Army Chief Increases Attacks Onanc NELSON MANDELA Has Com­ That Mr De

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Army Chief Increases Attacks Onanc NELSON MANDELA Has Com­ That Mr De EPISCOPAL. CHURCHPEOPLE for a FREE SOUTHERN AFRICA E 339 Lafayette Street, New York, N.Y. 10012·2725 C (2' 2) 4n-0066 FAX: (212) 979 -1 013 S A #129 10 October 1992 It I S not a marriage nor an alliance of convenience but n:lther a cuddling up - for the time being. The white ultIB. right and the black ultra right in South Africa are drawn together by their COIIlIOn perception of being left behind by the flow of history. These satellite groups circle about the dynamic core - the center stage COJI'Im3.I1ded by Presidents Mandela and De Klerk. The racial tribal chieftains are capable of igniting chaos on a scale not heretofore seen and a Balkans-like splintering is quite possible; they will thrash out their innate differences later in the customary m:mner. But they shouldn I t worry. De Klerk and his security forces need them and, embarrassing as they may be, Pn=toria will not abandon these useful tribal groups. The search for a derrocratic South Africa goes on. Talks between the African National Con­ gress and Pretoria continue by fits and starts. The ANC persists in bringing to life the tenns of last year I s national peace accord, especially the agreement that all political parties have free access to South Africans in all parts of the country. The tribal chiefs, fearful of the people they lord over and directed by their masters in Pretoria, block this effort - as brutally shown at the massacre in the Ciskei. The ANC focuses on the bantus­ tans of Bophuthatswana and Kwa Zulu, the domain of Gatsha Buthelezi. The struggle continues. Army chief increases attacks onANC NELSON MANDELA has com­ that Mr de. KJerk was right in pur­ plained to President FW de suing a negotiated political settle­ KJerk, it was learnt yesterday, Public statements reflect the deepening discontent among South ment. "The army, besides, is tradi­ about the increasing political pro­ African military leaders, writes John Carlin in Johannesburg tionally the most hardline wing of minence the chief of the South Af­ the SADF. Not only are they tra­ rican army has acquired in recent ditionally more conservative, they weeks after a number of public of the Nation), was stock-piling Judge Richard Goldstone, ap­ are much more implicated in dirty outbursts against the African Na­ weapons near Bisho in prepara­ pointed by Mr de KJerk to chair an tricks." Which is the main reason tional Congress. Lieutenant-Gen­ tion for military attacks. inquiry into political violence, for why army generals were particu­ eral George Meiring has in the On 25 September, the day be­ army Special Forces' Battalion 32 larly upset at the government's process confmned allegations that fore the government-ANC sum­ to be removed from "peace-keep­ failure in the agreement reached , army intelligence continues, in vi­ mit, the general said Umkhonto ing duties" in the townships. "I with the ANC on 26 September to I olation of official policy, to moru­ members from all over the country will deploy 32 Battalion where and secure a promised linkage be­ tor the activities of the ANC in­ had been moved by road and air to when needed," be said, prompting tween the prisoners' release and a side the country. Natal as part of a plan forcibly to Judge Goldstone to issue a state­ blanket arr.nesty extending to all Mr Mandela raised the issue disrupt an 1nkatha rally at ment in which he remarked upon members of the security officers. with Mr de KJerk in what is under­ KwaMashu township. He said the "what can generously be de­ Someone else who is upset by stood to have been a telephone Umkhonto operatives were mov­ scribed as an unhelpful response the government-ANC agreement conversation before their peace ing weapons into the area in pre­ from a senior member of the is the Inkatha leader, Mangosuthu summit in Johannesburg 10 days paration for attacks on Zulu head­ South African Defence Force". Buthelezi. Chid Buthelezi, whose ago. But since then General Mei­ men loyal to 1nkatha. In the same speech General conservative Zulu organisation is ring has only stepped up his anti­ "The movement of people and Meiring added that there was no known to have had c1ose'links with ANC campaign. What originally weapons into KwaZuJu where ten­ possibility of the battalion being military intelligence, shares the upset Mr Mandela were state­ sion is already unacceptably high disbanded. Six weeks later Mr de right-wing view that the govern­ ments by the general, second only can only be regarded as danger­ KJerk, responding to national and ment is selling out the country to to the South African Defence ous, sinister and reckless," Gen­ international pressure, went the ANC. On Sunday he issued a Force chief, General "Kat" Lie­ eral Meiring said. As it turned out, ahead and did just that. statement which, as an alarmed benberg, in the military hierarchy, nothing happened at KwaMashu A military expert who asked senior diplomat observed, must in the days prior to the massacre to substantiate his claims. that his identity should not be dis­ have gladdened the generals' 8t Bisho on 7 September in which General Meiring again picked closed said yesterday that the hearts. He.announced he would 29 died. General Meiring warned up the theme on Friday. Now, he problem lay in General Meiring's, not re-enter constitutional negoti­ at the time that, according to his said, Umhkonto was poised to and indeed General Liebenberg's, ations until Umkhonto weSizwe information, the ANC's military start a sabotage campaign against failure to accept either that the - which he termed the ANC's wing, .lJm:kho,nto weSizwe (Spear government installations. There is BUlhelezi: angry al ANC deal war against the ANC was over or "nnh!ess army" - was disbanded. ~ THE INDEPENDENT Tuesday 6 October 1992 THE GUARDIAN Right unites Wednesday October 7 1992 againstANC De Klerk's anxiety about allies leads to attack on ANC and Pretoria omeland lea ers 0llEF Mangosuthu Buthelezi warned of Zulu secession. Briga­ From John Carlin talk to whi e right dier Oupa Gqozo spoke of wax. in Johannesburg President Lucas Mangope prom­ ised to keep anarchy at bay. And South Africa's emergent new Andries Treumicht pledged that, right spoke with great belliger­ if it came to it, his people would ence, but the seriousness of their fight in defence of their new­ message was undermined by re­ Klerk of appeasing the ANC marches and called on it to halt Patrick Laurence and leading South Africans on underground activities. found black brothers. current deviations into faxce - a in Johannesburg The leaders of the Inkatha terrain in which Brigadier Gqozo the path to "socialist tyranny". Mr De Klerk was interrupted Freedom ParI)', the "indepen­ excelled. He came to power in a He alleged that Ciskei - like repeatedly by loud applau5C as dent" Ciskei homeland, the "inde­ roup and enjoys lillie support, but HREE of President Bophuthatswana a nominally he accused the ANC of intoler· F. W. de Klerk's poten· sovereign state - had been pre­ pendent" Bophuthatswana home­ he spoke ardently and unblush­ ance and condemned its plans ingly of the need for "men of hon­ tial black allies held vented from putting its case by to march on the capitals of land and the right-wing Con­ talks with his rightwing "sly means". KwaZulu and Bophuthatswana. servative Party met yesterday in a our", for "legitimate leaders" in­ T rivals yesterday, Andries Chief Buthelezi, leader of the "Marches that could resull in hotel north of Johannesburg to stead of"fools who don't serve the Trcurnicht of the Conservative Zulu·based Inkatha Freedom violence should not take place. make rommon cause against the people but serve themselves". Party and Andries Beyers of Party, has withdrawn his The government is duty bound diabolical alliance thev see brew­ The craggy-faced gentlemen of the Ilew Afrikaner Volksunie organisation from negotiations to prevent such marches," he ing berween the Africim National the Conservative PaIl)' looked on (people's union). in protest against the Mandela· said. Congress and Pretoria. approvingly, applauding the The three black leaders ­ De Klerk accord. He has set a But the government wouln 'I Chief Buthelezi. the force be­ homeland troika's every rhetorical Mangosuthu Buthelezi, Lucas condition for his return: disso­ not resort to emergency rule. hind the event, said it was time to flight. In one of the tea-breaks, Dr Manl:ope and Oupa Gqozo, all lution of the ANC's under· mass detentions or bannings to prepaxe rontingency plans. "The Treurnicht, a minister of the heads of tribal territories estab· ground army, Umkhonto we curb protest. ultimate extremity of political ac- Dutch Reformed Church, took lished under apartheid - have Sizwe, and surrender of its Bophuthatswana also flexed . lion for me will be secession ... I Brigadier Gqozo aside and, rom­ condemned an agreement arms caches. its muscles and warned the just pray that negotiations should menting on the massacre the reached between Mr De Klerk The ANC response has been ANC that a march on the terri· DOl fail to the extent that such ex­ Ciskei soldiers carried out a and Nelson Mandela of the Afri· twofold. It rejected the call to tory would lead to bloodshed. treme decisions axe foisted on all month ago. remarked: "What you can National Congress 10 days disband its army until the in· Brig Gqozo said that the neo­ of us willy-nilly." did was absolutely morally justifi­ ago. stallation of an interim govern· Nazi paramilitary Afrikaner Brigadier Gqozo - dubbed able." President Mangope of Bo· ment of national unity.
Recommended publications
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
    [Show full text]
  • Swaziland's Proposed Land Deal with South Africa - the Case of Ingwavuma and Kangwane*
    Swaziland's Proposed Land Deal with South Africa - The Case of Ingwavuma and Kangwane* By Wolfgang Senftleben Since the Gambia united with Senegal under a Confederation recently, Swaziland (with an area of 17 363 sq.km) has been the smallest country in mainland Africa' (followed by Dj ibouti with 21 783 sq.km), but this could change very soon. In mid-1982 it was announced that the Republic of South Africa is willing to transfer two of its land areas totalling approximately 10 000 sq.km to the Kingdom of Swaziland. Together, these two areas would increase Swaziland's size by more than 60 per cent and give the hitherto land-locked state2 access to the sea with a potential port at Kosi Bay, just below Mozambique. The principal benefits for both countries are only too obvious: For Swaziland it means a realization of a long-standing dream of the late King Sobhuza II to incorporate all lands of the traditionally Swazi realm, besides ending Swaziland's status as a land-locked state. For South Africa it would be a major success of her apartheid policy (or territorial separation) by excommunicating two of its African tribaI areas with a population of together 850 000 people, which would give South Africa a tacit quasi-re­ cognition of her homeland policy, besides the advantage of creating a buffer zone between white-ruled South Africa and Marxist-orientated Mozambique for security reasons. However, such land transactions are carried out at the expenses of the local population in the respective areas of Ingwavuma and KaNgwane.
    [Show full text]
  • Race Relations
    file:///G|/ProjWip/Products/Omalley/Tim/04%20Transition/T_SAIRR%201990-1994/SAIRR%20Survey%201992-93.HTM RACE RELATIONS SURVEY 1992/93 CAROLE COOPER ROBIN HAMILTON HARRY MASHABELA SHAUN MACKAY ELIZABETH SIDIROPOLOUS CLAIRE GORDON-BROWN STUART MURPHY COLETANE MARHKAM Research staff South African Institute of Race relations SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS JOHANNESBURG 1993 Published by the South African Institute of Race Relations Auden House, 68 De Korte Street file:///G|/ProjWip/Products/Omalley/Tim/04%20Tra...T_SAIRR%201990-1994/SAIRR%20Survey%201992-93.HTM (1 of 914)25/11/2004 15:17:41 PM file:///G|/ProjWip/Products/Omalley/Tim/04%20Transition/T_SAIRR%201990-1994/SAIRR%20Survey%201992-93.HTM Braamfontein, Johannesburg. 2001 South Africa Copyright South African Institute of Race Relations 1993 ISSN 0258-7246 PD4/93 ISBN 0-86982-427-9 Members of the media are free to reprint or report information either in whole or in part, contained in this publication on the strict understanding that the South African Institute of Race Relations is acknowledged. Otherwise, no part of this publication maybe reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electrical, mechanical, photocopy, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The writers of this Survey wish to thank all those who assisted in producing this volume. We are indebted to all those who provided information, among them various organisations, trade unions, companies, government officials, officials of political parties, members of Parliament, academics and other researchers. We wish to thank the Institute’s production co-ordinator, Mrs Carol McCutcheon, for her work in style editing, liaising with the printers and production.
    [Show full text]
  • Participatory Research and Democratic Agrarian Transformation: the Case of the Eastern Transvaal Central Low Veld
    The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. ARTICLE PARTICIPATORY RESEARCH AND DEMOCRATIC AGRARIAN TRANSFORMATION: THE CASE OF THE EASTERN TRANSVAAL CENTRAL LOW VELD Richard Levin1 Introduction Land and agrarian policy formulation in South Africa today is taking place in top-down fashion, without any serious attempt being made to involve rural people in the process. As the country enters a transition to democracy, various conceptions and practices of development are being debated. The World Bank and legions of international experts are rushing into the country to assist in the search for policy solutions to the problems of apartheid. While the 'lessons from elsewhere' are being paraded through conference centres throughout the country, little attention has been given to a critique of traditional developmentalism which has perpetuated inequality through its emphasis on market-oriented, technology- based, resource intensive and undemocratic development strategies (Harris et al, 1994). Nowhere is this more evident than on the terrain of land and agrarian reform, where groups of foreign and local experts periodically gather to deter- mine the fate of apartheid's greatest victims. Bold national land reform and rural restructuring programmes are being carved out with scant attention being paid to local detail and regional variation while the crucial question of articulation of scale between local, regional and national policy concerns is largely overlooked.
    [Show full text]
  • The Planned Destruction of 'Black' Agriculture
    The planned destruction of ‘black’ agriculture Hubert Cochet To cite this version: Hubert Cochet. The planned destruction of ‘black’ agriculture. South Africa’s Agrarian question, HSRC Press, p.12-27, 2015. hal-01375797 HAL Id: hal-01375797 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01375797 Submitted on 18 Jun 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. The planned destruction of ‘black’ agriculture 1 Hubert Cochet For those familiar with agriculture in sub-Saharan Africa, travelling in the former homelands of South Africa elicits surprise. How is it that this densely populated countryside, dotted with rural settlements created by the forced removal policy under apartheid, is left uncultivated, largely abandoned to bush and underused? The landscape is characterised by very few livestock, evidence of erosion despite extensive woody vegetation and occasional signs of farming. Following on from 1994, when researchers, academics and the development community began reflecting on the future of these lands and how to revive ‘black’ agriculture, there is now a need to understand the historic and contemporary factors that have led to the massive abandonment of agricultural activities (Cochet 1998). How did the formerly vibrant production systems that once covered these lands die off, to the point that the landscape is now dominated by marginally used lands, even though rural population density is higher than ever? Reconstituting the steps and processes underlying this planned destruction is a prerequisite to any attempt at reconstruction.
    [Show full text]
  • Apartheid Legislation in South Africa
    Ralph Glücksmann Apartheid Legislation in South Africa I. Introduction On 31 May 1910 the Union of South Africa was formed as a dominion in the British Empire. It was exactly eight years after the signing of the Treaty of Vereeniging, which had brought the Second Anglo-Boer War to an end and stipulated full British sovereignty over the Boer republics of Transvaal and Orange Free State. Although the South Africa Act 1909 (9 Edw. VII c. 9) was passed by the British Parliament at Westminster, it was wholly constructed by South African representatives in South Africa. Agreement had not been reached without acrimony, and there were times when it seemed that the national convention of representatives of the four colonies Cape, Natal, Transvaal and Orange River might break up among recriminations. Das Kap wurde 1806 britische Kolonie. Davor war das Kap eine niederländische Kolonie, gegründet von der Niederländischen Ostindien-Kompanie (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie), die vom niederländischen Staat Hoheitsrechte erhalten hatte. Als die Niederlande 1795 im Zuge des ersten Koalitionskrieges von Frankreich be- setzt wurden, nutzten die Briten eine Rebellion in der Kapkolonie, um diese unter ihre Herrschaft zu bringen und den Franzosen zuvorzukommen. 1803 zogen sich die Briten nach dem Frieden von Amiens zunächst wieder zu- rück und überließen das Kap der Batavischen Republik als Rechtsnachfolgerin der 1798 aufgelösten Niederlän- dischen Ostindien-Kompanie. Bereits 1806 annektierte Großbritannien nach der Schlacht von Blauberg die Kap- kolonie jedoch endgültig, nachdem die napoleonischen Kriege in Europa wieder aufgeflammt waren. 1815 wur- de die Abtretung an das britische Kolonialreich auf dem Wiener Kongress von den Niederlanden bestätigt, die als Kompensation die früheren Österreichischen Niederlande erhielten.
    [Show full text]
  • Glohea 06:Copan 01
    6 A Violence of History Accounting for AIDS in Post-apartheid South Africa Didier Fassin I will come and claim you from bones and bullets and violence and AIDS.—Antje Krog, letter-poem “Lullaby for Ntombizana Atoo” On 9 July 2000, the opening day of the Thirteenth International AIDS Conference in Durban, a heated debate broke out in South Africa. The controversy was not over President Thabo Mbeki’s association with Californian dissident circles (Fujimora and Chou 1994), nor his support for the theory that AIDS was caused by poverty rather than of viral origin, nor his claims that antiretroviral drugs were ineffective and toxic (Schneider 2002)—all issues that were already the subject of bitter polemic both within and beyond South Africa (Fassin 2003). On this historic day, the first time an international meeting on AIDS had been held in a Third World city, the argument centered on mortality statistics. The South African Medical Research Council (MRC) had just pub- lished figures on deaths in the country, comparing the data for 1990 and 1999. Over the decade, not only had the number of deaths risen dramati- cally, but also the age profile had changed markedly. The Sunday Times headline on 9 July 2000 (figure 6.1) read, “Young people are dying before their parents.” Malegapuru William Magkoba, director of the MRC and famous within the international scientific community for his condemna- tion of Thabo Mbeki’s heterodoxy, said: “If we had been involved in a major war, that would be the only other thing that could explain the high numbers of young men and young women who are dying in our country” and, because South Africa was at peace, “It can only be explained by the Copyrighted Material SAR Press 113 Didier Fassin Figure 6.1 The violence of statistics.
    [Show full text]
  • Committed to Unity
    Committed to Unity: South Africa’s Adherence to Its 1994 Political Settlement Paul Graham IPS Paper 6 Abstract This paper reviews the commitment of the remaining power contenders and other political actors to the settlement which was reached between 1993 and 1996. Based on interviews with three key actors now in opposing political parties represented in the National Assembly, the paper makes the case for a continued commitment to, and consensus on, the ideals and principles of the 1996 Constitution. It provides evidence of schisms in the dominant power contender (the African National Congress) which have not led to a return in political violence post-settlement. The paper makes the point that, while some of this was the result of President Nelson Mandela’s presence, more must be ascribed to the constitutional arrangements and commitments of the primary political actors and the citizens of South Africa. © Berghof Foundation Operations GmbH – CINEP/PPP 2014. All rights reserved. About the Publication This paper is one of four case study reports on South Africa produced in the course of the collaborative research project ‘Avoiding Conflict Relapse through Inclusive Political Settlements and State-building after Intra-State War’, running from February 2013 to February 2015. This project aims to examine the conditions for inclusive political settlements following protracted armed conflicts, with a specific focus on former armed power contenders turned state actors. It also aims to inform national and international practitioners and policy-makers on effective practices for enhancing participation, representation, and responsiveness in post-war state-building and governance. It is carried out in cooperation with the partner institutions CINEP/PPP (Colombia, Project Coordinators), Berghof Foundation (Germany, Project Research Coordinators), FLACSO (El Salvador), In Transformation Initiative (South Africa), Sudd Institute (South Sudan), Aceh Policy Institute (Aceh/Indonesia), and Friends for Peace (Nepal).
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa Fact Sheet
    Souher Afrc Pesecie 1/88 South Africa Fact Sheet Thirty-four million people live in South Africa today, yet only 4.9 million whites have full rights of citizenship. The Black population of 28 million has no political power and is subject to strict government controls on where to live, work, attend school, be born and be buried. This Is the apartheid system which produces enormous wealth for the white minority and grinding poverty for millions of Black South Africans. Such oppression has fueled a rising challenge to white minority rule in the 1980's through strikes, boycotts, massive demonstrations and stayaways. International pressure on the white minority government has also been growing. In response, the government has modified a few existing apartheid laws without eliminating the basic structure of apartheid. This so called reform program has done nothing to satisfy Black South Africans' demands for majority rule in a united, democratic and nonracial South Africa. Struggling to reassert control, the government has declared successive states of emergency and unleashed intensive repression, seeking to conceal its actions by a media blackout, press censorship and continuing propaganda about change. As part of its "total strategy" to preserve white power, Pretoria has also waged war against neighboring African states in an effort to end their support for the anti-apartheid struggle and undermine regional efforts to break dependence on the apartheid economy. This Fact Sheet is designed to get behind the white government's propaganda shield and present an accurate picture of apartheid's continuing impact on the lives of millions of Blacks In southern Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Dr Khunou Samuelson Freddie* 1. Introduction 2. Brief Historical
    International Journal of Business and Social Science Vol. 2 No. 18; October 2011 TRADITIONAL LEADERSHIP AND SELF-GOVERNING BANTUSTANS OF SOUTH AFRICA: THROUGH THE EYE OF THE NEEDLE OF CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY Dr Khunou Samuelson Freddie* 1. Introduction The aim of this article is to discuss the status, roles and legal position of the institution traditional leadership in the defunct self-governing territories of South Africa. When Verwoerd became the Prime Minister of South Africa in 1959, he introduced the Promotion of Black Self-Government Act.1 The main objective of this Act was to create self-governing territories2. The Black population was arranged and categorised into national units based on language and culture. There were the North-Sotho unit, the South-Sotho unit, the Swazi unit, the Tsonga unit, the Tswana unit, the Venda unit, the Xhosa unit and the Zulu unit.3 The administrative authorities in these national units were to be based on the tribal system. The apartheid government‟s contention was that each nation had to develop according to their own culture under their own government. The government further argued that in this process of separate development, no nation was supposed to interfere with each other.4 Unlike the states of Bophuthatswana, Transkei, Ciskei and Venda that opted for independence, the leaders of the self-governing territories had not accepted the idea of independence. These self-governing national units consisted of different and separate territories on the basis of language and culture, namely KaNgwane, Lebowa, KwaNdebele, Gazankulu, KwaZulu, and QwaQwa. The unique features and legislative peculiarities of each self-governing territory will also be identified and discussed.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa's Black Homelands: Past Objectives, Present Realities and Future Developments
    SPECIAL STUDY/SPESIALE STUDIE TH£ SOUTH AFRICA'S BLACK HOMELANDS: PAST OBJECTIVES, PRESENT REALITIES AND FUTURE DEVELOPMENTS Deon Geldenhuys THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE INSTITUUT VAN INTERNASIONALE AANGELEENTHEDE Peon Geldenhuys is Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at the Rand Afrikaans University, Johannesburg. At the time of writing this paper he was Assistant Director, Research, at the South African Institute of International Affairs. The last section of this paper was published as "South Africa's Black Homelands: Some Alternative Political Scenarios", in Journal of Contemporary African Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1, April 1981# It should be noted that any opinions expressed in this article are the responsibility of the author and not of the Institute. SOUTH AFRICA? S BLACK HOMELANDS: PAST OBJECTIVES, PRESENT REALITIES AND FUTURE DEVELOPMENTS Deon Geldenhuys Contents Introduction ... page 1 I From native reserves to independent homelands: legislating for territorial separation 3 II Objectives of the homelands policy, post-1959 6 III Present realities: salient features of the independent and self-governing homelands 24 IV Future Developments 51 Conclusion 78 ISBN: 0-909239-89-4 The South African Institute of International Affairs Jan Smuts House P.O. Box 31596 BRAAMFONTEIN 2017 South Africa August 1981 Price R3-50 South Africa's Black Homelands: Past Objectives, Present Realities and Future Developments Introduction A feature of the South African political scene today is the lack of consensus on a desirable future political dispensation. This is reflected in the intensity of the debate about the Republic's political options. Local opinions cover a wide spectrum, ranging from the white 'right' to the black 'left1, i.e.
    [Show full text]
  • Resistance to the Cession of the Kangwane
    Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu Professor and Executive SOWING THE SEEDS OF Director, South African POLITICAL MOBILISATION IN Democracy Education Trust, University of BANTUSTANS: RESISTANCE South Africa. E-mail: sifisondlovu@telkomsa. TO THE CESSION OF THE net KANGWANE BANTUSTAN TO THE DOI: https://dx.doi. KINGDOM OF SWAZILAND org/10.18820/24150509/ JCH43.v1.3 ISSN 0258-2422 (Print) Abstract ISSN 2415-0509 (Online) This article on the proposed 1982 land deal between the Kingdom Journal for Contemporary of Swaziland and the South African Government to cede the History KaNgwane Bantustan and Ingwavuma to Swaziland, focuses upon 2018 43(1):43-69 the geopolitics of southern Africa and the trajectory of the struggle © UV/UFS for national liberation in South Africa, particularly on the role of the African Nationalist Congress (ANC) in Bantustan politics. By focusing specifically on the geopolitics of the liberation struggle in southern Africa, this article adds new dimensions to the work of Shireen Ally, Hugh Macmillan and other scholars, whose research on the proposed cession of the KaNgwane Bantustan focuses primarily on ethnic nationalism and ethno-nationalistic politics. Keywords: Swaziland; South African Government; African National Congress (ANC); KaNgwane Bantustan; Enos Mabuza; apartheid. Sleutelwoorde: Swaziland; Suid-Afrikaanse regering; African National Congress (ANC); KaNgwane-tuisland; Enos Mabuza; apartheid. 1. INTRODUCTION This article on the proposed 1982 land deal between the Kingdom of Swaziland and the South African Government to cede the KaNgwane Bantustan1 and Ingwavuma to Swaziland, focuses upon the geopolitics of southern Africa and the trajectory of the struggle for national liberation in South Africa, particularly the role of the African Nationalist Congress (ANC) in Bantustan politics.
    [Show full text]