled by Italians and no lake could be recorded without Italian permission and local people prefer with distilled water. It was also decided that no black should be found in hotels and the town. Recognizing the importance of the enemy's position in the course of the invasion prepared their own patrols, which they sent out as they await the day-to- day battle plans of the patriots throughout the town.142When the fascist government had great level of preparation in means of vehicle maintenance and infrastructural development accelerated, inner patriots who were working in the town as servant of the Italians secretly informed to the patriot who were stationed around the jungle to stop the Italian colonialism act; otherwise, the Italian colonial attempt would continue in Gondär and in general the country.143

138 Ibid. 139 Rifkind, “Gondar Architecture and Urbanism…”, 506; Sisay, Wassie and Girmay, 221. 140 Gerima, Gondare Begashaw, 70. 141 Ibid., 73. 142 Ibid. 143 Informants: Lete -Berhan G/Michael and Asfaw Mollalegn; Sisay, Wassie and Girmay, 223. Except to who opposed their occupation and the illiterate Ethiopians, the Italians were said highly interested to employ educated and artesian in their so called “urbanization and modernization act”, that is why including the seasonal Tigrean

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Despite their unsuccessful results, creating ethnic animosities among the people of Ethiopia was a strategy used by Italians to weaken the anti-Italian patriotic resistance movement. Since Ethiopia is the land of diversity and the country of multiethnic groups, Italians saw this difference as an opportunity to implement their racist colonial policy. 144 The Italians systematically favored other ethnic groups like the Tigre ethnic groups who were stationed in different districts of Gondär and some of them were in the town. Particularly, the fascist government tried to gain the attention of Tigreans and forced them to suspect the Amhara by preaching in the early time as they were treated injustice and disrespect in comparison with the rest Amhara settler of the town. Because the Italians knew exactly as their early plan, the divisions of the two peoples were for somehow successful before they controlled Gondär.145

As there were patriots146 so also were there traitors deserted for one reason or another. Certain Amhara who were bribed, and certain people of Tigre and people with family obligations preventing patriots to join the patriotic war in the Northern front. Some collaborators, other groups who were dissatisfied with the emperor’s rule and some business men who had gained good approach from the fascist Italian never raised their hand to the enemy.147 Moreover, the weakling of local patriots who fought the fascist and the armament superiority of the Italians forced the traitors to believe as the Italians would be victorious and they were “sent by God”, so this and other factors led to the victory of Italy. Unlike in the war of northern front, their early conspiracies work to divide some of Amhara-Tigre groups from the rest settlers Amhara-Tigre peoples in and around Gondär was not successful.148 Including some traitors who failed in the

workers and some of Amhara people who had highly knowledge about the town structure and administrative capability gave especial attention by Italians. 144 Mohammed Hussein, “Patriotic Resistance in Western Šäwa: Addis Aläm, (1936-1941)” (MA Thesis, Dabra Birhan University, 2019), 59; Sbacchi, 139-143. 145 Informant: Basha Tamrat; Salome Gebre-Egziabher, “The Ethiopian Patriots 1936-1941,” Ethiopia Observer Vol. XlI, No. 3, (1968-1969), 64-66. 146 A patriot was a man or women who fought either physically or in some other way such as being involved in the underground resistance, or who refused to collaborate with the enemy. Distinction were also later made in granting medals to persons classified as five year patriot, four year patriot, three, two and even one year patriot. There was no distinction of class and sex to join the patriots. Any one was courageous; health and rich enough to buy a gun could join the patriot. Old men, women and small children joined them. But there was division of labor in their ranks. The strong men, either old or young were the fighters very old men who were not fit for fighting were made advisor because they were experienced, very young boy were made to look after the cattle and sometimes were allowed to help the warriors in the field. The works of women mostly was prepared food, courage the men patriots, but there were also notable women patriot in Gondär and Bägemdǝr province, but they did not have researches attention as Shoän women patriots. Salome, 64-66. 147 Salome, 64-66; Informant: Argash Asgede. 148 Ibid.

28 fascist malapropism, regretted in their early bändä act and the host Amhara-Tigre groups continuously showed their altruism against the fascist rule in the jungles of Gondär town. One of the veterans of the two peoples was Fitäwräri Abebe Dawit; after he conquered and subdued some army of Italian fascist force in the jungle he boasted that:

Amharic Translation

በ እናቱ አማራ በ አባቱ ትግሬ A man of Amhara on the mother line, and of Tigre on the father,

ተሰዶ ገዳይ ከ ሰው ቀበሌ Who is a man of patriotic war, chasing enemies beyond the borders,

ሶልዳቶ ገዳይ አህያ በሌ ባንዳ killer of a white intruder, who is a non-selective scavenger,

ገዳይ ጎፈሬ። and killer of a traitor who wears a disguising Afro.149

Moreover, to achieve their colonial ambition, the Italians went to the extent of preaching that the Gondär Amharas were considered as inferior by the Shoä Amhara.150It did not take them long to realize the negative consequences of the anti-Amhara policies, especially in the Amhara governorate general. So, like many of their colonial policies, the Italians' attitude toward the Amhara and the Orthodox Church began to vacillate.151

The fascist government constantly tried to incite violence and bloodshed against different ethnic groups of the town each other. Except few Ethiopians who did not understand conspiracies and the hidden colonial agenda of the fascist, all ethnic and religious groups strongly opposed the Italian colonialism attempt.152

In Gondär and the surrounding districts, a number of patriots who were born from the Tigre- Amhara family engaged in various resistance activities. For example, people like Ato Adgoy Zegeye in Bägemdǝr hide messengers coming from patriots to buy ammunition, food and clothing. Members of the resistance group who were working in Italian office, like Ato Hawaze Fisseha, who was working in the Italian printing press, informed the patriots many of the Italian

149 Gerima, Gondare Begashaw, 40. 150 Ibid., 29-30. 151 Solomon, A History of the…, 39. 152 Informants: Argash Asgede and Lete -Berhan G/Michael.

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secret plans.153Ato Tagaye Wolde-Selassie who was working in the department of public health, sent medicine to the patriots. Other merchants also collected cloth from Wällo and Mäkäle and sent it to the patriots.154Just like the adult Tigre-Amhara patriots, the young deacons and other groups also joined the patriotic resistance movement against the racist fascist Italians, especially with the age 13 to 14 taking responsibility for carrying the Meredith’s foot and the locks in woods surrounding the town.155

However, much strong the patriots were, the Italians stayed in the study area and influenced the socio-cultural, economic and political conditions. Both written and oral sources indicated both positive and negative consequences of the period of Italian occupation. To start with the positive ones, even though it was for their own purpose, Italians had a great architectural impact and other modern service facilities, which were very important for the forgotten old capital.156

Since early Käntibä Desta Metkie the Italian counsel of Gondär under Lauro secretly studied the landscape of the town for their colonial ambition and followed the occupation Italian developed master plan for Gondär in 1938 under architect Gherardo Bosio.157Because of a wealth of historical architecture already created a unique and beautiful urban landscape in Gondär, the Italian army envisioned the town as a potential “second Rome” in Ethiopia. Of course, it was for their own colonial purpose and brainwash158 the patriots Italian had a great improvement on Gondär in means of asphalt, road, waterlines and electricity networks and principal buildings such as governmental building, residences, shops, hotels, school and hospitals.159

153 Salome, 90. 154 Ibid.; Sisay, Wassie and Girmay, 225. 155 Informant: Basha Tamrat; Gerima, Gondare Begashaw, 238. 156 Informants: Argash Asgede and Lete -Berhan G/Michael. 157David Rifkind, The Very Model of a Modern Imperial City: Gondar, Ethiopia, (Florida: Florida International University, NY), 788; Bahru Zewde, “Gondär In the Early Twentieth Century: A Preliminary Investigation of a 1930/31 Census,” Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 21 (November 1988), 66. 158 According to Shitara and his informants: Abä Yigzaw Mekonene and Nigusie Desie, Girma Tayachew corroborates that Italians constructed more than 352 house in Gondär town for two reasons: to meet their officials’ need for luxurious life style, and to allure and brainwash the local people and patriots in to submission. Girma Tayachew, “The Administration of Italian Buildings and Holdings in Gondar Town (1941-1974),” Ethiopian Journal of Social Science (EJSS), Vol.3, No.1 (2017), Accessed May 10, 2020, http://www. journals. bdu. edu. et/index.php/ejss/article/view/81/149. 159 Tomohiro Shitara, “Present Condition of Historical Italian Buildings in Gondar,” Nilo-Ethiopian, Studies No.10, (2006), 16. The town was provided with separate schools for blacks and whites. While the whites-only school was located at the administrative quarter that is in the present-day Chäwä säfär (in post occupation renamed by Emperors’ daughter princess Tenagnworqe, however since militarily rule to now renamed as Hibret, personally from grade 1-8 the researcher studied in this school), the black's school was situated in one of the native quarters,

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For the first time Italians opened the postal service, and transport related workshops like FIAT, AGIP, Pirelli and different spare parts and garages were opened. 160 For somehow till the militarily rule, these workshops continued to give service to the people of the town. The most notable garages serving in Gondär in the post-occupation period were Jovanie and Abä Josef Garages.161Many Ethiopians who had got training in the service sectors opened their own firm in post occupation period. The owner of Photo Leul for instance, had got training from Italian photographers and later established his own photo service. The imperial family and some other relatively wealthy civilians also inherited Italian hotels, investments, agricultural and other infrastructures and highly benefited from their rent.162

Particularly Italians had impact on bridges and road construction which benefited the town’s dwellers by connecting them with their far and close relatives in short time. It’s possible to say that the icon of the town besides to the 17th century castles, are the 352 Italian buildings.163Italians had also a magnificent achievement in heritage protection and rehabilitated of the 17th century churches and castles among these were Qusquäm, Debra Birhan Selassie, Bätä and Azäzo Tekle-Haymanot churches. Some of these churches for example Bätä had been in ruins since the Mahadist attack.164The Ras Gimb, the Fasiladas Bath, the castle of Fasiladas, Bakafa, Mentewab and Dawit were also maintained.165

However, not less than their positive impact (it might be above); the Italian occupation of Gondär town had many defects as well. The Italians were said to have taken away forcefully

south of St. Rufäel Church. Two hospitals, one at the former Italian consulate and the other at Sämunä Bärr, were established. The former was for whites and the latter treated blacks. All of these schools and hospitals benefiting the town people in post occupation. Solomon, A History of the…, 34. 160 Informant: Esayas Desta; Rifkind, “Gondar Architecture and Urbanism…”, 6. 161 Jovanie garage it was around the present Haile Resort and Aba Josef garage it was located the present garage in front of Yemeserach hotel in the lower gate. 162 Informant: Demelash Beyene. 163 Informants: Alemitu Degu and Demelash Beyene; Shitara, 19. Many bridges and culverts, among them the bridge over the Rib River, was built. It took four months with an average of one hundred men toiling on it day and night. The bridge, 89 kilometers away from Gondar, was 140 meters long and 6 meters wide. In the framework of the major road construction program of the Italian East Africa, a 546-kilometer road between Gondar and Asmara was completed in 1940 it had 21 bridges and 1,300 culverts. One of these bridges, with three arches and 46 meters long, was that of Takazze. Until the completion of this road, the frequented venue between Asmara and Gondar was through Adwa, Sätit, Wälqäyt, Tägäde, Armächiho, Tikil Dingäy and thence Gondär. Moreover, the traditional tanqua transport service over Lake Tänä was enhanced with the introduction of motorboat transport in 1939. Informant: Esayas Desta; Solomon, A History of the ..., 31-32; Gerima, Gondare Begashaw, 16. 164 Solomon, A History of the…, 39-40. 165 Ibid.

31 wives from their husbands and they ate the flesh of animals which were taken as taboo in Ethiopian tradition, like donkey, bird and calves.166

With the invading government, many different alien ethnic and religious groups entered into the town. On top of that, Italians brought an unprecedented amount of sexual activities like prostitution into Gondär.167 Since the advent of fascists and the spread of their hooligan behavior, black young Ethiopians in every evening, disobeyed to their fathers and mothers, they drank in a drunkest up or, and these youngsters were also seduced by Italian purposely candles, chocolate and chewing gum impression and considered as ፒያንቶኒ/minions/. Instead of being submissive to their religion, the youngsters abandoned their pride and, in effect, seduced by Italians and young women chose to be widowed.168

Though the law had provided for separate quarters and the government had built houses, lodging remained a problem. As a result the Italians continued to live cheek by jowl with the Ethiopians.169Another instance of their dilemma was the illegal cohabitation of Italians with Ethiopian women. Unable to check this, the Italians attempted to control it by designating a prostitute’s quarter, Enkoyä Mäsk. There, female officials were appointed for each row of houses. These officials also approached unmarried or divorced women and coerced or coaxed them into the locality.170 A police force was assigned to guard Encoyä Mäsk from the probable intrusion of lustful blacks into the locality. Every afternoon, starting from 2 o’clock right up to the middle of the night, said Gerima, the Italians would swarm into Enkoyä Mäsk like ants. And the picture was like that of someone attending the first call of nature. Thus, no wonder the governorship of Amhara was nicknamed “the happy government”. On the other hand, the inhabitants of the town referred to the ladies of the profession by the derogatory term malakon.171

Women fleeing their husbands from all over the province were trained only for this disgusting work. Most of the women who were fleeing from the areas of Debra Tabor, Dängelä and Dämbiya, were the wives of many priests who were married in religious commandment marriage law. Instead, sadly, many girls became barren because of the cervix; syphilis and gonorrhea that

166 Informant: Lete -Berhan G/Michael. 167 Gerima, Gondare Begashaw, 70. 168 Ibid. 169 Solomon, A History of the…, 38. 170 Ibid.; Gerima, Gondare Begashaw, 69. 171 Gerima, Gondare Begashaw, 69.

32 were ripping part their virginity in the wilds and in the villages. The name of the groom disappeared after the wedding, and the name of the bride-to-be-mother-in-law was forgotten. Female widows lost their traditional household appliances and began to be blind to the eyes of Ethiopians near the town.172In and round Enkoyä Mäsk when these Ethiopians women saw the early Ethiopian official passing that way called his name and humiliated and disgraced him. One day, Dejäzmäch Mesfin Gemech went through this way and to go to Fit Michael, and everyone who had heard those out of their minds calling him by name and laughed at him and made him heartbroken.173

After Italy occupied the Ethiopian capital, European powers recognized Italy’s conquest of Ethiopia in 1938, even though there was a continuous patriotic resistance movement in every part of the country. In September 1939, the exiled emperor of Ethiopia offered his service to the British government, but the response of British was more favorable to Mussolini than the emperor’s want. 174 However, the situation significantly changed when, on 10 June 1940, Mussolini decided to declared war on the United Kingdom and France. Britain from Sudan and the French from Djibouti started to encourage the anti-Italian patriotic movement in Ethiopia. As a result, the Emperor was allowed to go to the Sudan on 25 June and a small Anglo-Ethiopia mission led by a British officer, Brigadier Sandford, entered Ethiopia.175

Later on, General Wingate sent to support the Ethiopian patriots. In the meantime, the liberation campaign of the allied forces started from Sudan and Kenya and emperor entered into Ethiopia from Sudan.176 The rumor of the return of Emperor Haile Selassie with the aid of the British army gave power and courage to the early patriotic movement in Gondär and the surrounding jungles. The patriots then continued their usual offensive vigor.177 Then in July 1940 colonel Sandford, Commander Kebede Tessema, Lij Meried Mengesha welcomed Haile Selassie with his arrival from Khartoum; the patriot rejoiced. With a united patriotic patriotism of different ethnic groups, the struggle in and around Gondär was intensified. The Italian airplanes around Gondär become the last fall under English fleet army. The combined patriot and British force defeated

172 Ibid., 70. 173 Ibid. 174 A.J, Baarker, The Civilising Mission: The Italo-Ethiopia War 1935-6 (London: Cassell, 1968), 292-293. 175 Ibid. 176 Ibid. 177 Informant: Basha Tamrat.

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General Nazi at the battle of Gondär in 1941 and this marked the end of Italian occupation in Ethiopia.178

Finally following the last battle of Gondär, local settlers who were out from their original settlement and forced to leave in south part of the town and the surrounding rural areas began to resettle into their inhabitation area. However, it was not an easy task because there was rivalry among the early settlers to take land and houses, apartment and other infrastructures which were the artifacts of Italians.179

178 Gerima, Gondare Begashaw, 238; Informant: Demelash Beyene. At the last battle of Italian in Ethiopia besides to Amhara-Tigre, various ethnic and religious groups fought in the war. 179 Informant: Demelash Beyene.

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CHAPTER THREE RESTORATION OF MONARCHIAL RULE AND SOCIO-CULTURAL INTERACTION AND INTEGRATION BETWEEN THE AMHARA AND TIGRE PEOPLE IN GONDÄR TOWN (1940s to1960s)

Resettlement of Local People after the Last Battle of Gondär As it discussed in chapter one from the foundation of Gondär as the capital of the country to early 1930s different ethnic and religious groups of the country lived in different parts of the town in their own separate quarters. However this came to an end when Italian occupation high tension in Gondär.180 By this time, most of the landowners and residents had their land taken away, and half of them settled into the southern part of the palace and other preferred to move on rural areas surrounding the town. In the former residents of the town sat various buildings were built by Italians.181And with the exception of few Ethiopians who were employed by the Italian government, most of its former residents were forced to leave the town, by nine guards entering thorough: Mushira- Dingäy, Kähä-Eyesus, ĉaĉala, Lideta, Abera-Ghiorghis, Addis Aläm, Derebo, Arbätu-Ensesa and Debra Berhan; no black was allowed to enter the town without Italian permission.182

Informants gave their testimony that after the fall of the Italian government in Gondär, the former few landowners only began to resettle; they were involved in site disputes and controversy, and Mayor Bilätä Tshaye Desta, Mayor Kebede Abozen183 and their followers tried to resolve the issues.184Although most of its former residents have been relocated to different parts of the town, most shops and hotels have been controlled by the Arabs. The Arabs came to Gondär as messengers and minister of the Italian invasion. After the defeat of Italian fascist, Arabs had dominated trade business in Gondär, Armächiho, Wägärä, Däbät, Robite, Kollädebä

180 Tesfamichael, 3. 181 Gerima, Gondare Begashaw, 70. 182 Ibid. 183 Kébédé Abozén he was the most beloved, hard worker and wise mayor that Gondär had, however due to his ambitious administrational ability, some of the town backward thinkers let him quarreled and moved to Addis under emperor’s order. Informants: Goytom Haile and Abeba Muluneh; Gerima Tafer, “Debdäbewoch,” Tiyent Gondar Amharic Monthly Newspaper, No.10, (August-September, 1974), 4. 184 Gerima, “Debdäbewoch” , 4; Informants: Demelash Beyene; Goytom Häile and Basha Tamrat.

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and other parts.185In Gondär, former residents of the town began to take up the Arab out protest to regain control of their early resident area. Subsequently, most Arabs sold their shops for a small fortune, while others sequestrated by the early owners of the land, and government. Since then, including the down town of Gondär and other locality of the town unlike to early segregation all ethnic and religious groups lived together regardless of difference.186

However, different archival sources and Girma Tayachew assert that even if the early town settlers back into the down town of Gondär, most of the early ‘rist’ and ‘gult’ owners could not grant their land. Most of the town major buildings were under Emperor Haile Selassies’ family ownership. Except for some government officials who had pro-Haile Selassie attitude, most land and buildings were under royal family property that led to opposition to the Emperor from the host of local and high ranking Gondäriäns.187

The New Permanent Settlement Pattern of Tigreans in Gondär Town As described above, the Tigre people have long lived in Gondär. Especially, since 1930s some groups came into Gondär in each year and stayed for a few months, often coming to the town to work, learn and to give spiritual services. The grandparents of Gondär witnesses to this marital- linkage of the two peoples.188After the fascist government was defeated by the coalition patriots and British troops in the town, the early seasonal Tigrean workers in Gondär realized the smooth ground, peace and well-being of the town, particularly that reflected between the early Tigrean settler in conglomeration in socio-cultural and other aspect with the rest Amhara people forced

185 Informants: Demelash Beyene; Messele Berihun and Basha Tamrat. The Arabs were so joker and very frisky and in their joking they were said that even the stone laugh in Arabs joke, this enabled them to beloved by the Gondäriän women’s that is why many half-Arab and half-Gondäriän “double identity” born and living in the town till now. Informants: Hussien Ahmed; Goytom Haile and Demelash Beyene. 186 Informants: Goytom Haile; Alemitu Degu; Demelash Beyene and Tega Wondale. From the most notable shops that sold from the Arab to Gondäriän merchants in few price, one was the shop of Abä Jerela sold to Abä Beyene. የአረብ ይውጣ እንቅስቃሴ ከ ግዜ ወደ ግዜ እየበረከተ ሲሄድ ብዙ አረቦች ጨርቄን ማቄን ሳይሉ ቤተሰቦቻቸውን ይዘው መውጣት ጀመሩ። እናም አንድ አረብ በ ጎንደር ከተማ አውራ ጎዳና ላይ ከ ሃበሻ ሴት የወለደውን ታዳጊ ወንድ ልጁን እሽኮኮ አድርጎ ከ ከተማዋ እየወጣ በነበረበት ሁኔታ ልጁ በ ከተማዋ ህዝብ የሚደረገውን አረብ ይውጣ ... አረብ ይውጣ...የሚለውን መፎክር ሰምቶ እሱም ከአባቱ ትክሻ ላይ ሆኖ አረብ ይውጣ … አረብ ይውጣ … ሲል አባቱ ወደ ልጁ ቀና በማለት እናትህ ትውጣ እዳለው ብዙ የከተማዋ አባቶች ያነሳሉ። Informants: Demelash Beyene and Messele Berihun. 187CGAZA, Folder No., ጠ-49, File No.ል17/2-7/46, File No.ል17/2-8/46, File No.ል17/2-9/46, File No.ል17/2- 10/46, File No.ል17/2-11/46, (9/4/1967 E.C); Girma, “The Administration of Italian Buildings…”, http://www. journals. bdu. edu. et/index.php/ejss/article/view/81/149; Informant: Messele Berihun. 188 Informants: Messele Berihun; Basha Tamrat and Mengeiste Melkie.

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the workers and religious groups to decide whether to live with their families in Gondär permanently.189

Tigreans settlers in Gondär were from different parts of the province of Tigray, especially first settlers in what is commonly known as Arategna Foq (Fourth Storey) apartments, in the north part of Gondär town known as Belico Säfär. Besides to other construction in the town of Gondär, the Italians made a Posto Di Blicko (a tollgate/check-in in English or 'Kella' in Amharic) on the road that leads to Tigray. Thus, the area and its environs inherited its present day name Belico Säfär a corrupted form of Post Di Blicko.190 There are also places which were named as Cassa Inches, today's Arategna Foq (Fourth Storey), and Cassa Familia, today's Chäwä Säfär. This quarter is used as residential site for the high class Italian officials. At this quarter there are about four apartment buildings; two storey buildings and few villas.191

When the town was attacked by the British force in coalition with the patriots, a great deal aerial bombardment damaged many infrastructures of Gondär that were constructed by Italians, including Four Storey' Apartments and the 17th century palaces of Gondäriän kings.192 And following the victory of Ethiopians over Italian fascist force, the Tigrean who came after the battle remade damaged doors and windows of the apartments and began their residence there. Although the residents of the building were mostly Tigre, there were also many Tigre-Amahara- born children. For one apartment, they paid 1-2 birr to the imperial family for rent every month. When Emperor Haile Selassie was visiting Gondär in 1946 after Paris Peace Conference, and in his first tour of the town the emperor impressed with the architectural style of the building.193In his all town visit including the Four Floor and other architectural style of Italian buildings the emperor was surprised and said:

Amharic Translation

ይህን ህንጻ ተሸክመው ወደ It is impossible to take and move

189 Informants: Tega Wondale and Malede Tiku. 190 Tewoderos Haile, “The Heritage Value and Assessment of Italian Occupation Period Buildings: The Case of Piazza, Gondar” (MA Thesis, Addis Ababa university, 2018), 58. 191 Ibid., 75. Arategna Foq apartment is the first condominium in Gondär town. 192 Informants: Goytom Haile and Demelash Beyene. 193 Informants: Alemitu Degu and Demelash Beyene; Ras Gembe Museum, Second Floor Chart that display to the self-help guide visitors, “The Ras Gembe as an Imperial Palace,” visit 1/21/2020; Girma, “The Administration of Italian Buildings…”, http://www. journals. bdu. edu. et/index.php/ejss/article/view/81/149.

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አዲስ አበባ የማይወስዱት ነገር 194 these buildings to Addis Ababa

In order to repair the apartments, the emperor invited local architects from Oromo, Gurage, Shoä, including occupants from the apartments and some Italians who were preferred to stay in Gondär after the battle. Then the renovated apartments were rented to government officials and rich people and some of them are still living there for a long time. The owner of the two apartments was Prince Ras Kassa Hailu.195And when those Tigreans came out of the Four Story' apartments, the new permanent resident had become Därgendä area, which was specifically known as Agame Säfär196the neighborhood behind the Italian Enkudo (abattoir), because most of the Tigreans who lived in this area came from Tigray Agame, that is why they named the place after the people and the administrator of this and entirely surrounding was Fitäwrärie Nega Alemu.197

In their new neighborhood and all around the town, Tigreans have developed a close relationship with all Amhara people. Just like the Guräge people, Tigreans have a great respect, effort and enthusiasm for their work. Resulting from the income they got from the strong working culture, they could buy taxi, open a hotel, a teahouse and plant a grain mill. They were also characterized for selling decoration and ornaments, like gold, shops and various business activities in the town.198

Although most of Tigreans were living in Agame Säfär neighborhood, those who were economically well-standard lived with Amhara people in all parts of the town, including Piazza, Arada and other areas. And some other poor Tigreans who were living in Agame Säfär, worked hard as usual in different types of occupation. When they had got enough money, they moved to their previous villages in major central parts of the town and began to settle there.199

194 Girma, “The Administration of Italian Buildings…”, http://www. journals. bdu. edu. et/index.php/ejss/article/view/81/149. The people of Gondär were not happy to hear that. Besides to his first visit his Majesty visited Gondär for the next four times: 1950, 1958, and 1965 and his final visit in 1970 and in the name of his officials, sons, daughters and grand children’s collected tribute from each of Italian apartment and buildings. 195 CGAZA, Folder No., ጠ-49, File No.ል17/2-11/46, “Yä Nigusawian Beteseboch Wourse ena Nibret”, Ref No: አደ 4/2/6/5/9577, (June, 1967 E.C); Informants: Enate Chanie and Demelash Beyene. 196 Its few meters from the Arategna Foq. In North West part of the Agame Säfär there is also other Säfär, it’s surrounding the Italians made their military engineering station Genio Militare this locality is known today as Anba Jinne, a corrupted derivation of the name Genio-military. Just like other parts of the town Tigrean spread in this Säfär. To describe easily to the new generation it’s in down slop of Zoble Resort. Tewoderos, 58, 75; Informant: Demelash Beyene. 197 Informants: Demelash Beyene; Goytom Haile and Enate Chanie. 198 Informants: Medhanye Gebre- Mdhine; Alemitu Degu; Mesfin Mekonnen and Messele Berihun. 199 Informants: Demelash Beyene and Alemitu Degu.

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Tigreans were earning income by burning charcoal in places outside Gondär town, places like Wuzäbä (Ambo Bere), Abäte-Megech, Gilgel-Megech (around Defechä), Ginde-Metäyä Angäräb and the like. They cut down trees for charcoal, and in their stay in the surrounding jungles, they formed godmother and godfather-kinship relation with the villagers to have a warmly welcome and provision from people until they prepared charcoal, for 3 to 7 days. Those who did no form this kind of relation made their fortune by eating burkutä200 from the jungle, and then they entered the town by squashed the charcoal through their camels and some of them used donkeys. 201 Some of the most famous Tigreans who taught the Amhara people about charcoal production were Kassa W/Gabriel, Tekle Woldie, Gebre-Mdhine, Gerezgi and Wolde Ghiorghis. Later the Amhara people learned the wisdom of charcoal production from their older experienced Tigrean brothers, and it created job opportunity for many of the town and the surrounding Amhara people.202

Beyond their charcoal production, just like the former seasonal Tigrean workers, those who found a new permanent residence in Belico Säfär and who lived all parts of Gondär town had a great contribution to the town, building and repairing a fence. The Tigreans also said to be the beginners of cart-transport service (garie aglegelote) in the town and served the people of town. The Amhara people who learned the construction skills of the Tigers have resumed the previous Tigris' carpentry, mason work, cart transportation service and other art works and repairing the old and broken materials.203 Besides to Amharic language, Tigreans inherited a number of new experience, culture and ways of live from the Amhara peoples. Before they came in to the town most of them feed maize bread, however after they permanently settled in Gondär they adopt teff and they began to produce Ethiopian pancake (teff injera).204

Tigre-Amhara elders gave their testimony that Tigreans were hard-working people always vocalize whimsical song and play in their permanent residence called Agame Säfär. Every evening in the fun part of the game, the women danced, being decorated in their beautiful earrings and necklace, the song was performed on the stage of dance floor, and their Amhara

200 Burkutä it’s a kind of local bread that beak by Tigrean travelers in an oven like stone. Before they went in to the jungle for charcoal production most of Tigrean handle flour and water. 201 Informants: Alemitu Degu; Demelash Beyene and Goytom Haile. 202 Informants: Alemitu Degu; Demelash Beyene and Goytom Haile. 203 Informants: Demelash Beyene; Goytom Haile and Alemitu Degu. 204 Informant: Alemitu Degu.

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neighbors understood that the Tigers’ dance party started.205 However, in the morning, everyone seems to be let out from the Säfär, except for children all of Tigreans go to work. Even though they were usually males engaged in the occupation, women also involve in the hairdressing, working in mill house, and until their husbands comeback from jungles some Tigre women carried a small sack of charcoal and provide it to the local market. Later, in association with their Amhara neighbors, they started a public transport from Gondär to Asmära.206

Market Centers and their Role in Interaction and Integration One of the main factors for the foundation of Gondär as a permant capital of the country, because of it was the center of local and long distance trade. However followlling political anarchy and instability of the era of lords, the colorful local and long-distance trade began to decline.207Under Empress Zeweditu’s order the historical Saturday and other local markets began to revive from their decline, and in the area different ethnic and religious groups involved in the exchange.208 Unfortunately following its revival, on 1 April 1936 Gondär fell into the hands of Italian fascist power and segregation apartheid policy launched by the Italians, Ethiopians forced to stay away from the town and this lasted for the next five years.209

Following the last defeat of Italian fascist force at the battle of Gondär, the early residents of the town began to resettle in their previous quarters. After some years stabilization the historical market center (Saturday) and other parts of the town trade continued, different ethnic groups including Amhara and Tigre from Agame Säfär and all over the surrounding of Gondär engaged in the historical socio-cultural interaction and fusion as usual.210

Saturday market was attended and transaction took place by variety of ethnic groups. Those coming to the market carry various products. Amhara traders from the fertile districts of Dämbiya, Fogärä, Wägärä and other rural areas of the town brought cereals, oilseed, spices, stimulants, and aromatics, animals and animal products. These traders took the middle part of the

205 Informants: Alemitu Degu and Medhanye Gebre-Mdhine. 206 Informants: Alemitu Degu and Demelash Beyene. 207 Solomon, A History of the…, 7-8; Abdussamad H. Ahmad, “Muslims of Gondar 1864-194,” Annales d'Ethiopie Vol. 16, (2000), 181. 69-170; Pankhurst, “Notes for…”, 217. 208 Pankhurst, “Notes for …”, 217. 209 Gerima, Gondare Begashaw, 15. 210 Informants: Alemitu Degu and Demelash Beyene.

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open air local market.211 Basically Tigrean traders from their original quarter of Agame Säfär and the surrounding area of Belico came up with black charcoal product, and took identified row in the left and right side in the entry of the market.212

The Bete-Israel from Wälkä, Dämbiya and the surrounding areas came to the market where instead of women brought pottery products like kettle, pot, jar, casserole and others and male Bete-Israel provided local iron goods made of iron which were important to the day to day life of the community for household and agricultural purpose.213Muslims from Addis Aläm and around the present day Arada area provide cotton and weaving products and both the Muslims and Bete- Israel present in the back side of the market.214The Kimant ethnic group basically from Cherker, Gonderoch-Ghiorgihs and the surrounding rural areas provide wood and in later they also involved in agricultural production.215Besides to the above listed products, the Amhara-Tigre Muslims merchandized in the Red Sea and Christian merchants did through Gälläbät market brought valuable products that were not available in Gondär and provide them to the local market.216

In additional to the largest Saturday market,217 there were many several local mini-markets that enabled the Tigrean charcoal traders to transact with the Amhara settlers of the town and other different groups. Most of Gondäriän markets used to diverge away from the basic market principles because they did not focused only on exchange but also creation of vital information, recreation, appointments, welfare, friendship, collegiality and other socio-cultural aspects. The market served as space of acquainting people to each other.218 Specifically, the market area that

211 IES Folder No., 1264, “Ke Semine Begemider gar Metwawkiea,” 1; Informants: Goytom Haile and Esäyäs Déstä; Shack, 27. 212 Informants: Esayas Desta; Alemitu Degu and Demelash Beyene. 213 Muluken, Sisay and Busha, 111-112; Shack, 27. 214 Ibid., 111-112; Informants: Abeba Muluneh; Worku Hussien and Kidija Jebriel. 215 Informant: Sisay Muche. 216 Abdussamad H. Ahmad, “The Gondar Muslim Minority in Ethiopia: the Story Up to 1935,” Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs,” Vol.1, No.1, (1988), 78. 217 There are no any scientific historical sources that tell us why the notable market of Gondär named after the day Saturday. In Gondär the main market days were Wednesday and Friday usually, however “it said” due to the unknown reasons some personalities were died in these market days and the local people attached the peoples death with as an the Bete-Israel evil eye act, because from the their segregation to their final move to Israel they were engaged in iron work to replace the income they lost from agriculture, in case of their high attachment with candent fire and iron let them infected with skin diseases and it let them stereotyped by the rest settlers of Gondär and for some one death they continues blamed and to stop the death of Christian, the market day changed from Wednesday and Friday to Saturday because Saturday its Sabbath to the Beta Israel and none of them out from their home. 218 Muluken, Sisay and Busha, 111-112.

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was located to the south of Gondäriän palace compound was situated between the Christian and non-Christian settlement. The social interaction in the market was not only between Tigre and Amhara Christian, but also among the Beta-Israel, Muslim, the Kimant and other ethnic groups.219

Besides to the Saturday market in around their permanent residences (Agame Säfär) the Tigreans situated their charcoal in the open-air space in front of their house, and whenever the surround Amhara inhabitants need charcoal out of the regular market days went into the Agame Säfär and purchased the amount they wanted.220 Moreover, the Tigrean ladies whenever their partners withdrawal in to the jungle to processed different kind of woods in to charcoal, they handle small sack package of charcoal in their back moved into some parts of the town to provide for someone who were not able to get in the market days. And in their home to home providing service and in their house side markets Tigreans interacted with the rest Amhara people of the town and discuss socio-economic and the day to day livelihood and invited each other to have food and drink.221

Marriage and Family Bonding Intermarriage is regarded as an important agent for and indicator of interaction and social fusion among various ethnic groups. The rate of intermarriage was frequently used to measure the progress of structural assimilation.222Dynastic marriage for at least the last half millennium relatively played a major and well-attested role in Ethiopian political life. Imperial rulers affected a number of important dynastic and other unions which freely transcended divisions of religion, ethnicity and class.223Normally marriage interaction and family bonding between Amhara-Tigre people is not a recent phenomenon in Gondär. In fact up until the advent of Tigreans in Gondär as permanent settlers, the marriage between the two ethnic groups was based on political motive.

219 Informants: Taju Legae; Alemitu Degu and Demelash Beyene; Muluken, Sisay and Busha, 112. 220 Informants: Mesfin Mekonnen; Alemitu Degu and Demelash Beyene. 221 Informants: Esayas Desta; Alemitu Degu and Demelash Beyene. 222 David T. Takeuchi, and Juan Chen, “Intermarriage, Ethnic Identity, and Perceived Social Standing among Asian Women in the United States,” Journal of Marriage and Family, No. 73, Vol. 1, (August, 2011), 878. 223 Richard Pankhurst, “Ethiopian Dynastic Marriage and the Béta Esra'él (Falashas),” Africa: Rivista trimestrale di studi e documentazione dell’Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, Vol. 52, No. 3 (September 1997), 1.

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However, for centuries Amhara-Tigre ethnic groups created marriage alliance and the elite’s marriage bound gradually led to the birth of “double identity” children.224

Though, it neglected by previous scholar’s marriages between Amhara and Tigre ordinary people were the most common form of inter-ethnic. Compared to other ethnic groups of Gondär, Tigre- Amhara had a higher rate of interethnic marriages. According to informants, from their advent into Gondär, Tigreans have had a long historical marriage interaction with the Amhara of Gondär and it is estimated to be the second number of intermarriage interaction in the town next to Amhara to Amahra marriage.225

The Tigre-Amhara marriage interaction in the surrounding districts of Gondär dominantly reflected around 1930s. Whenever seasonal Tigrean male workers came into Gondär, they faced slight language communication problem with the rest settlers of the town, even though the relative similarities of Amharic with Tigrigna enabled these Tigreans to quickly communicate Amharic speaking society and adopted Amharic.226 In fact, before Tigreans permanently settled in Gondär town, there were clergymen who were from Tigray and spread into different districts

224 Informants: Bitew Bayu; Demelash Beyene and Malede Tiku; Richard Pankhurst, “An Eighteenth Century Ethiopian Dynastic Marriage Contract between Empress Mentewwab of Gondar and Ras Mika'el Sehul of Tegre,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Vol. 42, No. 3, (1979), 460. 225 Informants: Alemitu Degu; Demelash Beyene and Lete-Berhan G/Michael. However since the last 30 years the marriage interaction and fusion between Amhara-Kimant people registered in its fastest growth a number of “double identity” [halfe-Kimant, half-Amhara] grown its number contender to the Amhara-Tigre marriage and family bonding. Of course our course of agenda is marriage of the ordinary people and their interaction and integration, but seeing the dynastic marriage alliance of the two ethnic elites group is important. The Amhara and Tigre ethnic groups have had a long period of inter-marriage interaction. King Iyasu I after he controlled and stabilized trouble makers around Tigre districts into the central kingdom, his marriage engagement was concluded in royal ceremony with one of the most beautiful Tigrean lady named as Welete-Tsion, later named empress. Unfortunately, Welte-Tsion suddenly died without offspring it was so heartbroken to the king and for the two ethnic groups. King Yostos also born from the Amhara-Tigre royal family, he was the grandson of King Yohannes I by his mother (Welete-Hawaryat) and his father was Tigrean lord called Dejäzmäch Dilab Iyesus. The other major historical incident that reflected the early political motive marriage and family bonding between the Amhara and Tigre ethnic groups in Gondär was the marriage alliance of Empress Mentewab daughter (Altash) to Mika'el's eldest son Abbeto Walda-Hawaryat on September 2, 1755. This type of political marriage alliance also was vivid in Tewodros II. After he conquered Däjazmach Wube of Semine and Tigre, he married Wubes’ daughter, Teruwork as his second wife. She gave birth to a child who grew up as Prince Alemayehu. Tekle-Sadik Mekuria, Ye Ethiopia Tarike Ke Atse Lebne Dengle Eske Atse Tewodros [A History of Ethiopian From Emperor Libne Dingily (r.1508- 1540) to Emperor Tewodros (r.1855-1868)] (Addis Ababa: Berhan ena Selam Publisher), 1992: 286 -292; Guidi Ignazio (ed. and trans.), Annales Iohannis I, Iyasu I, Bakaffa, Corpus Scriptorium Christianorum Orientalium: Scriptores Aethiopia (Paris: Imperimerie National, Louvain Secretariate de Corpussco, 1903-1961), 276-277; Pankhurst, “An Eighteenth Century Ethiopian…”, 460; Heney Mhozie, The British Expedition to Abyssinia (Macmillan and co, 1869), 41. 226 Informants: Alemitu Degu; Demelash Beyene and Lete-Berhan G/Michael. But that is not mean Tigrean refrained their mother tongue, rather they prefer Amharic when they communicated with the rest Amhara settlers of the town and they used Tigrigna when they are at home and deal with their Tigre neighborhoods.

43 of Gondär and inter-married with Amhara women in respected church marriage and that led to the birth of half-Tigre, half-Amhara children. Nevertheless this kind of social bonding was not exercised in the town up until the late 1940s.227

Although Tigre-Amharas’ have had along age interaction and fusion, there is no pronounced large social interaction between the two ordinary peoples in Gondär town till 1940s. Of course, as we discussed above the two peoples had kinship interaction in Gondär town as means of godfather and godmother. Besides to that in the surrounding districts (particularly Wägärä and Dämbiya) of Gondär, the Amhara-Tigre ethnic groups created marriage alliance and family bonding.228The day after the Italian occupation of Gondär, the early Tigrean seasonal came to Gondär with their family and later with their wives and entire families through camel and some others came here on foot.229In addition to theday to day live and in different markates when Tigreans set out for Amhara home to renovate and build a house, and in their cart transport service they began to fall in love with their unmarried clients.230

In addition, following the opening of Hummérä-Mättemä farm in 1960s the number of Tigreans who were living in the town increased considerably. Besides to the godfather/mother kinship, the two ethnic groups created marriage alliance through respected church commandment. Before they engaged into sexual intercourse most of the couples notified to their family and their respective families had sent the most respected persons (most probably three) into the lady house to ask official marriage to the requested man and if the lady did not have any fiancé or she is not engaged, her family asked the personal behavior of the young man who requested the marriage. After the shmagles announced his well-manner, they will permit to let their daughter to him regardless of ethnic and wealth consideration.231

Preparation for marriage with weddings and covenants for marriage then followed. The marriage ceremony was arranged and the marriage ceremony of the couple was attended by the two couples’ entire family and the surrounding neighbors and the marriage ceremony by itself became occasion for interaction and introduction to many unknown people and this incident

227 Informants: Alemitu Degu; Alfache A m a r e and Alem Mengistiab. 228 Informants: Alemitu Degu; Demelash Beyene and Alem Mengistiab. 229 Informants: Demelash Beyene and Alemitu Degu. 230 Informants: Mulu Gebre-Kidan; Tega Wondale; Demelash Beyene and Alemitu Degu. 231 Informants: Lete -Berhan G/Michael; Medhanye Gebre- Mdhine and Alemitu Degu.

44 became a great opportunity for the future stand in common ground.232 After marriage ceremony held over, the two couples began to live together outside their families’ house and years later many half-Tigre, half-Amhara “double identity” children were born. Instead of who lived in their entire life taking their Amhara-Tigre culture and tradition as “double face jacket.” And due to these formal and informal Tigre-Amhara marriages for several years up until now the two peoples interaction and continued as usual.233

232 Informants: Asfaw Mollalegn; Messele Berihun and Demelash Beyene. 233 Informants: Medhanye Gebre- Mdhine; Goytom Hailé and Demelash Beyene.

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CHAPTER FOUR SOCIAL WELFARE AS MEANS OF ETHNIC INTERACTION AND INTEGRATION BETWEEN THE AMHARA AND TIGRE IN GONDÄR (1960s to 1970s)

Self-help Institutions and their Role in Interaction: Iddir and Iqub Cooperation among human societies traced back to the ancient times when people started to live together and cooperate in gathering, hunting and shelter construction. The ancient civilizations had practiced collaboration among themselves from cooperative farming to establish informal savings and loan associations.234 For sustainable development, informal institutions, especially at local level, played important for mobilizing resources and regulating their use with a view in maintaining a long-term base for productive activity.235 Those communities endowed with a rich stock of social networks and civic associations had been a stronger position to confront poverty and vulnerability, resolve disputes and take advantage of new opportunities.236 However, the role of social institutions in interaction was not properly studied in Gondär, just as it is not done in other parts of Ethiopia. The people have evolved traditional non-governmental method of self-help which played an important role in the struggle of their daily life and are a source of strength to the family at times of birth, marriage, diseases and death, in money savings.237 Though most native and foreign scholars gave due emphasis to the political and economic history of Ethiopia in general, and Gondär in particular, the social affairs were ignored. The above social institutions were not studied intensively. Thus, the issues attract close attention now, especially on their account of economic and social significance to contemporary Ethiopia, as well as on account of the possibilities they may afford to those who are planning the present renaissance. They reveal the people’s capacity to organize for their own welfare while at the time emphasizing the importance of the government issuance soon to be instituted.238

234 Arega Bazezew and Wubliker Chanie, “Iddirs as Community-based Social Capital in the Amhara Region of Ethiopia: Case Study in Gende Town,” The Ethiopian Journal of Social Sciences (EJSS), Vol.1, No.1, (2015), 4. 235 Ibid. 236 Ibid. 237 Richard Pankhurst and Endreas Eshete, “Self-help in Ethiopia,” Ethiopia Observer, Vol. II, No. 11, (1958), 355. 238 Ibid.

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These traditional associations/social institutions (iddir and iqub) were based on participatory and free-will principles and as a result they tend to promote accountability, transparency, tolerance, dialogue, and self-initiation. In addition, they tend to foster friendship among members. Iqub and iddir used as a basis for doing business and mutual aid and caring purposes, in that order. The commitment of people to these traditional organizations should indeed be expanded, enhanced and promoted to include some advocacy content on socio- economic issues.239

Iddir Before we are going to discuss with the major iddirs which were contributed a great role in the interaction and integreation between the Amhara-Tigre ethnic groups, its important to overview the orgin of iddirs in the town. Of course a number of archival sources tell as the origin of iddir in Gondär traced back to the late 1960s, and beginning 1970s. Nevertheless, many informants give their testimony that the origin of iddir in Gondär was early as the Gurage people. In and around Gondär, especially in many rural districts, these types of social welfares had been functional to support each other in time of happiness and bad fortunes.240 Gondär was integral part of Italian colonial administration, when the town was under Italian occupation, many patriots who resisted the colonial attempt and some who opposed the Italian decree were tortured and killed. Their dead bodies were taken to the outskirts of the town and burying the dead bodies, irrespective of their ethnic, religious and social status had become the responsibility of the early settlers there. So this indicated that before 1960s there were many unofficial social burial institutions in Gondär town.241

Neverthless, the situation changed in the decade from 1955 to 1965 due, in part, to conducive legislation. The 1955 Constitution gave a legal basis forthright to form associations (article 4). Surprisingly, there had not been any officially known association that was established in Gondär up until 1960s and 1970s. This was partly because the Constitution gave the right of association

239 http://www.tadias.com/v1n6/op-2-2003-1html, Iquib and Idir: Socio-Economic Tradations of the Ethiopians. 240 Informant: Enanu Ayele; CGAZA, Folder No.ማ-102, File No., 4023/32/34/7-655/እ46/251/8, (June 7, 1974/29/ May 1967 E.C). 241 Informants: Demelash Beyene and Mulu Shitaye.

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only in principle, no practicality. The big change came about with the 1960 Civil Code, which had provisions for the formation and functioning of associations.242

The new legislation was also a welcome signal for migrant association, märrädäja mähäber, interested in raising funds for their home areas.243 So according to the legal basis legislation the earliest association established in Gondär in 1964 was Gondär Häwäryät iddir mähäber. Then in the latter successive years up to 1977 more than 20 märrädäja mähäber were established in Gondär. These were: Yä Melestegnä Shketäshkete Negädewoch, Awurä Godänä Serätegnoch and Yä Sebkete Wongale ena Yä Bego Adragot iddir mähäbers (1969), Yä Fikir Seläm (1970), Astedäder Tsfete Bete Serätegnoch (1971), Yä Gondär Bete Mengiste Akäbäbie (1972), Hayla Meda, Kidus Yäreed and Gabriel iddirs (1973), Yä Temäriwoch märrädäja mähäber, Deremo Afäfe, Yä Andnete Säfer, Yä Arädä Yä Kene Serätegnoch and Yä Tigre märrädäja mähäber (1974), Däre Gendä Yostätiwose, Abune Argäwie, Kidus Yohannnes, and Kähä Eyesus (1975), Erke Bete (1976) and Atätämi Kidus Michael iddir (1977).244

All of the above iddirs brought Tigre-Amhara ethnic groups together regardless of ethnic, religious and occupational difference. 245 Yä Sebkete Wongale ena Yä Bego Adragot iddir mähäber was different from the above community based iddirs rather it had religious motive, the founders were Tigre-Amhara spiritual student and EOTC members of Medhäni Alem Church, its major aim was to support the helpless Christians in time of religious holiday and give spiritual service to the church. 246 Yä Temäriwoch märrädäja mähäber was another iddir that was established by Gondär high school students who were from all religious and ethnic groups and the major motive of this iddir was to support members of the mähäber when they faced challenges in their educational and day to day life.247

242 Alula Pankhurst, “The Emergence, Evolution and Transformations of Iddir Funeral Associations in Urban Ethiopia,” Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 41, No. 1/2, (June-December 2008), 155. 243 Ibid. 244 CGAZA, Folder No.ማ-102, File No., 4023/32/34/7-655/እ 46/251/8, (June 7, 1974/29/ May 1967 E.C); Informant: Demelash Beyene. 245 Informants: Demelash Beyene and Molla Lisaneworqe. 246 Gerima Tafer, “Timhirt ena Melkam Sira,” Tiyent Gondar Amharic Monthly Newspaper, No.1, (April-May 7/1974), 6; Informants: Mulu Gebre-Kidan and Chkula Taddesse. 247 CGAZA, Folder No., ማ-102, File No.320/74/1, Ref No: ተ/32/34/7, (May 21/1966 E.C). In the first period of the establishment of most common community type iddirs often were composed of between 5 to 50 members, though followed its establishments the members of iddirs exceeded to its previous number as much as 100 and above. Iddir combined and sometimes agglomeration with other systems of mutual helps such as iqub, mähäber and

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Tigre-Amhara communities have had a long year of civic organizations solidarity. The most notable Amhara-Tigre popular social iddirs in Gondär were Gabriel248 and Abune Aregäwie relief Societies.249 Gabriel relief society was established following the downfall of the fascist government, though it had no government recognition until 1973. It was the oldest relief Society, which reflected the age-old interaction and fusion between the two people and it still in existence.250 Before many other iddirs were established in the late 1970s and 1980s, members of the Gabriel relief society were from different parts of the town, including Belico, Bete Kihnte, Otto Barko, Fechfächite and other parts involved, where the majority of the members were Amhara-Tigre people without any distinction.251

According to the legislative decree issued on 16 May 1967, Gabriel iddir was formed on May 7, 1973, Ref No: 4807/ማ12/45/8, in writing a letter of recommendation. This charitable organization was comprised many different ethnic groups. The following officials were board directors of Gabriel iddir: Semu Jenberie, Berhane Moche, Mengestu Nigatu, Aragaw Gebrie, Admasu Wolde-Mariyam, Molla Lisaneworqe and Zewedu Abebe.252 Although most of officials were Amhara there was also official who had Tigr-Amhara stock. One major significant feature differed this iddir from others was that many Tigrean people who were settled in the town in successive years extremely joined this iddir. Although most of the founders and former members of this relief society died of sickness and old age, their fusion children and the rest settler of the town still continued the relief society regardless of any difference.253

Like the Gabriel iddir, the Abune Aregawie iddir was one of the notable community associations that reflected the early Amhara-Tigre interaction. Though this iddir was officially established in

senbete which became instrument for integration of different ethnic groups regardless of religious matter. So iddir created solidarity between Tigre-Amhara ethnic groups in Gondär. 248 Emperor Fasil built seven bridges and seven churches in and around his capital, from these churches that built in 1640 was Gabriel church, situated north-west of Piazza on the slope of Gennet Terärä, it faced destruction in case of Mahadist invasion and for the second time the uncontrolled fire from the religious student of the church burn it, however the most respected and beloved religious father that is Aba Mulu Shitaye led to rebuilt in 1985 and take the present condition. Informant: Mulu Shitaye; Ghiorghis, 167. 249 Informants: Molla Lisaneworqe and Mengiste Melkie. 250 Informants: Mulu Shitaye and Argewine Berhie. 251 Informants: Mulu Shitaye and Hailu Berhane. As an observer the researcher can be testimony to this long age Amhara-Tigre interaction in this iddir because the founding members of the two family offspring still involved in the historical interaction and integration. 252 CGAZA, Folder No., ማ-102, File No. ገ, 199/68/1, Ref No: 4807/ማ12/45/8, (April, 22 /1965 E.C), 2. See Appendix: 2-3. 253 Informant: Lete -Berhan G/Michael.

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1974, it had so long history before its formal establishment. 254 The founders and members showed more integration than many other märrädäja mähäber of the two peoples. Of course, the monthly meeting place just like Gabriel iddir was in the houses of secretary, board members and president. As the Gabriel iddir mähäber took its name from the church in the area, this iddir also took its name from the nearby church, Abune Aregawie, which located in the down road of Debre Seläm St. Mary Catholic School.255

The founding members of the association were half-Tiger and half-Amhara, among them were Girmay Nigussie, Solomon Desta, Gebre-Eyesus Kahissäy, Tekle Gebre-Selassie. These founding brothers from different sides of Gondär meet each other when happiness and sadness faced any member of the iddir and even if they lived from different direction of the town just like other iddirs, the members lived each other in extremely brotherhood act. The first founding members were 32, in the latter period the number of the members exceeded.256

The iddir members were responsible for several activities such as, announcing someone’s death to the other members, digging the grave, building the coffin, carrying the body, put up the tent, coffee preparation, water fetching, as well as field work for the family of the deceased as it was not supposed to be done during the length of the mourning (e.g.: sowing, hoeing, and weeding).257During the mourning, the bereaved family received the respects and condolences of relatives and friends as well as iddir members that had also to ensure a shifting to welcome guests and supported the family. No circumstance exempted any member from participating in the iddir’s commitment except perhaps serious illness. For instance, a daily worker who was not

254 Informants: Demelash Beyene and Lete -Berhan G/Michael. 255 Informants: Demelash Beyene and Lete -Berhan G/Michael. See Appendix:5-6. Except a little monetary and regulation Gabriel and Abune Aregäwie iddirs followed the same rule and regulation. Before the function of each iddirs, members elected a President, Secretary, Death Announcer and twenty Committee Members. Each members of the iddir paid a registration fee of 25 cent and entrance fee of 1-2 birr to spend on a feast. The officers and committee met once a fortnight to consider the duties of the iddir, study proposed new rules, purchase equipment, pass penalty to the members who breach the rules of the iddir, in the case of coming late, absenteeism and showing disrespectful act. According to the rule, members met once a month, and pay a fee of 75 cents. The death announcer was receiving a salary of 10 birr a month. In the case of the death of a member or his/her relative, the death announcer was go around to make the announcement, blowing his trumpet/trumba/. Alemayehu Seifu, “Eder in Addis Ababa: A Sociological Study,” Ethiopia Observer, Vol. 12, No.1, (1968), 15; Informant: Mulu Gebre-Kidan; CGAZA, Folder No., ማ-102, File No. አ, 164572/1, Ref No: 125812/አ26/151/8, (April 2 /1967E.C), 1-2; Pankhurst and Endreas, 360. 256 CGAZA, Folder No., ማ-102, File No. አ, 164572/1, Ref No: 125812/አ26/151/8, (April 2 /1967E.C), 4. 257 Thomas Léonard, “Ethiopian Iddirs mechanisms: Case study in pastoral communities in Kembata and Wolaita,” Inter aide, (April 2013), 23.

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participated to an iddir’s event due to the nature of his work had to paid back fine in cash or in kind.258

Thus iddirs’ supported to the family of the deceased takes several forms. The first form of support was in kind. In this regard, each member of the iddir had contributed certain amount of grain, especially chickpea, and small amount of coffee to be presented to the attendants of the mourning ceremony. According to the rules of iddir, this amount consisted of several cups or glass: usually 3 up to 5 glasses of chickpea and 1 glass of coffee.259 In line with the iddirs regulations add, the grain had been given directly from the members to the family or collected by the members of the iddir committee to be donated to the family in mourning. Additionally, in many iddirs, each family was committed to provide one bundle of firewood that was going to be used for cooking during the numerous visited of guests to the family and each of members brought Ethiopian pancake and feed the gusts and the deceased family for the next three days.260 In case of material support iddir equipment belongings include tents, cooking material, benches, barrels, sets of tools and several sets of dishes (cups, glasses) that given freely to the family of the deceased during the time of mourning.261

The iddir also provided financial support or a cash donation as a gift to the family of the deceased to cover miscellaneous expenses related to the funeral and the mourning. This donation followed a specific flow since no money was given directly from a member to the family. The operation was actually managed by iddir committees. This amount of money was varied from iddir to iddirs regulations.262Besides to the deceased family iddirs supported when members faced period of unemployment, the committees were made a meeting to decide the amount of assistance the iddir was going to give to the member. In case of severe illness of a member or his wife 20 birr was given to the member and in case of a member’s shift of workplace into other districts or areas after the budget break down within well-go ceremony, 30 birr given to the member from the secretary.263

258 Informant: Chkula Taddesse. 259 Informant: Mulu Abraha; Léonard, 21. Besides to that for the next three day members in each turn brought injera and prepared wat and served the gusts. 260 Informants: Melku Ewnetu and Mulu Abraha; Léonard, 23. 261 Elias Yitbarek, “The Role of iddir in Neighborhood Upgrading in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia,” Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 41, No. 1/2, (June-December 2008), 188. 262 Léonard, 23. 263 CGAZA, Folder No., ማ-102, File No. አ, 164572/1, Ref No: 125812/አ26/151/8, (April 2 /1967E.C), 2.

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Iqub Just like other nongovernmental social institutions (particularly, iddir), in the iqubs of Gondär engaged different ethnic and religious groups of the town. Before official beginning of iqub in Gondär, a form of credit association was arätä (usury), the origin of arätä was associated with the beginning of trade. In other words, arätä is as old as mankind by itself, emerged around 3000 BP.264 In post Italian invasion many people including the governor-general of Gondär had faced financial bankruptcy, there was lack of food, work, house and other social needs slip away the economic barer. The ordinary people lend money from the rich merchants of the time and someone who inherited his/her family wealth. When someone lend money from the lender he/she signed an agreement to pay the credit and interest on time based on the amount they took, unless he/she would not pay his/her guaranty material or man would face challenges (the granter obliged to pay or the material will be sequestrate by the lender). So this outlawed credit association forced many people to began a non-profitable organization run by rule and regulation.265

Then since late 1960s and the beginning of 1970s three legalized non-profitable credit organizations were established in Gondär town particularly by Tigre-Amhara ethnic groups. These were Bäle Gäriewoch, Libse Sefiwoch and Medhäni Alem Akäbäbe iqub mähäbers. Bäle Gäriewoch iqub mähäber was established in around 1968. Initially it was established by people who were not more than 30 members and the beginners were the town cart owners.266 As it was discussed in the above chapter, it was the Tigreans who established a traditional cart transport service (gärie agelgelote) to the host community of the town and in the late periods the Amhara people adopted this traditional service sector as means of job opportunity and to transfer their traditional service into modern means and to buy reserve horse the two brotherly people established this economic association.267

Informants boldly stress that in the beginning members were Tigre-Amarha cart owners. However, in the next successive years members exceeded to its previous number, people from different occupation eager to join this iqub mähäber and many of them became its part. The two

264 https://www.abyssinialaw. Com/blog-posts/item/1844-usury. Com. 265 Informants: Mulu Gebre-Kidan; Demelash Beyene and Kassay Mekonnen. 266 Informants: Mulu Gebre-Kidan; Tega Wondale and Melku Ewnetu. 267 Informants: Mulu Gebre-Kidan and Tega Wondalé.

52 ethnic groups who were working in different governmental office, mill house, laborers, masons, carpenter and some other who had small business joined this iqub.268

In its early age members paid 25 cent per day, later increased to 50 birr per week, to 150 and next 300 birr per month. Bäle Gäriewoch iqub mähäber had two kinds of itä. One itä was called full itä a required members to pay 50 birr every week. The second itä was called half itä for those who could not afford to pay 50 birr every week it gave a chance to pay 25 birr every week.269 Both itäs were drawn once a week and the amount for the full itä was to 200 birr whereas 100 birr was for half itä. Besides to that, from its origin, the unique feature of this and other iqubs more than any other modern banking system were that they bring together many people. In the case of Bäle-Gäriewoch iqub mähäber for example, it brought together many poor members in the iqub with the relatively rich people. Five members inclined in one itä and paid 10 birr every week and when they won the lottery they received 40 birr respectively. It also enabled members to know people of the town whom they did not know before and increased their social capital.270

The second iqub established in around 1971 was Libse Sefiwoch iqub mähäber. Officially this credit union was established as base of Bäle Gäriewoch iqub. It was originally founded by the people Arada and the surroundings who were engaged in garment work. Most of the founders were Muslims (both Amhara-Tigre and other ethnic groups), there were also Christian members and the founding members were not more than 30. But in the later period, new members joined this iqub and continued peoples’ social interaction and increased the members’ economic benefit. Members in the first of its foundation paid 50 birr every week, later increased to 100 and few years later members paid 300 birr per month.271

The third notable iqub mähäber was Medhani Alem Akäbäbe iqub which was established in around 1972. One of the early founding members and later dägnä of this iqub for the past 40 years, states that the dominant members of the iqub were Amhara-Tigre peoples. However, unlike the Bäle Gäriewoch iqub, the founders and members of this iqub were government office

268 Informants: Mulu Gebre-Kidan and Tega Wondale. 269 Informants: Mulu Gebre-Kidan; Tega Wondale and Taju Legase. 270 Informants: Mulu Gebre-Kidan and Tega Wondale. 271 Informant: Taju Legase.

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workers, laborers, small trade business merchants and hotel, café owners, and other.272 And their meeting center was behind the present national lottery office of Gondär. Its structure, rules and regulations was more or less similar with its predecessors. All of the above three iqubs of Gondär had full and half itäs taking into consideration people of lower income. Besides to that in all three iqubs, a wealthy person was participated in the iqub in three means of payment and won three lotteries.273

There were many variants of the iqub in Gondar, each with its own rules and regulations and the operation of the association, particularly the distribution of fund. Despite minor differences among these variants, all iqubs served the same social and economic purpose in urban as well as rural areas.274

In the Amhara-Tigre iqub the winners were normally provided food and drink for the occasion. Winners spend as much as 10 birr on food and drink for his/her fellow members. Other iqubs celebrated at tej-house or in the case of Muslim merchants in coffee-houses.275The number of members in an iqub was normally limited, so that the whole membership reimbursed within a relative short time usually within a year, though some society may last for 18 months, or even a couple of years.276 So in these iqubs whenever the early Amhara-Tigre members accomplished their need which means after they had bought whatever they wanted, some of them leave the iqub and the new members joined the iqub and began new social interaction. Although, they accomplished their need using the money they had got from the lottery of the iqub, they continued their interaction with their early colleagues in case of good and bad fortune of the daily routine.277

272 Informant: Mulu Gebre-Kidan. 273 Informant: Mulu Gebre-Kidan. 274 Informant: Mulu Gebre-Kidan. 275 Pankhurst and Endreas, 356. By the time when the winner of the lottery took his money he was expected to write his/her name in the formal document and put his signature. Besides, his guarantor should put his name and signature as he was taking the responsibility to the winner’s failure to pay back the money. And after all members won the lottery, using the money collected from members kität a final ceremony was prepared to thank the president, secretary and other committee members. Informant: Mulu Gbre-Kidan. 276 Ibid. 277 Informant: Mulu Gebre-Kidan.

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Christian Religious Clubs as means of Interaction: Mähäber, Senbete and Others Besides the self-help associations mentioned above, people in Ethiopia have evolved a number of other societal cooperative-institutions which help instill a spirit of family hood into the community and to enable community members to deal with common problems. The most important of these institutions are mähäber and senbete.278 Just like other parts of Tigray and Amhara towns, the Tigre-Amhara people had a form of human cooperation system in orthodox Churches that was exercised in different parts of Gondär. They were more or less consumption oriented cooperation systems in which members met and celebrated them monthly. The members of either senbete or mähäber were both men and women.279

These associations are connected with the Ethiopian Orthodox Church tradition. Membership is open only to Orthodox Christians. Members meet on specific saint’s commemoration day every 30 day in the houses of members turn by turn. The owner of the house is expected to provide meal and beverages to his/her attendants. The organization provides mediation and all members must help each other in any hardship, such as assisting to rebuild house destroyed by fire, assist a widow etc.280 Another similar church organization is called senbete which is an association whose members gather for a feast. A senbete is composed of both sexes, and members also help each other in case of need. It also provides a forum for exchange of ideas, problems and other mutual interests.281

Additional to mähäber and senbete, the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido had many types of religious association that strength its followers in time of happiness and adversaries. Gondär as the earliest and one of the central figure of Christianity, it embraces, in and around the churches, the inhabitants and teaches them to attach themselves into their own patron saints.282 In case of religious feasts such as: timket (Epiphany), mäskäle demerä (the finding of true cross), Ginbot- lidetä, adreshgn, wedding, tezkär, baptism and invitation in saint’s day (zikr), the Amhara-Tigre and other ethnic groups of the town interacted each other.283

278 Informants: Ezra Addis and Askale-Marym Kassa. 279 Informants: Mulu Shitaye and Askale-Maryam Kassa. 280 Informants: Ezra Addis; Mulu Shitaye and Askale-Marym Kassa. 281 Ibid., 6. 282 Informants: Ezra Addis and Askale-Maryam Kassa. 283 Informants: Ezra Addis and Mulu Shitaye.

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Mähäber Mähäber is a kind of club which organizes a party on particular saint’s day once a month, each member in turn organizes the event in his own home turn by turn.284 In most cases members are people worshiping in the same congregation and are close friends, neighborhood and relatives. Members are obliged to prepare small feasts every month in turn (like get-together) which they share among themselves.285 Religious belief systems have an immense influence in Ethiopia society, particularly in the Northern region. Christianity was first introduced into Ethiopia when King Ezana was converted in the early part of the 4th century AD. The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Christianity is one of the oldest religious institutions in the world.286

The tradition of mähäber was inherited from the Acts of Apostles. The twelve Apostles in Jerusalem gathered together to eat and drink in honor of saints. By doing so, the Apostles were also teaching religious ideas about the importance of togetherness and mutual assistance in the organization of community life.287 A mähäber often consisted of twelve members and one muse (Moses) who acted as a chairman. As the name implies, the tithe of muse was derived from the biblical story about Moses, who organized his people to lead them out of misery from Egypt to Israel. In the same manner, the muses expected to think, feel and act like Moses.288

Because of its early origin as other parts of Northern Ethiopia, the official beginning of mähäber in Gondär is not exactly known, however as soon as the foundation of town as the capital of the country this religious club has been exercised by both high and low ranking inhabitants.289Just like iqub, iddir and other self-help voluntarily institutions, following the defeat of Italian fascist from their permanent habitation (around Belico) and latter Tigreans spread from all direction of the town began to participated in the religious clubs of Gondär; mähäber.290 Since the late 1960s to present most probably Tigreans were represented in all mähäbers of Gondär either as priest or

284 Pankhurst and Endreas, 356. 285 Sileshi Tessera, “The role of traditional local institutions to improve the livelihood of rural community: The Case of Tachgayint Wereda, ANRS” (MA Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 2006), 18. 286 Seifuddin Adem Hussien, “Islam, Christianity and Ethiopia's foreign policy,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, Vol. 17, No. 1, (1997), 129-139. 287 Getachew Mequanent, “The Role of Informal Organizations in Resettlement Adjustment Process: A Case Study of Iqubs, Idirs and Mahabers in the Ethiopian Community in Toronto,” Canada's Journal on Refuge, Vol. 15, No. 3, (1996), 33. 288 Ibid., 34. 289 Informant: Ezra Addis. 290 Informants: Mulu Gebre-Kidan and Demelash Beyene.

56 as member. From the abundant mähäbers of Gondär that mostly reflected the overrepresentation of Tigre-Amhara ethnic groups in Gondär mähäbers were in their patron saints: Maryam, Abune Argawie and Medhani Alem. From the four directions of the town which means from Wälkä to Azezo, from Derebo to ĉaĉala there were many Maryam mähäbers, which comprised the Tigre- Amhara female members together.291

Ethiopian orthodox women readily acknowledge and exult in the perfection of womanhood that Maryam292 personifies. Though they cannot attain her stature, her devotes can accomplish the marvel of reproduction and improved their social statuses by becoming ideal women’s meeting in her name or singing the praises of Maryam’s motherhood is self-referential because all women share with Märyäm the potential to bring life into the world.293

The hosting of their friendship group (mähäber) was an important social event in the calendar of prosperous women. The mähäber meal, though consumed by its members and presented as evidence of the prosperity and well-being of mähäber, constitutes an offering to the patron saint.294 On holidays dedicated to the patron saint of a mähäber, women dress up in their finery and parade an icon of their patron saint and earthenware pot (gän).295 The gän in which beer was brewed, was ceremoniously transferred from house to house according to the rot by which the feast was prepared in alternate homes. The gän contains Ethiopian local beer and on a symbolic level analogous to a gestating womb. 296

A direct relationship between pity and physical ingestion exists for all Ethiopian Orthodox Christians. Consumption of food was an important activity that was a collective symbolic act, and was managed by women who cook the food for the feasts and in the home. Food at feast was blessed by priests, who also conducted the sacramental rite.297 In other contexts, the ceremonial breaking of bread was a means to maintain the spiritual unity of the community and reaffirms family bonds, friendships and alliances of the Amhara-Tigre ethnic groups. Through their handling of food and drink, women were associated with the reproduction of Christian

291 Informants: Demelash Byne and Mulu Gebre- Kidan. 292 Märyäm is the Amharic name of Virgin Mary. 293 Informants: Lete -Berhan G/Michael and Chkula Taddesse. 294 Informants: Tega Wondale and Malede Tiku. 295 Informants: Zemam Amare; Tega Wondale and Malde Tiku. 296 Informant: Kassay Mekonnen. 297 Informants: Fenta Tegode and Malde Tiku.

57 community and the calendar, and the spiritual and physical health and wellbeing of the family and community preparing food and nurturing were the primary elements of female praxis and were symbolically augmented by being endowment with spiritual significance.298

The tsäbäl feast was considered as the annual repayment of a votive offering in response to the prayer of the supplicant having been heard by the patron saint, friends and neighbors were welcomed.299 After the feast the members took tsäbäl tswä from the festive house to the next month turner member, the journey was too long and tired because most of Amhara-Tigre members of Mary mähäbers presented in very distance part of the town. At the same time, there was not easy access to transport, regardless of distance with their extreme love to Mary and passionate to their friendship. The mähäber members did not remind the distance, and continued to engage in their friendship and family bonding in absolute tolerance and unity for many years.300

Besides to the female Maryam mähäbers of Gondär, both male and female Tigre-Amhara ethnic groups of the town actively interacted in other religious clubs. The most common patron saints who reflected the two peoples’ interaction more than other were, Abune Argäwie and Medhäni Alem.301 Of course in different Maryam mähäbers most of the members were women Tigre- Amhara families. Even though the combined sexes of the two people represented in many Abune Argawie and Medhani Alem mähäbers, in most case in association with the twelve Apostles the members of these mähäbers were twelve and members of each mähäbers comprised Amhara- Tigre families regardless of wealth and ethnic consideration. If anyone wanted to join either of these mähäbers, there was no rule and regulation. The only priority to join it was becoming Orthodox Christian. Most of the feast structure was similar with the women Maryam mähäbers.302

Members believed that the mähäbers setting was an ideal social environment: which brings them together every month to exchange news and share ideas; children also presented with their parents and had fun. From the parents' point of view, the mähäber even represented a socializing

298 Informant: Lete -Berhan G/Michael. 299 Informants: Fenta Tegode and Alemitu Degu. 300 Informants: Alem Tegegne and Alem Mengistiab. 301 Informants: Alem Tegegne and Alem Mengistiab. 302 Informant: Demelash Beyene.

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agent for children about values and traditions of Christianity and sense of belongingness. Mähäber events were hosted on rotating based among members but where to host it was left to the individual.303 Just like the above mähäbers in Abune Argawie, Medhäni Alem and all other mähäbers members begin to arrive to the bäle-mähäber’s house in the afternoon. The ceremony opened with prayers; a loaf of bread was eaten and served. Socializing, eating and drinking as well as the exchange of information and views followed. Besides to iddir, each member in both mähäbers contributes 25 cent to a common fund each month, which was used to cover expenses in times of death or sickness of members, their families and close relatives.304

After the feast came over in the same manner with Maryam mähäber members took a small amount of food and drink and went to the next month turner house and after long travel when they reached to the turner house they were welcomed by the neighborhood by making sound elle…elle…elle and after they safeguard the täbel tswä in to the next turner, before the nightfall all of them return to in each respective house this practice continued till now. These mähäbers constitute not only the religious aspects of Ethiopian culture but also served as an alternative means of interaction and fusion for Amhara-Tigre families.305

Senbete Senbete, which is derived from the word Sabbath, is a kind of feast to celebrate God’s holiday according to the doctrine of Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church. The members of this association meet every Sunday in the compound of the church.306

As is Gondär the land of “forty-four” churches there had been verities of senbete in all parts of the town. Senbete has been exercised in Gondär since the foundation of the town. Apart from the ordinary people of the town, Gondärinä Emperors highly participated in this blessed religious get-together like feast.307 For instance Emperor Dawit II was highly interested in this practice. He gathered the area’s elderly fathers in and around the palace church compound together and these elderly fathers who attended the senbete freely discussed the socio-economic and political

303 Getachew, 33. 304 Informant: Mulu Gebre-Kidan. 305 Informant: Alfache A m a r e . 306 Melese Moareta, “Contribution and challenges of Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church for Sustainable Tourism Development: The case of Gondar City” (MA Thesis, University of Gondar, 2015), 36. 307 Informant: Ezra Addis.

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condition of the country with the king as their own personal friend.308 This religiously get- together like mechanism continued in Gondar for several years following their spread in Gondär as religious mähäbers in different church senbetes Tigreans actively participated. In each church there were at least two senbetes and in all of them the Tigre-Amhara interaction reflected and discussed socio-cultural aspect of the daily life. The two peoples’ interaction was mostly vivid in Medhäni Alem and Gabriel churches senbetes, each of them had two shifts senbetes.309 Senbetes took place after Sunday mass in a house within the church compound called sänbäte bet däggä seläm (weekend house, doorway to peace). The banquet was opened by a prayer and blessing of food and drink by at least one priest of the parish. In some places, the priests sat inside the däggä seläm, while the laymen sat in the church compound; in others, they ate all together.310

After blessing, prayer and seldom, a sermon by the priest the banquet was opened. Food and drink had been prepared by the families of the members.311 When the ceremony, in which the priest takes part, was finished, the organizers invited travelers and poor people to eat as a sign of brotherhood. Later then members and the priests ate and drank what was provided, taking the opportunity to discuss mutual problems. 312 The meal included däbbo, kolo and tellä was distributed to each and every member by plates and jars being handed round in rotating, beginning at the table of the most notable members of the association. These societies were both men and women in composed.313

The leader of laymen was elected for a term of about two years or long and bears the title muse of (Moses). Furthermore, the senbete association has title positions, like a secretary, a money collector, an administrator of finance officers and an accountant. In a religious context, senbete was designed to fulfill Christ, to abide by the Commandments and to give the state of to be rewarded.314 For its members, senbete offered through the giving of alms and blessing of food and drink and access to the state of grace and spiritual satisfaction. Moreover, it enabled the two

308 Tekle-Sadik, Ye Ethiopia Tarike Ke Atse…, 335. See more: Tekle-Sadik’s book about one impressive senbete incident of king Däwit with ordinary peoples. 309 Informant: Ezra Addis. The informant also stresses that in different church senbetes of Gondär it was not only two people’s interactions reflected rather, all Christian settlers of the town in regardless of ethnic and wealth consideration. 310 Angela Muller, “Sanbate,” Encyclopedia Æthiopica, (2005), 522. 311 Ibid. 312 Pankhurst and Endreas, 364. 313 Ibid.; Muller, 522. 314 Angela Muller, 522.

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peoples to heard the gospel before the meal and discuss spiritual matters with other faithful followers while eating.315The senbete of Gondär was a little bit different from the senbete of other parts of the country, especially in feeding ceremony, as it was said earlier in each member’s turn enough food and drink were brought into the church and feed together accordingly the religious commandment, more than their feeding at the churches the poor always handle food and drink in their materials for their next day’s meal because whenever the food residual, it was a forbidden act to return to home and let it to the poor.316

Moreover, these senbetes helped the Tigre-Amhara ethnic groups to solve common problems and to assisted each other in time of difficulty with financial, material and moral issues and helped the family of members after his/her death. Senbete also provided a forum for exchange of ideas, social problems and mutual interests.317 Whenever members met with an accident all other members were contributed money to help him. There was no obligation as far as they were concerned, normally come to members’ assistance. When the house of any member was burnt down, they all helped in cutting down trees and rebuilding the house without expecting any recompense.318 Just like the iddirs, at the same time when the leader or the administrator of the family passed away, members collected money regardless of ethnic based and then the deceased family received the collected money from the members and in the received money start a new small business to economically help the family.319

The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church also enable and facilitate socio-cultural networking in broad sense in Gondär just like other parts of Ethiopia in major square religious festivals such as timket and mäskäle demerä celebration for centuries in agglomeration of different ethnic groups in their own socio-cultural identity and ways of celebrations. Among some other ethnic groups who were icon and central figure for these festivals were the Amhara-Tigre people. 320 The commemoration of Christ’s baptism is called timket, an Ethiopic and Amharic word meaning immersion of human body in holy water.321 The historical celebration of timket in Gondär goes

315 Ibid.; Informant: Melku Ewnetu. 316 Informant: Ezra Addis. 317 Informant: Melku Ewnetu. 318 Pankurust and Endreas, 364. 319 Informant: Melku Ewnetu. 320 Informants: Mulu Gebre-Kidan and Melku Ewnetu. 321 “The Festival of Timket and Its Significance,” Tiyent Gondar Amharic Monthly Newspaper, No.1, (January- February 1974), 4.

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back to the period before the construction of Fasil bath. By then it was celebrated around Kähä River in temporary house of kendä, then to safeguard täbots and the permanent celebration of the festival Emperor Fasil declared to seat the täbots in his bath from January, 19-21.322

According to Ezra Addis (the head of the church), timket was celebrated in very eye caching ways since Fasil, however it gained the attention of the mob and the royal family in Yostos Emperorship. During the regular celebration of timket there were eight tabots went in to the bath. These days, the täbots celebrating their timket there are: Atätämi Michael, Fit Michael, Elfign Ghiorghis, Kähä Eyesus, Yohannes, Medhane Alem, Abera Ghiorghis, and Bätä Marayam.323 The processions from the various churches joined up and move westward towards the bath. Many churchmen spend the night there, and on the morning of timket they were joined by vast crowds of people. The clergy stand on the west side of the pool for the service; the south side was for dignitaries and visitors, the east side was largely occupied by small tower. After blessing of the water, the people were splashed and many boys dive in and swim in the bathes. Later a procession with six tabots set out to the respective churches.324 Two tabots, those of Atätämi and Fit Michael, spend a second night at the bathes ready for celebration of St. Michael’s day. Other churches of Gondar have their own separate celebration of timket.325

The second largest square religious festival next to timket celebrated by the Amhara-Tigre was mäskäle demerä. Banthalem states that maskäle festival observed to commemorate the discovery of true cross on which Jesus was crucified. The origin of this holiday in Christian world goes back to the 4th century AD. Just like other parts of Ethiopia Gondäriäns celebrated this festival in each village and around the castle.326 The maskäle festival performed on September 26 and 27 every year by lighting demerä (the bonfire) which honored the memory of the bonfire of the queen Elleni and her discovery of the site. In Gondar maskäle festival celebrated for two days.327 The demerä constructed on Mesikerem 16 afternoons at the center of each village. Every adult

322 Informant: Ezra Addis. 323 Informant: Ezra Addis. 324 “The Festival of Timket and Its Significance,” 4. 325 Ibid.; Informant: Ezra Addis. Timket is indeed a major religious festival, and an Amharic proverb says “For the priest timket, for the farmers’ Ginbot (is a time for hard work).” Also it is an important social occasion; it is a time for giving feasts and inviting friends, as a proverb says “A glorious, timket is half cycle of the year.” It is also a time for buying new clothes, a proverb says, “The shirt that was not new for timket will soon go into holes.” 326 Banthalem Tadesse, A Gide to the Intangible Treasure of Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church: Historical Perspectives and Symbolic Interpretations of the Festivals (Addis Ababa: Kalu Printing Press, 2010), 49-50. 327 Ibid., 51.

62 male provided wooden pole to construct the demerä. Every male, including young boys, wake up between 3 am and 4 am on the morning of Mesikerem 17 to light their chibo.328 They blessed the gate and central pillars of each house, the gates of the backyard and the furniture of the house by anointing with the lit chibo. Blessing household items, especially the dough container, they said “Yegomen tofa wuta wuta; yedinich tofa giba giba” meaning “out you go the cooking pot of cabbage and in you come the cooking pot of potato.”329

After the bonfire came over Amhara-Tigre and other ethnic groups of the town regardless of any difference prepared a coffee and other ceremony around each village and commemorated the dead of Jesus Christ to all mankind and symbolized it as their unity. At the end of each village’s festival the town people change their close and most of them go to maskäle Addbäbäy to attend the last demerä of the town.330 Simultaneously to each village demerä the town young men came up together and constructed one of the largest demerä in the town within maskäle flower decoration. And around the afternoon after the preaching of gospel and the history of cross one of the most respected clergy blessed and announce the bonfire and the festival continued till all demerä turned to ash.331 So since their advent in Gondär, Tigreans attended the two square festivals with the rest Amhara and other ethnic groups of the town. The two festivals facilitated their socio-cultural fusion with the rest settlers because before their arrival into Gondär, the Tigreans already exercised these festivals in Tigray.332

In these two square religious holidays the Amhara-Tigre ethnic groups attended the festivals in their traditional and cultural cloth that was not out of the church order. Women wear white dress with netelä; suspended from a neck cord, amulets, and crosses of various designs, ring ear-picks and assorted metal instruments used for cosmetic purposes. They also wear gold pewter and horn finger-rings and arm and ankle bracelets. Some women had tattooed (neqsät) on the neck, a concentric series of necklace designs from ear to ear and from the collarbone to the cheek; the design may be repeat on the wrists, running part way up the forearm.333 Moreover women decoder their hair in several fashions: plaits from front to back; a single thick pin any thin, finely

328 Informant: Ezra Addis; Banthalem, 53. 329 Banthalem, 54. 330 Informants: Alemitu Degu; Ezra Addis and Demelash Beyene. 331 Informants: Alemitu Degu; Ezra Addis and Demelash Beyene. 332 Informants: Demelash Beyne and Alemitu Degu. 333 Shack, 41; Tesfamichael, 12.

63 plaited strands. Other body ornamentations include shadowing of eyelids with antimony (kull), reining of palms, fingers, and sales of feet with dye extracted from impatiens tincture called ensosellä. Men wear white shemma and bäte tehulete trousers (breeches like but large size above the knee.)334

Even though there was a little difference on cultural and wearing style vivid between the Amhara-Tigre elder mothers, it’s difficult to identify the unique culture either Tigre or Amhara youngsters specifically because in their long period interaction and fusion the two family born children inherited fused culture. 335 In the two religious square festivals the people played different traditional music instruments, especially they used drum, (käbäro), made of skin stretched over a wooden bowl, (bägenna) an eight-ten- or twelve-string harp, the (qerär), a five or six-string lyre, and the (mäsenqo), a single-string violin. Wind instruments: a four-hole fife (wäshint) and (turumbä), or trumpet also used from the eve of the festive to the end by making groups.336

Just like timket and mäskäle demerä religious festivals so many EOTC religious observations created the ground for the gathering together of the Amhara, Tigre and other ethnic groups in Gondär. Two of the most abundant religious festivals gathered the Tigre-Amhara people together were Ginbot-lidetä (birth of Virgin Mary) and adreshgn. Before we are going to discuss the adreshgn, let us see the historical role of Ginbot-lidetä to the two peoples’ interaction. The word lidet means birthday and Ginbot-lidetä on Ginbot 1 (May) commemorates the birth of Mary. While churches dedicated to Mary by the name of Lidetä celebrated the festival with colorful ceremonies, every Orthodox Christian village observed the day in group at the center of each village or any convenient place.337

The historical origin of this feast attached to the birth of Virgin Mary. Being pregnancy and bear a child in age old of fertility was a taboo in Jewish culture. However, when Hännä became pregnant (carrying Mary in her womb) she went into Däbrä Libänos Mountain together with Mary’s father (Eyäkem) to escape from the Jewish penalty. Around trees in the mountain, Hännä then gave birth and some peoples who were around the trees prepared nifro (boiled cereals) and

334 Shack, 41-42. 335 Informants: Demelash Beyene and Alemitu Degu. All of these religious get-togethers also still continued. 336 Shack, 42; Informant: Alemitu Degu. 337 Banthalem, 96.

64 provided it to Hännä and Eyäkem and the leftover to the birds. Therefore, the celebration of Ginbot-lidetä with nifro out of home commemorated the occasion which occurred when Mary was born at Däbrä Libänos.338 Regardless of ethnic background the Amhara-Tigre and other minor Christian ethnic groups in Gondär celebrated this commemoration for many years, starting from the beginning of their interaction and co-existence in the town.339When the two people commemorated the birth of their beloved mother, they made a group of celebration in their relative localities, some prepared local drink and others prepared cereals for nifro and after their preparation of food and drink came over, around 11 o’clock in the afternoon, local time all family members including the patient, age old, youth, grandfathers/mothers and other members site outside of their home in which the ceremony prepared. Nifro eaten and coffee served and in the main roads of the town some amounts of nifro left to be taken by birds and other animals early in the morning.340

After they had coffee and nifro, later a doro or other meat stew with injerä and traditional beer served and all family members of Amhara-Tigre presented together. After the termination of the meal, discussions were made on the socio-political and day to day life routine. When the night began to fall all family members stand from their seat one by one and defined what they wanted to be and get the following year and in the name of Mary they promised to bring different food stuffs as well as other goods for the fulfillment of their desires. Their promise duly registered to enable them remembers what they pledged to bring for the next year’s similar ceremony. For the next three days until all food and drink finished all members met and passed time together.341

According to the teaching of EOTC one of the blessings that God had given to human beings was fasting. Man should not do evil in order to be glorified by the Creator, he has to be good. The sources for this are fasting, prayer and prostration. Without these behaviors, no one can ever reach righteousness. Jesus Christ, first fasted when He united man’s body.342 Therefore, the EOTC made seven fasts in the assembly and make them fast by proclamation. One of these is fasting fileseta (migration); the fasting of fileseta commemorates the ascension of the Virgin Mary. So since the spread of Christianity this fasting was exercised by Christian Ethiopians,

338 Ibid. 339 Informant: Malede Tiku. 340 Informants: Alem Mengestiab; Mulu Abraha and Alemitu Degu. 341 Informants: Kassay Mekonnen; Lete -Berhen G/Michael and Alem Mengistiab. 342 Informant: Ezra Addis.

65 however it got a unique acceptance in Gondäriän beyond its spirituality fasting as a cultural feast during king Yostos in the new title as adreshgn.343

As it is tried to above mention in the historical origin of adreshgn was related to King Yostos. Early to his régime, Sudan had been paying tax to Ethiopia, however under the advice of Turkey and Egyptian conspiracy unusually said that Sudan would not pay tax to Ethiopia.344 Before he moved into the march, the king prayed to Mary that if she returned him with victory he promised that every year he would prepare a memorandum ceremony of Mary entitled adreshgn from 1-16 Nehasie because it was the season of fileseta when the king prepared to march. He received the prayer and the king conquered Sudan and returned to his country. According to the covenant, the members of the palace under the king’s leadership came together in regular night and celebrated the feast of Mary.345

Since then, church officials have decided to hold an annual celebration every year from 1-16 of Nehasie within group having food and drink after the fasting in group and gradually the celebration had got acceptance and celebrated by Gondäriäns. Just like other religious feasts of the EOTC, adreshgn also played dominant role in facilitating the interaction between Tigre- Amhara groups in Gondär.346 In fact as we can see in the above, adreshgn officially began in the 17th century and continued for long centuries, however as the Tigre people spread in Gondär town since the late 1960s and the beginning of 1970s engaged in this religious feast with the host Amhara. As usual followed the involvement of Tigreans to the host Amhara, the celebration had been preserved by the town residents.347

The regular yearly feast celebrated in one of the members’ house. Just like iqub and iddir, the seat of the feast was selected from one of the most respected and religious mother/father’s house regardless of ethnic afflation. And for the next 15 days in each person’s turn tellä and kollo were presented and with prayer the ceremony continued.348 In the closing day of the feast a temporary committee selected to fulfill the pledges of event for only Nehasie 16 and the vow of the last year collected from the members and the final ceremony prepared with special feast foods and drinks,

343 Informant: Ezra Addis. 344 Informant: Ezra Addis. 345 Informant: Ezra Addis. 346 Informant: Ezra Addis. 347 Informants: Demelash Beyene; Taju Legase and Ezra Addis. 348 Informants: Ma mo Bidre; Adugna Tegegne and Mulu Gebre-Kidan.

66 unlike the previous 15 days. During the closing ceremony deacons and the helpless people invited and eat and drink together. Members one by one made their vow to Mary about their future good fortune.349

Moreover, the EOTC played dominant role in the process of interaction and integration between the Tigre-Amhara peoples in means of different religious social bonding feasts like zikr. Particularly in religious zikrs of Michael, Abune Argawi and Medhani Alem, to dedicate their patron saints the Amhara-Tigre groups sagged a ceremony at home, using the iddir materials and many of invited guests presented into the ceremony, welcomed in extreme love and eat and drink what served for them in the name of saints. This type of saint’s dedication ceremony held every year and continued the two peoples’ interaction.350

The other religiously feasts which strengthened the two peoples’ interaction with in a food and drink ceremonies were baptismal and tezkär. Baptismal ceremony it’s a kind of religious practice, the new born baby left it life to Christianity and it was one of the pillars of Tigre- Amhara groups created kinship in means of godfather and godmother.351 Tezkär (death person memorandum ceremony) in this death person memorandum food and drink prepared by his/her family and all of people who were participated in the deceased and other poor people of the area invited and feed together and in the end each of them said “may God bless the life of the dead.”352 All these religiously feast had a great contribution or they were pillars for strengthening the Amhara-Tigre interaction and fusion and in each of religious holidays: Easter, the Ethiopian New Year, Christmas and in other holidays invited each other to have food and drink and passed their time together.353

Islamic Social Welfares and their Role in the Family System Gondär had a historic Islamic community. Yet both Ethiopian and foreign historians tend to view Ethiopia as a Christian country. 354 While it is true that the highlands were dominated by Christianity, it is equally true that the highlands possessed a permanent, indigenous Muslim

349 Informant: Ezra Addis. 350 Informants: Ma mo Bidre and Adugna Tegegne. 351 Informants: Messele Berihun and Mulu Gebre-Kidan. 352 Informants: Ma mo Bidre; Adugna Tegegne; Messele Berihun and Mulu Gebre-Kidan. 353 Informants: Ma mo Bidre; Adugna Tegegne; Messele Berihun and Mulu Gebre-Kidan. 354 Abdussamad, “Muslims of Gondar…”, 162.

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minority, a minority whose native language was either Tigrigna or Amharic. In the 1840s, Muslim merchants of Gondär along with their co-religionists from Adwä in Tigray, Däritä in Bägemdǝr and Bässo in Goǧǧam spread Islam to areas south of the Blue Nile.355

Just like the Christian Tigreans, Muslim Tigreans who were living in different parts of Tigray came to Gondär for religious and trading purpose, especially356 since 1930s. After they came into the town in different times they settled and intermixed with the host Muslim people of Gondär who were settled in south of the town.357 However, Italian had a pro Muslim policy towards Muslim people of Gondär; most of them spread into Arada, Piazza and they captured prominent figure of market place in the down town in post Italian invasion period. Using the stable ground of the town that means the revival of Gondär since 1940s many Muslim Tigre people came and lived in extreme peace and co-existence with their pro-Muslim and Christian brothers of the town. In their involvement in the town a number of historical traditional institutions which were facilitated their interaction and fusion with the Christian and Muslim Amhara of the town.358

In fact most of Muslims of Gondär had social welfares with the rest Christian settlers of the town regardless of religious and ethnic afflation. However, as the Christians of Gondär have had social welfares based on religious afflation, the Muslims of Gondär had the same tradition.359 There was no any unique historical social association that was established between Tigre and Amhara

355 Ibid. Solomon states that before many Tigrean came and settled in Gondär in around 1940s to the late 1960 to the middle of 1970 in front of Chinehä Gabayä and southwest of the Fit Abbo church the Tigre mändär existed. Some of these quarters such as Tigre mändär and Chorqä mändär, which was situated where the present-day mosque stood, were post-Mahadist phenomena. It is said Tigre mändär was founded by men of Tagade who accompanied Shéikh Mohammad Rahiyä, who was also known as Al-Jabarty, to Gondär. The Shéikh is said to have opposed the forced conversion of Muslims to Christianity and thus left for Sudan via Tägäde. During his self- imposed exile, many fellow believers accompanied him in his sojourn. Thus, when he returned to Gondär after thirty six years, some one hundred Muslims of Tägäde were among his entourage. They were given a locality that evolved into a sub quarter bearing their name Tigre mändär. Solomon, A History of…, 19. 356 But that does not mean Tigrean Muslims did not came to Gondär before 1930s, in citation of Grottanelli, Abdussamad also points out that Muslim immigrants from Eritrea, Tigray and later from Lasta and Yajju continued to came to Gondär. These people intermarried with the local Muslims of Gondär. The result was an intermixture of the Islamized community of Gondär. However just like Christians Tigrean, large number of Muslim Tigreans came to Gondär since 1930s. Abdussamad, “The Gondar Muslim minority…”, 78. 357 Informants: Taju Legase and Demelash Beyene. 358 Informants: Taju Legase and Demelash Beyene. 359 Informants: Mulu Gebre-Kidan and Taju Legase.

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Muslims in Gondär. However, many of the associations originally emanated from the teaching of Prophet Muhammad, Quran and Hadith.360

As they practiced their faith for many years before their advent in Gondär, Muslim of Gondär and Tigre had their own religious chambers, and after they came to Gondär they engaged in different historical phenomena and strengthened their old mutual Islamic welfares. Some of these were: zäkäh, wäqf and sädäqä.361

Muslims support one another at personal as well as community level in times of prosperity and adversity. The rich support the poor, the orphans, the elderly people and patients were visited by the local people. Though the aid was done in a disorganized manner in most cases, socially destitute and ostracized people were provided certain means of subsistence in kind or cash by the neighbors.362 One of the institutions of Muslims that was used for supporting the destitute called zäkäh. The zäkäh represented the due right of the poor taken from the wealth of the rich at a rate of 2.5%.363 It is an obligatory task religiously and it is not considered as a voluntary charity. The merchants in the region give zäkäh to the poor once in a year in cash while farmers provide zäkäh in kind (grains or animals) as prescribed in the religious scriptures.364

Zäkäh was the basis for equitable redistribution of wealth in Islam and the most viable tool for combating poverty and other social and economic ills in an Islamic society of Gondar as other Muslims of the world. It is an obligation mentioned in the Quran about thirty times, in twenty- eight of which, zäkäh was associated with prayers. This obligation also emphasized in a number of sayings of the Prophet.365

There was also an obligatory zäkäh on all Muslims who have got enough food for one day. It is called zäkäh al-fitir. It is given to the people who did not have enough food even for a day. Most

360 Informants: Kidija Jebriel and Worku Hussien. According to a Hadith, a man went to the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be upon him) saying: “I have a dinar”, the Prophet said: “Spend it on yourself”. He said: “I have another”. He told him: “Spend it on your children”. He said: I have other (a third one)”. He replied: “Spend it on your family”. He said: “I have other (a fourth one)”. He said: “Spend it on your servant”. He said: “I have other (a fifth one)”. The Prophet said: “You know better what to do with it”. 361 Informants: Kidija Jebriel and Worku Hussien. 362 Ali Yassin, “The Development of Islamic Education System in Ethiopia: its features, Relevance and Influence on Muslim Culture with reference to South Wallo” (PhD Dissertation, Addis Ababa University, 2015), 251. 363 Ibid., 251-2. 364 Ibid. 365 Ahmad Bello, “Islamic Social Welfare and the Role of Zakah in the Family System,” Munich Personal RePEc Archive No. 23192, (2008),1-3; Informant: Kidija Jebriel.

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Muslims in the town gave zäkät al-fitir calculating the amount as one kilogram of grain or equivalent market price in Ethiopian birr per heads of the family.366 Although it was argued that zäkäh alone cannot provide cure to all the socio-economic problems of the society, and therefore, had to be complemented with other wealth redistribute agents, nonetheless, it unanimously agreed that zäkäh was prime and that it played the most vital role in equitable distribution of wealth in any Muslim society.367

Another important institution for supporting people within the Muslim community of Gondär was called wäqf. Wäqf represents a voluntary gift (of a plot of land, house, animals, crops or even books) to be used by a person, a family or community as a whole.368 Just like zäkäh in wäqf welfare Muslims of Gondär helped each other for long time, especially when some Tigrean Muslims came into different time they had not a permanent income to lead their life, so to strengthen the day to day live of Tigrean Muslim of Gondär, Amhara Muslim residents of the town provided them a sort of support in money or in kind.369 And using the support they received from religious people in the successive periods, Tigrean Muslims worked hard in trade and weaving economic sectors, as soon as they situated themselves in the high income community in Gondär. Using this and other brethrens’ welfare as positive impact, the two Muslims communities of Gondär controlled many service and industrial sectors of the town.370

The other welfare of Muslims of Gondär was called sädäqä, it used for feeding and dressing the poor, orphans, the sick and the elderly people on voluntary basis. Sädäqä was usually an invitation to a feast where people gather to eat whatever is ready. Whenever the invited person was too weak or sick to attend the sädäqä, packed food was sent to him/her. In many cases sädäqä meant for the destitute people living in shanty houses or in streets. Hence, uninvited

366 FM Addis 97.1 Liyu Program with Hajji Adem Hussien, Meaden Magarate 1: 50 PM 5/22/2020; Ali, “The Development of…”, 252. 367Abdullah Saeed, Muslim Australians: Their Beliefs, Practices and Institutions (Department of Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs and Australian Multicultural foundation: University of Melbourne Press, 2010), 1-2; Informant: Worku Hussien. 368 Informants: Worku Hussien; Ma mo Bidre and Adugna Tegegne; Ali, “The Development of…”, 252. 369 Informants: Kidija Jebriel and Worku Hussien. 370 Informants: Kidija Jebriel and Worku Hussien. Followed the defeat of fascist government at the battle of Gondär, when Gondär was governed by Asefa Wossen there was no enough a government budget to the military of the town, to solve this difficulty Asefa Wossen requested traders to lend money to the government. In this case one of the notable Muslim merchant of Gondär (Addis Aläm) that was Merqene Muhammed lent 30,000 Maria Theresa dollars. Since this time in different meshta bêtes Azmaries of Gondär poem to him: የሀበሻ ወታደር የሚበላው አጥቶ መርቀኔ መሐመድ አበላው ሸምቶ። Including Merqene and other Muslims more than their co-religious groups supported the helpless Christian in the feast days. Informant: Demelash Beyene.

70 needy persons were also allowed to join the feast.371 In addition to the above welfare the two Muslims of Gondär accordingly to the religious commandments of Quran and the teaching of prophets’ celebrated religiously feast together like Ramadan, Eid al-Adha and other religiously holidays invited each other at home and passed time with great zeal having food and drink and also someone who had enough meat share to the area relatively poor Muslims who had not meat.372

Moreover Amhara-Tigre Muslims of Gondär, just like other Muslims of the country inter-related each other in their day to day life. Since their arrival to Gondär, Tigre Muslims interacted with the rest Amhara Muslims in Sheikh Ali Gondär, Addis Aläm, Al-Kadimu, Kena Bet and Otto Barko historical mosques, in the case of säläte and religious congregation.373 These mosques were the political, social, cultural and ritual center for the believers when they came to the mosques in Friday and other days to säläte. Besides to the adhään, or the call of prayer, all important news was announced in the mosques. People participated in these religious institutions for consultation and the exchange of views and ideas.374

Along with the advent of modern education and seeing Christians sent their children to church to study alphabets and to learn other common commandments of the EOTC, the Muslims also sent their children in the surrounding historical Mosques to study Qur’anic, Hadith, fiqh, Arabic history, language, literatures and other commandments of the Allah. And in their day to day religious education, Amhara-Tigre Muslim children interacted with one another and made friendship. Just like the Amhara-Tigre Christian, Muslims of the two ethnic groups interacted and interfused each other.375

371 Ali, “The Development of…”, 252. 372 Informants: Kidija Jebriel; Taju Legase and Worku Hussien. 373 Informants: Kidija Jebriel; Taju Legase and Worku Hussien. 374 Informants: Taju Legase; Worku Hussien and Goytom Haile. 375 Informants: Taju Legase; Worku Hussien and Goytom Haile.

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CONCLUSION The study gave due attention to examine historical socio-cultural interaction and fusion between Amhara and Tigre people in Gondär town from 1930s to 1970s. It tried to reconstruct the historical socio-cultural interaction and fusion mainly focusing on local developments based on oral information and archival materials. From its foundation as the capital of the country Gondär, more than native Ethiopians, it was inhabited by foreigners from Europe, Arab and other part of the world in case of commerce and diplomatic aspects. However, when regionalism heightened in 1769 the socio-economic and political importance of the town declined till 1930s.

However in the last administration of Empress Zeweditu, the socio-economic importance of the town began to rise. It was said that the Empress was too religious and loved Gondär because of its religious centers. To encourage the socio-economic importance of the town Zeweditu ordered to the rise of local and long distance trade from its death. According to her official order Gondär became important center again and it began to impress different ethnic and religious group for trade, work and religious services. Since this time for the last five years seasonal Tigrean workers came to Gondär and involved in different occupation in each regular year from September to May they came as masons, carpenters, laborers and served the town and interacted with Amhara people. Unfortunately following Italian invasion of the town on April 1, 1936 the host the town settlers and some Tigrean seasonal workers forced to move to the southern part of the castle and in the five years patriotic resistance seasonal Tigrean workers interrupted. Including some Amhara-Tigre who worked in the town in Italian offices engaged in patriotic resistance in the surrounding jungle of the town and declined the fascist ethnic conspiracy on different groups of the town people.

Following Italians defeat, local people began to resettle in their early site. Simultinussly, the early Tigrean seasonal workers continusly came in to the town and first settled in Arategna Foq. The apartments located in Northern part of the town, were serving as the residence of Italian civilian, it faced little destruction by British aircrafts in the last battle of Gondär. Then these Tigreans mended doors and windows and continued to live there. However, when the emperor visited the town in 1946, he surprised by the architectural style of the buildings and he instructed over all renovation of the apartments and after the renovation rented to government officials. Tigreans who were out of the apartments grant a new permanent land locally called Agam Säfär,

72 that behind to Arategna Foq (or Italian Enkudo). From their new permanent habilitation Tigrean led their life in charcoal production, masons, carpenters, cart service and other artistic work. Since the times of their permanent residence in the town Tigreans interacted with the host Amhara through market and their hard work experience paved the way for interaction and fusion.

One of the basic economic means interacted the two people was market. The historical Saturday and other local markets facilitated interaction. As means of income generating Tigreans went in to the surrounding jungles of the town and processed different trees into charcoal and provide it to the open-air Saturday market to the host Amhara. And the host Amhara merchants offered agricultural products and exchange each other. Besides to Saturday market Tigreans displayed different size package of charcoal in front of their house to the local people who were not able to get charcoal in Saturday market and some Tigre women handled small sack of charcoal in their back and provide it to the surrounding areas of the town.

These market place opened doors to the two people interaction well and exchange their societal and cultural contributes. Some merchants from the two societies also traded together as partner in the business and they also supported each other in their business. In their home to home mason, carpenter, old fashioned material reparse and cart service to the host society; Tigreans interacted and later created fusion with their clients. In their interaction the two people gradually created marriage and family bonding. And in the late 1960s and early 1970s Tigreans spread in all parts of the town and they involved in different religious and non-religious welfars and in different religiously feasts strengthened their interaction and fusion with the rest Amhara people. The two peoples are more of identical, to the excitant one cannot identify one from the other culturally, religiously, physically and in many respects.

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Minority Affairs, Vol. 17, No. 1, 1997: 129-139. Solomon Addis. “The Evolution and Development of the Public Health College and Training

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Questions and Cultures]. Addis Ababa: Berhan ena Selam Publisher, 1986 E.C.

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______.Greater Ethiopia: The Evolution of Multi-Ethnic Society. Chicago: University

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______.The Very Model of a Modern Imperial City: Gondar, Ethiopia. Florida: Florida

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2006. Sbacchi, Alberto. Ethiopia Under Mussolini: Fascism and the Colonial Experience. London: Zed

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Steer, George. Caesar in Abyssinia. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1936. Sisay Sahile, Wassie Negas and Girmay Kebede. Gondar Ye Ketemochi Enate [Gondar The

Mother of Cities]. Gondar Ketema Astedader: GGM Entertainment, 2009 E.C. Shack, William A. The central Ethiopians Amhara, Tigrina and Related Peoples. London: International African Institute, 1974.

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______. Summary and Statistical Report of 2009 Population and Housing Census.

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News Paper and Magazine

Tiyent Gondar

______. No.1, October 1974.

______. No. 2, November 1974.

______. No. 3, December 1974.

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______. No. 6, February 1974.

______. No. 7, March 1974.

______. No.6, March- April 1974.

______. No. 8, April 1974.

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______. No. 7, April-May 1974.

______. No. 9, May 1974.

______. No. 6, June 1975.

______. No. 2, November-December 1975.

______. No.6, June 1994. Gondar Ketema Astedader ______. “Gondär Zarie.” Sebategnaw Ye Ketemoch Forum, No.1, 2007 E.C. E- Journal Article

Girma Tayachew. “The Administration of Italian Buildings and Holdings in Gondar Town (1941-1974).” Ethiopian Journal of Social Science (EJSS), Vol.3, No.1 (2017). Accessed May 10, 2020. http://www. Journals. bdu. edu. et/index.php/ejss/article/view/81/149. 3. Internet Sources

URL…http:// www. dbpedia.org/page/Battle of Gondar.com. ______. Addis Admass News.com/Ya Gondar Tarike Betemeramariwe Ayne [A

History of Gondar in the Eyes of Researcher]. Tuesday, 29 July 2014, 15:01.

______. Com/blog-posts/item/1844-usury.

______. ethiopiawin.net/ethiowarkab-blog/2017/6/18/bulding. Civic-institutions-for-

Democratic governance-in-Ethiopia.

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______. B1681 del 01/03/1940.

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LIST OF INFORMANTS

No. Name of Informants Age Sex Date Place of Remarks Interview Interview 1. Alfeche A m a r e 82 F Gondär She came to Gondär from Tigray in (Wäyzäro) 1955 and married an Amhara man.

She has a good memory of the socio-cultural condition of Gondär. 21/06/2012 She gives her testimony and life experience about the Amhara-Tigre marriage interaction and family bonding. 2. Argash Asgede 93 F Gondär She has been living in Gondär since (Wäyzäro) her birth and she is the second generation close family of Gugsa Wole Bitul and she knows Gondär 21/06/2012 from Italian invasion. She gives her witness about the town and its people in early and Italian occupation. 3. Argewin Berhie 74 M Gondär He was a religious teacher of Kiduse (Dä btä rä ) Gabriel church. He has been living in Gondär since his birth. He has good information regarding the town’s social institutions and 23/06/2012 associations. He was also our Ethiopic alphabet teacher. From him several information get, for instance he gives us the age old the Amhara- Tigre clergy’s interaction and their role of church and day today live of

84

the town people. 4. Alemitu Degu 69 F Gondär She has been local beer producer in (Wäyzäro) the town since Haile Selassie’s regime and has interaction with various ethnic groups of Gondär. Her grandfather was one of the Tigrean priests who served Bägemdǝr province in the last 20/06/2012 regime of Empress Zeweditu. She tells us about seasonal Tigrean workers and religious students and priests interaction in the town. She adds about market centers, religious associations in the Amhara-Tigre interaction and integration. 5 Askale-Maryam 60 M Gondär He is a priest in Gabriel and Kassa Philip/Mary/ churches and he is (Qäsé) religious father to people of the town for many years. He gives his 8/07/2012 testimony on the Amhara-Tigre interaction and integration in religiously associations and he elaborates the role of these associations. 6 Alem Mengistiab 60 F Gondär She came to Gondär from Eritrea (Wäyzäro) during the final period of

monarchical rule and has profound

19/06/2012 information on Gondär and its people. Marriage as means of interaction and the role of religious festivals in interaction between the

85

Amhara-Tigre people get from Wäyzäro Alem. 7 Asfaw Mollalegn 78 M Gondär He worked in the court of Gondär (Ato) for the last 40 years, but now retired and is well informed about the 30/06/2012 people town. The two peoples interaction and integration information widely get from this man. 8 Abeba Muluneh 58 F Gondär She has been in Gondär since her (Wäyzäro) childhood and acted as a guide in

Ras Gembe Museum and has

tremendous knowledge about 12/06/2012 Muslims in Gondär. Wäyzäro Abeba gives her testimony on market centers and their role in the Amhara- Tigre interaction. 9 Adugna Tegegne 75 M Gondär He knows the town since his early (Ato) childhood and he is considered as

senior elder of the town. He is well

12/06/2012 informed on people’s interaction. He gives information on the Amhara- Tigre interaction in religious and non-relgious get-togather. 10 Alem Tegegne 79 F Gondär She was from Bägemdǝr province (Wäyzäro) and has been living in Gondär with

friends with different ethnic groups 29/07/2012 for long and she was one of the early founding members of Gabriel iddir. She gives information about the two

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notable iddirs and relgious mähäbers of Amhara-Tigre people and their role in the two people’s interaction. 11 Bitew Bayu 77 M Gondär He worked in ĉaĉala and he is one of (Ato) Gabriel iddir founders and has good information about Tigre-Amhara relation because he married and 29/07/2012 made family bondage with Tigrean lady. He gives information on the historical marriage interaction and family bonding between Amhara- Tigre ethnic groups in the town. 12 Befriedu 56 M Gondär He has been living in Gondär since Shemlese(Ato) childhood and he is one of the

25/07/2012 regular local beer customers. The area where local beer production locates in the town gets from this man. 13 Basha Tamrat 79 M Gondär He is one of the patriots who entered (Lij) Gondar via Qusquäm and he is one of loyal friends of Lij Asfaw Jambaru. Information regarding 25/07/2012 seasonal Tigrean workers in the town, Italian occupation and the resettlement of local people after fascist defeat gets from this man. 14 Chkula Taddesse 60 F Gondär She has been living in Gondär since (Wäyzäro) 1952. She is a retired teacher and 25/07/2012 served as the managerial board

member of Gabriel Säfär iddir. She

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gives us the Amhara-Tigre people’s interaction in religious and non- religious self-help institutions and associations. 15 Demoz Amare 82 M Gondär He has known the town since the (Ato) monarchical rule and he is a retired

commercial bank guard. He married the Tigrean lady and he is living 25/07/2012 with her till this time. He gives information on the early Tigrean seasonal workers in the town and the two people’s family bond in marriage and other tradations. 16 Demelash 76 M Gondär He is one of the first generation Beyene(Ato) Tigre-Amhara born men in the town (Agame Säfär). His father was a Tigrean patriot in the last battle of Gondär. He has amazing untold positive information about Amhara- Tigre people interaction in Gondär. 25/07/2012 He gives information on resettlement of local people after the defeat of Italian. The permanent settlement of Tigrean in the town, Tigreans work habit and the Amhara-Tigre marriage and family bonding also gets from this man. 17 Dessalegn 73 M Gondär He was political officer in Derg Niguse(Ato) 12/06/2012 1975-1980s and he spent his entire life in the town and well informed

88

on people’s interaction. The area where local beer production locates in the town gets from this man. 18 Ezra Addis 55 M Gondär He is the head of Medhani Alem (Liqé Liqäwnt) church of Gondär. He has incredible knowledge on Gondär in all social and historical aspects. Besides he teaches the Arätu Gubäe in Gondär. This religious father gives 12/06/2012 information on the Amhara-Tigre burial culture, about religious student and clergies in the town. The role of religious self-help and different festivals in the two people’s interaction also get from this man. 19 Enanu Ayele 68 F Gondär She is one of the early members of (Wäyzäro) Gabriel iddir mähäber and she was

local beer producer. Her interaction

with different peoples enabled her to 25/07/2012 have good memory on social aspects of the town. She tells the role of religious and non-relgious associations in the two people’s interaction. 20 Enate Chanie 72 F Gondär She is one of the early settlers of (Wäyzäro) Aratgna Foqe after it’s renovated

22/06/2012 and she has good memory on Chawa Säfär. She gives information on Four Story' apartments and Agame

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Säfär. 21 Esayas Desta 93 M Gondär He is a retired Hägere-Sebket (Märgiétä) worker. He has been living in

Gondär since his childhood and he

has good information on the town

settler’s socio-cultural condition 30/06/2012 from early Italian invasion. Regarding Italian occupation impact and the Amhara-Tigre trader’s interaction in the town gets from this man. 22 Fenta Tegode 70 F Gondär She served the people of the town in (Wäyzäro) home to home local beer production for religious ceremony and she participated in the early religious 30/06/2012 associations. She gives information on the food culture of the two people’s in midewife, religious self- helps and their role in the Amhara- Tigre interaction also gets from her. 23 Goytom Haile 60 M Gondär He was teacher in Atse Bakaffa and (Ato) Fasiladas preparatory schools. He

was born and still living in Gondar. He has good information on Tigre- 12/06/2012 Amhara relation. Information on resettlement of local peoples, Italian buildings and marriage as mean of interaction between the two people gather from this man.

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24 Hailu Berhane 55 M Gondär He is the son of one the founders of (Ato) Gabriel iddir and still participates in 5/08/2020 that iddir. He gives his testimony on the Amhara-Tigre interaction in Gabriel iddir. 25 Kidija Jebriel 66 F Gondär She is a Muslim merchant in Arada (Wäyzäro) and had good interaction with the early elders of the town. This

25/07/2012 enabled her to have good memory on people’s interaction. Information on Islamic social welfare and their role in interaction between the two people’s gets from her. 26 Kassay Mekonnen 72 F Gondär She is one of the early members of (Wäyzäro) Gabriel iddir and she has good memory on people’s interaction in 25/07/2012 social institutions. The roles of religious holidays and festival on the Tigre-Amhara interaction get from this woman. 27 Lete -Berhan 94 F Gondär She came to Gondär from Eritrea G/Michael and married the Amhara husband (Wäyzäro) and has been living here for the last 70 years. She tells the Italian 25/07/2012 occupation of the town, the culture how midwife women treated by the two people and the role of religious and non-religious self-help on the two people’s interaction also gets

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from her. 28 Mulu Abraha 60 F Hummérä She came to Gondär from Aksum, (Wäyzäro) married the Adwa man and has been living in the town through her Hummérä farm and participated in 08/07/2012 the town religious and none- religious get-together with the Amhara people. The role of iddirs on the Amhara-Tigre interaction and integration gets from her. 29 Mamo Bidre 70 M Gondär He has been living in Gondär for 70 (Ato) years. He served in different governmental offices but now retired. He is one of the notable shmagle that Gondär has. He knows very well about the socio-economic 08/07/2012 condition of the town. Information on the two people’s interaction and integration in different religious festivals and their interaction in zikir, baptismal and in holidays gets from this man. 30 Messele Berihun 75 M Gondär He was born in Gondär and worked (Ato) in different governmental offices. And well-known shmagle Gondar has much knowledge about the 08/07/2012 peoples of the town. He gives information on the seasonal Tigrean workers in the town, resettlement of local people after the defeat of Italians and Amhara-Tigre marriage

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interaction.

31 Melku Ewnetu 80 M Gondär 08/07/2012 He has been living in the town for (Ato) more than 70 years and served as death announcer of iddirs and acted as Moses of different senbetes of Gondar. He gives his testimony on the role of religious and non- religious institution in the Amhara- Tigre interaction. 32 Medhanye Gebre- 69 M Hummérä 08/07/2012 He is Tigrean farmer. He came to Mdhine(Ato) Gondär and has been living here for the last 50 years. He has been participating in different religious and non-religious get-together. Information on the Amhara-Tigre marriage and the role of religious and non-religious institution in the two people’s interaction gets from him. 33 Mulu Gebre-Kidan 87 M Gondär 19/06/2012 He is one of the early members and (Ato) leader of Medhani Alem Akäbäbi iqub. The Amhara-Tigre marriage interaction, family boding and the role of iddir in the two people’s interaction and other related information get from this man. 34 Molla Lisaneworqe 86 M Kollädebä He is one of the managerial board (Ato) 22/06/2012 members of Gabriel iddir. The role of Gabriel iddir in the Amhara-Tigre interaction gets from this man.

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35 Mesfin Mekonnen 65 M Gondär He is one of the Tigre-Amhara born (Ato) men and has a good memory on the

two peoples’ interaction as a part of

22/06/2012 the historical interaction and fusion. The Amhara-Tigre interaction in market centers and other related information get from this man. 36 Mengiste Melkie 82 M Gondär He is the most respected shmagle (Ato) that Gondär has and he participated in the town’s notable social 21/07/2012 institutions. He gives his testimony about the permanent settlement of Tigrean and the Amhara-Tigre marriage interaction. 37 Mulu Shitaye 84 M Gondär He is a retired head of Kidus Gabriel (Qäsé/Abä) Church and he is one of the main

committee members who led the

construction of that church in modern architectural style and he

22/06/2012 has a good deal of information on the social condition of the town from monarchical rule to now. Information on burial culture and the role of religious institution on the Tigre Amhara interaction get from this man. 38 Malede Tiku 68 F Gondär She is the Tigrean-born, who has (Wäyzäro) 21/07/2012 been living in the town since she was 5. She interacted with her

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Amhara friends in the town in socio- economic situation and this enabled her to acquire information on peoples’ relation. Information on the two people’s interaction in means of marriage and in different religious get-togather gets from this woman. 39 Sisay Muche 71 M Gondär He served in MOHA soft drink

(Ato) factory and he was from Gonderoch- Ghiorghis and now living in Fechfächeit. He has profound 21/07/2012 information about the town’s earlier information. Information on the people’s interaction in the Sutrday and the surrounding local markates gets from this man. 40 Saba Tajebe F Gondär She is the secretary of Gondär

(Wäyzäro) 40 culture and tourism office and has

profound information on tourism 27/07/2012 activities of the town. The town tourist information gets from this woman. 41 Tekle Girmay 60 M Gondär He is one of the Tigre born men (Ato) living in the town and married the Amhara woman for the last 60 years and he is still participating in social 29/07/2012 institution following the foot print of his early family. He gives his testimony on the two people’s interaction in religious get-togathers.

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42 Taju Legase 89 M Gondär He was one of the most notable long (Häji) distance merchant in Gondär since imperial rule and his father was the notable traditional doctor of the 4/08/2012 town. Information regarding the two people’s interaction in the market centers and the Islamic social wealfers gets from this man. 43 Tega Wondale 90 F Gondär She knows the town for the last 70 (Wäyzäro) years and she was member of early religious and non-religious institutions. Resettlement of local 3/08/2012 people, the Amhara-Tigre interaction in iqub, iddir and other religious get-togather information gather from this woman. 44 Worku Hussien 78 M Gondär He was trader in monarchical rule (Shéikh) and served in different mosques of the town as teacher. He is well informed on Islamic social welfares. 30/06/2012 Information on Islamic social welfare and their role in interaction between the two people gets from him. 45 Zemam Amare 60 F Gondär 28/07/2012 She was from Tigray and has been (Wäyzäro) living in Gondar for the last 40 years and engaged in hotel investment. And her entire family members are intermarried with the Amhara people of the town. The two peole’s

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smilar culture on baptismal and their interaction in self-help associations gets from her.

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Appendix-1

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Appendix-2

Some founders and managerial bord members of Gabriel iddir

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Appendix-3

Some founders and managerial bord members of Gabriel iddir

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Appendix-4

101

Appendix-5

Some founders and managerial bord members of Abune Argawie iddir

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Appendix-6

103

Appendix-7

104

Appendix-8

105

Appendix-9

106

Appendix-10

107

Appendix-11

Gherardo Bosio the towns’ architect some of Ethiopian patriots hugged by Italian’s in Gondär

Ras squrare before Italian occupation Emperor Haile Selassie’s visits of Gondär

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Appendix-12

109

Appendix-13

The present condtion of Agame Säfär

Photo from researcher’s collection

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Appendix-14

Researcher’s observation of the early permanent residence area of Tigreans. It’s locally known as Aratega Foq (Four Floor) because as it is visible to see the apartments count four, that is why name of the area is coined as Arategna Foq after the construction of the four apartments.

Photo from researcher’s collection

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Appendix-15

The good example that shows the direct historical relationship of Amharic to Tigrigna just like the two brotherly peoples is corroborated by Habte-Mariyam and below is few of historical similarities of the two languages in the case calendar, counting and other aspects:

Tigrigna Amharic Translation

Numbers

አሐደ አንድ (and) one

ከልእተ ሁለት (hulet) two

ስለስተ ሶስት (sosit) three

ኦርባእተ አራት (arat) four

ሓሙሽተ አምስት (amist) five

ሽድስተ ስድስት (sidist) sixe

ሰውአተ ሰባት (sebat) seven

ሰመንተ ስምንት (simint) eight

ተሽአተ ዘጠኝ (zetegn) nine

አሰርተ አስር (asir) ten

እስራ ሃያ (häya) twenty

ሰላሳ ሰላሳ (selasa) thirty

አርብአ አርባ (arba) forty

ሃምሳ አምሳ (amisa) fifty

ስላ ስልሳ (silsa) sixty

ሰብአ ሰባ (seba) seventy

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ሰማንያ ሰማንያ (semania) eighty

ተስአ ዘጠና (zetena) ninety

ምኢቲ መቶ (meto) one hundred

እልፍ እልፍ (elif) thousand

አእላፍ አእላፍ (aelaf) million

ትእልፍተ-አእላፍ ትእልፍተ-አእላፍ (tielifte-aelaf) billion

Tigrigna Amharic Translation

Days

ቀዳም ቅዳሜ (Kidamie) Saturday

ሰንበት እሁድ (Ehud) Sunday

ሰኑይ ሰኞ (Segno) Monday

ስሉስ ማክሰኞ (Makisegno) Tuesday

ረብእ ሮብ (Rob) Wednesday

ሓሙስ አሙስ (Hamus) Thursday

አርብ አርብ (Arib) Friday

Tigrigna Amharic Translation

Months

መስከረም መስከረም (Mesikerem) September

ጥቅምት ጥቅምት (Tiqimit) October

ህዳር ህዳር (Hidar) November

ታህሳስ ታህሳስ (Tähisas) December

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ጥር ጥር (Tir) January

የካቲት የካቲት (Yekatit) February

መጋቢት መጋቢት (Megabit) March

ሚያዝያ ሚያዝያ (Miyäzia) April

ግንቦት ግንቦት (Ginbot) May

ሰኔ ሰኔ (Senie) June

ሓምለ ሃምሌ (Hämle) July

ነሓስ ነሃሴ (Nehasie) August

Apart from the above relative historical language similarities let us see some words similarities of Amharic and Tigrigna.

Tigrigna Amharic Translation

Words

ከበሮ ከበሮ (kebero) drum

ደብር ደብር (debir) church

ድጋፍ ድጋፍ/ግዳፍ (digaf) support

ጭንቅላት ጭንቅላት/ቅንጭላት (chnkilat) brain

ስፍራ ስፍራ (sifira) seat (scene)

ተንሰራራ ተንሰራራ (tenserara) revival

በአለም በአለም/ባለም/ (bealem) in the world

ትእግስት ትእግስት/ትግስት/ (tigist) patience

ትእዝብት ትዝብት (tizibt) disapproval

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ሃብታም ሃብታም (habitam) rich

አንበሳ አንበሳ/አምበሳ/ (anbesa) lion

አጠነከረ አጠነከር (atenekere) confirm (deepen)

አዘንበለ አዘምበል (azenebele) channel

ደንበኛ/ደምበኛ/ ደንበኛ/ደምበኛ/ (denbegna) customer

ገንቦ/ገምቦ/ ገንቦ/ገምቦ/ (genbo) jar

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DECLARATION I declare that, this thesis prepared for the partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Art in History entitled “A Historical Survey of Socio-cultural Interaction and Integration between the Amhara and Tigre People in Gondär Town (1930 to 1970)” is my original research work prepared independently by my own effort with the close advice and guidance of my advisers. I also declare that this thesis has not been presented in any university and all sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of footnote citation.

Name: Tesfamichael Fentie Derso

Signature: ______

Place and date of Submission: University of Gondar

College of Social Sciences and the Humanities

Department of History and Heritage Management

June, 2020

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