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When Were the Fortifications of the Upper City of Hattuša Built?

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When Were the Fortifications of the Upper City of Hattuša Built? ANATOLICA XXXVII, 2011 WHEN WERE THE FORTIFICATIONS OF THE UPPER CITY OF HATTUŠA BUILT? Zsolt Simon Abstract The date of the fortification walls of the Upper City of Hattuša is still an unsolved problem. After critically discussing the earlier suggestions, the reign of Hantili I (presumably the last third of the 16th c.) is proposed as their construction date. This can be supported not only by philological, but also by archaeological evidence (the structure of the wall, the general history of the Upper City) and fits into the general pattern of the changes of the Central Anatolian settlements of this period (cf. Kuúaklı). The traditional view on the history of Hattuša has connected the building of the fortification walls of the Upper City visible even today to the foundation of the Upper City itself dated since Bittel 1938 to the Empire period, attributed finally to Tudhaliya IV.1 The most recent formulation of this theory is as follows (Neve 1999: 10-13, 2001: 97-98): the first phase of the wall – including its gates – was constructed in the Oberstadt 4 period. Oberstadt 4 is to be dated to the reign of Tudhaliya IV for the following reasons: the palace on the Büyükkale (BK IIIb) was enlarged and oriented towards the Upper City during his reign. Besides, there are no significant differences between the finds of the Sphinx Gate and the Temples 2 & 3 from the periods of Oberstadt 4 and Oberstadt 3 to be dated to Tudhaliya IV. These arguments have been critically analysed by Jürgen Seeher who proved that there is no connection between the new structure of the palace and the foundation of the Upper City, the dating of Oberstadt 3 to Tudhaliya IV is baseless; furthermore, the period Oberstadt 4 does not exist (2006c: 134-136, 142-143; cf. 2006b: 203).2 Next to this traditional dating, Seeher was the scholar who intended to determine the age of the fortifications of the Upper City. His starting point was the new chronology of the Upper City established by himself, summarized below following his results (2006c: 1 For a history of research see Seeher 2006c: 131-136. For the proper dating of the wall see e. g. Bittel et al. 1957: 61, Bittel 1938: 9, 1970: 50, 1972-1975: 166, 1983: 64-65; Neve 1985: Blatt Oberstadt/Stadtbefestigung A. Gesamtsituation und Anlage, 1996: 23. 2 Bittel (1976: 233) suggests that the close formal and stylistic parallels between the reliefs of the Lion, Sphinx and King’s Gates with the reliefs of the rock sanctuary of Yazılıkaya imply that they are approximately contemporary and thus to be dated to the period of Tudhaliya IV, together with the wall. However, the reliefs visible today belong to the last building phase of the gates as indicated by the burnt layers and the remains of previous buildings below the King’s and Lion Gates (Seeher 2006b: 203, 209, cf. Neve 1985: Blatt Oberstadt/Stadtbefestigung B1. Das Königstor, 2001: 45, 97-98). Moreover, as Seeher (2006b: 207) has pointed out, there is no special parallel in the case of the lions or of the sphinxes with the reliefs of the rock sanctuary; furthermore, the depiction on the King’s Gate corresponds to the well- known Hittite standards of the Empire period, thus the dating of these two groups of reliefs to the same period is not reasonable from this point of view. 240 ZSOLT SIMON 136-141, cf. 2006b: 198-208; Schachner 2009a: 12-16; and see already Müller-Karpe 2003: 388-391). Hittite texts have been found in the temples of the Upper City from the reign of Alluwamna and Zidanta II, i.e. from the Old Hittite period (in linguistic sense) onwards, followed by many Middle Hittite texts (e.g. from Arnuwanda I or the famous Hurro- Hittite bilingual text from Temple 16) and Neo-Hittite texts before Tudhaliya IV (Muršili II and Muršili III). Though theoretically these tablets could have been transferred to their find-spot later, three small oracle texts (one of them is surely, the others are probably Middle Hittite) have been found in the foundation pit of Temple 30 and probably they were parts of the foundation sacrifice. The archive of the so-called Westbau is a similar source: Old and Middle Hittite land donation documents and bullae of kings from before the Empire period have been unearthed there (the documents are continuous from Šuppiluliuma I onwards). Although a later transfer cannot be excluded here too, this is not very likely. At the same time, next to these perhaps debateable arguments, there are unequivocal, calibrated radiocarbon data too from the Upper City (for the following see Schoop & Seeher 2006: 60-62, 63-65, resp.). The grain silo below the Southern Ponds has been dated to the first three-quarter of the 16th c. The Southern Ponds themselves – five artificial water reservoirs – belong to the second half the 15th c. (the ceramics found in them – inventory of some temples – come from the middle and from the end of the 14th c.). The oldest layer of the valley in front of Sarıkale is constituted by the two so- called Quadratgebäude (for possible earlier layer(s) see Seeher 2006b: 208) and it can be dated to the last third of the 16th c. – beginning of the 15th c. (the valley is uninterruptedly inhabited from this period onwards and the findings are very similar to the average complexes of the Upper City: clay tablets from Old and Middle Hittite periods, seals and seal impressions from the early Empire period). In other words, the Upper City has been inhabited and used at the latest from the last third of the 16th c.3 Nonetheless, it is hardly probable that precious and important parts of the city that include indispensable infrastructure to the economic life and subsistence of the entire capital would have stood without defence for a longer period (cf. Schachner 2009a: 12),4 not to mention the strategic disadvantages of an Upper City occupied by enemy forces. Thus a defensive wall must have stood there almost from the beginnings, and the beginnings are, according to the data mentioned above, to be dated to the last third of the 16th c. at the latest (Seeher 2010: 30: late 16th or early 15th c.), i.e. – 3 A single stamp seal close to the Konya-Karahöyük Schicht 1 glyptic style from the Upper City does not prove the existence of a settlement between the time of Anitta and this period, thus Schachner’s cautious formulation (“besetzt gewesen sein könnte”, 2008: 30 with refs.) is fully justified. 4 Seeher 2006b: 208 mentions that the sanctuaries of Šupitaššu at Kuúaklı and Yazılıkaya are situated outside the city walls. However, this cannot be a counterargument, since the structures to be defended there are infrastructure first of all and not temples (for the function of the buildings of the valley in front of Sarıkale see the summary of Seeher 2008: 5-8, with refs.). ANATOLICA XXXVII, 2011 241 whichever chronological framework we take into consideration – during the reign of the earliest Hittite rulers.5 Following this line of argument, Seeher (2006b: 208; 2006c: 142) suggested the following hypothesis: before the wall visible today there was a weaker, preliminary fortification wall (Vorläuferbefestigung) the line of which is followed more or less by the today visible wall (another route is not probable since the wall visible today follows the natural incline). Though Seeher admits that traces of this forerunner wall cannot be found (2006b: 209), he explains it with the simpler construction of the wall most parts of which disappeared during the later rebuilding phases.6 Since, however, the valley in front of Sarıkale shows an entirely urban landscape in the 14th-13th centuries, the wall visible today must have been built by this time, at the latest (accordingly, Seeher dated the construction or the rebuilding of the wall in his guide-book to the Empire period, 2006d: 178).7 Later he proposes that the position of the Lion Gate and the King’s Gate in the wall suggests that the walls were built later to the gates, in place of a former wall, whose material have been re-used in the new one (Seeher 2008: 10-11). It is not clear, however, why the already standing gates would not have been taken into account during the construction of the new wall. It seems to me more probable that the orientation of the gates (either secondary included into walls or not) was determined by other, still unknown factors (cf. Müller-Karpe, Müller-Karpe & Schrimpf 2009). Nevertheless, Seeher 2008: 10-11, 2010: 30 leaves the question of date open until further archaeological research (similarly Schachner 2009a: 1219: the date of the wall is still a desideratum, whereas the archaeological data are unclear at this phase of the excavation).8 Though Seeher’s suggestion can be neither dismissed nor proved (due to the type of his arguments), there is an obvious question: what prevents us from identifying the wall visible today with the first wall surrounding the Upper City? Moreover, if this question will be examined more closely, such a solution seems to be fairly obvious: Unfortunately, there are very few texts regarding Hattuša as a city and about the building of its parts (cf. Klinger 2006). There is only one text about the construction of a city wall of Hattuša, from the reign of Hantili I.9 Though, as is well-known, absolute dates 5 The slightly earlier data of the grain silo can be explained by a gradual establishment of the Upper City that reached the level where a wall was necessary at the time of the foundation of the settlement in the valley in front of Sarıkale.
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