Shifting Masculine Terrains: Russian Men in Russia and the Uk

SHIFTING MASCULINE TERRAINS: RUSSIAN MEN IN RUSSIA AND THE UK A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2016 Marina Yusupova School of Arts, Languages and Cultures List of Contents Abstract 4 Declaration 5 Copyright statement 5 Note on Translation and Transliteration 6 Acknowledgements 7 Introduction 9 Why Russia and Russian Masculinities? 9 Mapping the Field 12 Research Outline 16 Chapter 1. Theoretical Foundations 21 Masculinity as a Social Construction 21 Theorising Gender and Masculinity 23 Gender 24 Masculinity 26 Masculinity and Intersectionality 28 Building a Framework for Understanding Russian Masculinities 29 Masculinity as a Historical Category 30 Reference Points and Resources for Making Masculinity 34 Poststructuralism and Queer Theory 37 Gender and Performativity 39 Concluding Remarks 42 Chapter 2. Methodology 45 Introduction to the Research Idea 45 Life Story Interview 47 Research Sites 50 The Interviewees and Recruitment 51 The Interviews 53 Positionality: Female Researcher Interviewing Males about Masculinity 55 Ethical Aspects 58 Analytical Strategy 60 Chapter 3. Navigating the Soviet Past 65 ‘Proper’ Soviet Man 66 Militarised Socialism and Militarised Masculinity 68 Selective Traditionalism or Breadwinner Paradox 75 Poriadochnost and Prodazhnost 79 ‘Golden Hands’ or Masculinity and Do-It-Yourself-Culture 84 Collectivism, Gender Inequality and Masculine Hierarchies 91 Chapter 4. Heading Into the Unknown: Russian Masculinities of the Transition Period 93 2 ‘New’ bourgeois ideal of gender relations 94 Masculinisation of Economic Success and the Rise of Private Entrepreneurship 97 Businessman as the Omnipresent Reference Model of Russian Masculinity 98 Entrepreneurship as a Life Style and Exclusively Masculine Terrain 101 Expansion of the Criminal Culture 106 Poniatiia or Criminal Quasi-Law: Origin and Evolution 107 Could you explain in your own words what the expression ‘to be a man’ means to you? 111 Compulsory Criminality 115 Reconfiguration of Masculine Hierarchies and Masculine Privilege 117 Chapter 5. Searching for the New Russian Identity: The Remasculinisation of Russia 119 Demilitarisation and Remilitarisations of Post-Soviet Russian Masculinities 124 Military Service: The Experience of Research Participants 126 Between Russia and Britain, Between Militarism and Antimilitarism 128 ‘Looking West’ - or Fair-Minded, Progressive and Gender-Sensitive Russian Masculinities 134 Race/Ethnicity, Religion and Citizenship 141 Globalising Masculinities, or, When Russia Meets Britain 148 Chapter 6. Men and Masculinities on the Move: Russian Masculinities on Foreign Ground 151 Emerging Reflexivity 153 Gender Equality: Backlash and Hierarchy Building 156 Russian Women and Gender Equality in the Eyes of Immigrant Men 159 Re-Inventing Russia or the Russia That Never Was: Individualism vs. Family Values 165 Resurging Russian Orthodoxy: Immigrant Masculinities and the National Identity 171 Disappearing Homophobia: Is it Getting Better? 174 Homecoming Narratives 178 Conclusion: Displaced Masculinities 181 Chapter 7. Conclusion 183 Bibliography 189 Appendix 1 208 Appendix 2 212 Appendix 3 214 Word Count 79785 3 Abstract This dissertation examines the conception and performance of masculinities amongst two groups of Russian men, half of whom live in Russia and the other half in the United Kingdom. A total of forty in-depth biographical interviews were carried out, twenty in each country, with men of different ages and highly different social backgrounds. On the basis of these interviews, the thesis portrays contemporary Russian masculinities as a complex, socially and historically constructed phenomenon, situated within large-scale social and political processes. It explores the most prominent reference points and social hierarchies employed by the respondents in order to negotiate their individual gender projects, and shows how these are culture-specific, context-specific, and rooted both in individual life history and in the social, economical and political realities of different historical periods. While the respondents play an active role in defining and constructing their own masculinities, they do so within the macro-parameters laid down by the state, in accordance with broader socio-cultural and political factors. Shifts in the macro-parameters (such as the collapse of the Soviet Union or migration to another country) change the environment in which an individual lives and give rise to new resources for negotiating masculinity. Like the reference points and social hierarchies referred to above, these new resources are rooted in specific historical, cultural, political and personal events. Each resource belongs to a particular social topography that orients people towards the places, practices and discourses which they need to realise their masculinity. The main empirical findings in the thesis are ordered in accordance with the contexts, reference points and hierarchies for making masculinity which were referred to by the research participants themselves. The dissertation is structured around four contexts which emerged from the data: (i) the Soviet past; (ii) the first post-Soviet decade (the 1990s); (iii) the second post- Soviet decade (the 2000s); (iv) the immigration period. I explore different masculinity construction strategies and the reference points on which they rely as the site of a socio-cultural power struggle that offers a unique prism through which to understand how Russian masculinities and gender relations are validated and contested, and how they change. 4 Declaration No portion of the work referred to in the thesis has been submitted in support of an application for another degree or qualification of this or any other university or other institute of learning. Copyright statement i. The author of this thesis (including any appendices and/or schedules to this thesis) owns certain copyright or related rights in it (the “Copyright”) and s/he has given The University of Manchester certain rights to use such Copyright, including for administrative purposes. ii. Copies of this thesis, either in full or in extracts and whether in hard or electronic copy, may be made only in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (as amended) and regulations issued under it or, where appropriate, in accordance with licensing agreements which the University has from time to time. This page must form part of any such copies made. iii. The ownership of certain Copyright, patents, designs, trade marks and other intellectual property (the “Intellectual Property”) and any reproductions of copyright works in the thesis, for example graphs and tables (“Reproductions”), which may be described in this thesis, may not be owned by the author and may be owned by third parties. Such Intellectual Property and Reproductions cannot and must not be made available for use without the prior written permission of the owner(s) of the relevant Intellectual Property and/or Reproductions. iv. Further information on the conditions under which disclosure, publication and commercialisation of this thesis, the Copyright and any Intellectual Property University IP Policy (see http://documents.manchester.ac.uk/display.aspx?DocID=24420), in any relevant Thesis restriction declarations deposited in the University Library, The University Library’s regulations (see http://www.library.manchester.ac.uk/about/regulations/) and in The University’s policy on Presentation of Theses 5 Note on Translation and Transliteration The Library of Congress transliteration system is used in this thesis whenever unfamiliar Russian words are introduced. I have partially adopted a simplified form of the BGN/PCGN Romanisation system of Russian. This simplified version allows omitting apostrophes for ‘ъ ’ and ‘ь ’ (for example, Ol’ga becomes Olga). Unless otherwise stated, the translations of direct quotations from the interviews are mine. 6 Acknowledgements This work would not have been possible or it would have been a very different work without Lynne Attwood, Hilary Pilkington, Adi Kuntsman and Michael Kimmel. I was blessed to work under the rigorous supervision of Lynne and Hilary, who sharpened my thinking, sustained me during this, often emotionally trying, research, encouraged me as I wrote, provided much needed critique at all stages of research and writing and saved me from numerous embarrassing errors and oversights (for those that remain I have only myself to blame). They were guiding me through rethinking of myriad things about Russia that I used to take for granted, offered clearer formulations of some of my blurry ideas, wrestled with my non-viable ideas, my English and the way I use commas and semicolons in sentences! I am forever grateful for their wisdom, kindness and patience. I have benefitted both personally and professionally from incredible mentorship from Adi and Michael, who taught me important lessons about being a scholar and thinking about the social world, and always pointed me in the right direction when I was lost. Their expertise in gender and sexualities theory and commitment to social justice have largely influenced my approach to academic research. Thank you to Adi for all the advice, support and encouragement, for countless conversations we had about this research project, for always being inspiring and for your incredible friendship. Thank you to Michael for sharing with me your passion for the subject of men and masculinities studies, for

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