Biography Jaime Reynolds and Ian Hunter examine the maverick career of the radical Liberal MP, Tom Horabin LiberalLiberal ClassClass WarriorWarrior
homas Lewis Horabin, –, was party and had no local links with the constituency. Tprominent in the Liberal Party in the s, a The crucial factor in his selection seems to have dismal and neglected period of its history. As the been his appeal to non-Liberal voters. Horabin ‘Radical-Liberal’ Member of Parliament for North stood as a candidate for the Popular Front and his Cornwall, elected at a bitterly contested by-elec- nomination papers were signed by both Labour tion in July , he was the last parliamentary sur- members and dissident Conservatives. vivor of West Country Liberalism in the s. He Horabin focused his successful by-election cam- held his seat in the disastrous general election paign mainly on the failure of the appeasement policy and served briefly as Chief Whip before defecting of Chamberlain’s government. During the by-elec- to the Labour Party in . Very little trace of his tion he backed Churchill as ‘the only possible man for career survives apart from a slim Penguin Special Prime Minister in this hour of danger’. Writing to published in which set out his distinctive and Churchill he stated that when he made these sugges- radical political ideas. tions to his audiences the suggestion had come as a Horabin was born in in Merthyr Tydfil and shock at first, and ‘yet it took only about two minutes was educated at Cardiff High School. Traces of his for the idea to sink in, and then there was an outburst early years in the mining valleys of South Wales can of applause’. Churchill wrote back to thank him ‘for be detected in his left-wing views, his sympathy the favourable view you take of my usefulness. I with the miners, and perhaps in his later ambiva- greatly appreciate your goodwill and confidence’. lence towards Churchill, who was unpopular in During the campaign the North Cornwall Liberal South Wales on account of the Tonypandy incident Association circulated throughout the constituency a in . In he married the daughter of a Dr petition requesting Chamberlain to resign and asking Cargill Martin. They had a daughter and two sons. the King to entrust to Churchill the formation of a During the – War Horabin served in the Government of National Defence, comprising all Cameron Highlanders. After demobilisation he parties. Churchill alone, the petition declared, had the worked first as a civil servant and later joined ‘moral purpose, courage, experience and capacity to Lacrinoid Ltd, manufacturers of buttons and small save us from these dangers in this hour of peril’. This artefacts from synthetic materials, rising eventually mutual appreciation was not to last, however. to become Chairman. He broadened his activity The other main campaigning theme was the old during the s, becoming one of the first people age pension which was considered ‘practically the to describe himself as a ‘business consultant’. only domestic question that aroused any interest’ in His political activity in the s and s, if any, . The Liberals linked the North Cornwall cam- must have been out of public sight. He did not paign with their national petition on the need to raise stand for Parliament and played no significant role pensions. Horabin’s election agent told Sinclair that in the Liberal Party at national level. In fact the au- the Liberal stand for larger pensions had been critical thors have been able to find no evidence of politi- to winning the by-election. The Liberal victory sub- cal activity on Horabin’s part before , when he sequently forced the government to hold an inquiry suddenly emerged as Liberal candidate for the into the subject. North Cornwall by-election. The by-election held Horabin benefited from the support of many on July was caused by the death of Sir Francis prominent Liberals such as Sinclair, Viscount Samuel Acland who had held the seat for the Liberals in and Lloyd George, who came and spoke throughout with a majority of (.%) in a straight his campaign, attracting large and often enthusiastic fight with a Conservative. Horabin was a surprising crowds. He secured , votes to , for his choice to defend one of the Liberals’ very few re- Conservative opponent, E. R. Whitehouse – an in- maining winnable seats. He was little known in the creased majority of , (.%). It was the first
Journal of Liberal Democrat History 28 Autumn 2000 17 than Hitler, on the grounds that the man who lets the mad bull out of the field to run amok is more responsible than the bull for the damage done. After war was declared in September Horabin continued his criticism of Chamberlain’s conduct of the war. Despite his admiration for Churchill’s qualities as a national leader, especially during the darkest days of the war dur- ing –, he was also sharply critical of Churchill’s general political outlook, and from he became an outspo- ken member of the small band of dissi- dent MPs who formed an unofficial op- position to the Churchill coalition. In January he caused a stir by claiming that ‘Churchill might go down in his- tory as the man who destroyed the Brit- ish Empire’. Shortly before that, he had joined Clement Davies and forty Labour members in voting for an amendment to the Manpower Bill demanding the na- tionalisation of vital industries in return for conscription’. Horabin became alienated from the Liberal leadership which was supporting and participating in the Churchill coali- tion. Several senior Liberals, including Sinclair, Harcourt Johnstone and Lady Violet Bonham Carter, were personal friends of Churchill. They did not hold Horabin in high regard. Violet Bonham Carter wrote in her diary in February that she did not feel exhilarated by the prospect of accepting the role of party President as ‘there are too many lu- natics and pathological cases in the party – Clem Davies & Horabin – also rather Liberal by-election win since . Horabin himself did not believe that it small people bulking larger than they However, to at least one senior Liberal, did. In correspondence during June deserve because of the size of the party. the campaign was not a benchmark for he made it clear that he did not We badly need an infusion of new campaigning efficiency. Harcourt John- see a possibility for any substantial in- blood’. With Clement Davies and Sir stone, Chairman of the Liberal Central crease in the number of Liberal MPs at Richard Acland, the semi-detached Lib- Association and close friend and adviser that election, and the perception at eral MP for Barnstaple who shortly af- to Sinclair, viewed the campaign as Liberal Central (the national head- terwards departed to form the Common having been weak and apathetic, com- quarters) was that the constituency or- Wealth Party, Horabin was one of the menting after a visit to the one of the ganisations were in a very weak state leading Liberals associated with the gin- campaign committee rooms that ‘I con- with little or no preparation apparent ger group Radical Action (formed as fess I don’t think games of pool with in the vast majority of seats. Liberal Action Group in ) which the office messenger an adequate sub- In his maiden speech Horabin spoke campaigned for profound reorganisation stitute for canvassing’. of the ‘infirmity of purpose that many of the structure and decision-making Whether the successful defence of people in this country and many peo- bodies of the party as an essential pre- the North Cornwall constituency by ple in neutral and allied countries, and condition for any electoral revival. Radi- the Liberal Party in heralded an certainly, I believe, the leaders of the cal Action was also very critical of the upturn in party fortunes in the run-up Axis powers, saw in the British Gov- electoral truce which existed between to the general election due in ernment’. He argued that Chamber- the three main parties during the coali- will remain a moot point. Significantly, lain had done more harm to the world tion government.
18 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 28 Autumn 2000 Horabin admired Lloyd George very the rights of the individual’. He argued courageous front against Chamberlain’s much and approached his private secre- that the Tories had been able to estab- disastrous foreign policy, but it has, be- tary, A. J. Sylvester, in July to gain lish a dictatorship between and cause of the fundamental divergence be- funding for Radical Action. Horabin by ruthlessly exploiting the divi- tween the Whigs and the Radicals, failed claimed that Radical Action intended sion of the progressive forces between to establish itself’. He identified within to run a hundred candidates and had the Labour and Liberal Parties. The ur- the party ‘a strong element which com- successfully collected £, from the gent task was to form an electoral ar- bines with traditional free trade ideas a City. He feared that lack of money rangement of the progressive parties vested interest in unrestricted capitalism, would force a reunion with the Liberal (Labour, Liberal, Common Wealth) in as well as those radical elements that are Nationals and that without a radical order to capitalise on the radical mood prepared to accept a large measure of centre the Liberal Party would die. He of the electorate and finally destroy the collectivisation’. He warned that local urged Sylvester to tell Lloyd George To ry Party and all that it stood for. This constituency arrangements would be that Radical Action would deliver local would then open the way for the peo- necessary between radicals in the Labour deals with Labour (based on the model ple to ‘seize the real power and property and Liberal parties if their leaderships in the North Cornwall constituency) of the State from the vested interests’. failed to support a united front. and that this course of action would see Horabin underpinned this strategy More generally, Tom Horabin’s ideas at least fifty Liberal MPs elected who with a class-based economic and social sit uneasily within the traditional param- could hold the balance of power and theory. The ‘competitive free enterprise eters of Liberalism. In some respects he force fundamental change. However, capitalism’ of the nineteenth century, a can be seen as a Lloyd George radical, Horabin seems to have avoided openly period of ‘great prizes for the few, and a with few scruples about accepting ex- supporting members of Radical Action steadily improving standard of living for tensive state intervention and collectiv- who contested wartime by-elections as the many’, had gradually been trans- ism and significant curbing of individual independents and who almost pulled formed into ‘monopoly capitalism’ freedom in the interests of greater eco- off stunning victories at Darwen and at which, through the growth of cartels nomic efficiency and the destruction of Chippenham. and unions, had restricted production, class privilege. He argued that: By summer he was in open leading to the recession and mass unem- a policy of full employment means using conflict with the Liberal leadership ployment of the s and ’s. In the power of the state to control finance whom he, Wilfred Roberts MP and Horabin’s view, governments should and industry. It does not mean the end of others were pressing to accept radical have responded by breaking up the car- private enterprise. It means the defini- tion of the boundaries between state and resolutions for the coming party con- tels, instituting sweeping social reform private enterprise so that each can func- ference. Horabin’s proposals were re- and high wage policies as the only alter- tion effectively within its own sphere garded by the leadership as getting ‘very native to ‘a planned economy based on …it means opening up a new era of close to full-blooded socialism’. In democratic socialism’. Instead the Tories prosperity for private enterprise in February he joined a broader- had allowed big business, represented by those fields … it means, however, inter- based rebellion by nine Liberal MPs a decadent and selfish ruling class, to ference with the privileges of wealth, with the freedom of sectional interests to who voted against the government in a dominate government and reinforce the protect themselves at the expense of the protest over its lukewarm response to monopolistic capitalist structure. community, and it means redistribution the Beveridge Report. Horabin appeared to have only one of national income. In October Horabin published objection to the Labour Party: the But it is far from clear where, if at all, he a book in the Penguin Special series, en- domination of the party leadership by drew the line between Liberalism and titled Politics Made Plain: What the next the trade union bureaucracy which in- Socialism. He was in favour of state con- general election will really be about, which clined towards a ‘Big-Business-Trade- trol and planning and extensive nation- set out his political philosophy and Union-Front’. He argued that ‘the rela- alisation, including the nationalisation of reasons for opposing the government tions between the Trade Union bu- power, transport, land, mines, railways, and the Liberal leadership. This book reaucracy and big business are close and the Bank of England and ‘probably’ the was the only political polemic pro- confidential. It favours a syndicalist or- joint-stock banks. With his collectivist duced by a Liberal MP in the run-up ganisation of industry whereby capital egalitarian outlook he was ready to ex- to the general election which was and organised labour would divide mo- cuse the defects of Soviet communism. published in a very large popular edi- nopoly profits between them at the ex- His uncritical acceptance of the eco- tion, and its attitude to the Liberal Party pense of the community’. Horabin nomic and social superiority of the So- and liberalism generally can only be de- had no argument with the trade union viet system contrasts sharply with his scribed as ambivalent. rank-and-file which he saw as a healthy hostility to the USA which he argued The striking feature of the book is its force. He supported the wartime min- would be ‘ruthlessly aggressive in the semi-revolutionary rhetoric and vis- ers’ wildcat strikes. postwar world in defence of the privi- ceral hostility to the Tory Party, who, His allegiance to the Liberal Party leges of wealth’. In his view an Anglo- according to Horabin, ‘believe in two was heavily qualified. The party had Soviet postwar alliance was the only ba- fundamental principles – inequality and ‘fought a consistent battle to preserve in- sis for an enduring peace. Even allowing that wealth has privileges transcending dividual freedom, as well as offering a for the adulation of the USSR then
Journal of Liberal Democrat History 28 Autumn 2000 19 prevalent as a result of its victories over mittee rather than continue working servatives) who crossed to the Labour Nazi Germany in –, and the left- with him. benches without first losing his or her wing consensus of the time, Horabin’s In October he announced in a seat when standing as a Liberal. The oth- views placed him on the extreme left of letter to Davies that he was leaving the ers, Dingle Foot, Sir Geoffrey Mander, the Liberal Party and before long on the Liberal Party and would continue to sit Wilfred Roberts, Megan Lloyd George far left of the Labour Party. in the Commons as an Independent and Edgar Granville, all lost their seats Horabin was one of the few Liberal Liberal. Horabin argued that there was before making their conversion. MPs to hold his seat in the Labour nothing in the Labour government’s Horabin soon gravitated to the left of landslide (when both the Leader and the programme with which the Liberals the Labour Party, joining the Keep Left Chief Whip lost their seats). He held on could quarrel. He saw the government group gathered around Michael Foot, in the face of the incoming Labour elec- as the personification of the radical ad- Richard Crossman and Ian Mikardo. toral tide – or rather benefited from it by ministration for which he had always When the group split in over its at- securing Labour support. An independ- yearned and believed that it was entitled titude to the deepening Cold War, ent Labour candidate did contest the to the fullest possible support from the Horabin sided with the neutralist group seat but was publicly disowned by the Liberal Party. But the Liberal Party or- which continued to seek a middle way local Labour Party and won only .% ganisation, he felt, was ‘all too quickly between the Western and Soviet alli- of the vote compared to Horabin’s ridding itself of its radical associations ances. He was one of the twelve signato- .%. He polled , votes and in- and seems to think that by preaching a ries of the Keeping Left pamphlet pub- creased his majority from , (.%) merely negative anti-socialist crusade lished in January . It is unclear what in to , (.%) in . Horabin and avoiding any positive expression of influence he had in the drafting of this was one of only twelve Liberal MPs to policies it can secure more tactical ad- document but its emphasis on the radi- be returned. Tom Horabin regarded the vantage’. Clement Davies replied that cal tradition of social and economic jus- result as a vindication of the Radical Ac- ‘the Liberal MPs have supported the tice rather than socialist planning and tion goal of a broad anti-Tory electoral Government whenever they were satis- public ownership may be significant. front, although it fell far short of his tar- fied that the proposals brought for- During the later s and early get of electing fifty radical Liberal MPs ward … gave the best service combining s, his business interests were focused through local deals with Labour. With its efficiency with justice.’ on promoting trade with Tito’s Yugosla- huge majority the Labour Party also had However, Horabin waited nearly a via which fitted well with his left-wing no interest in working with the Liberals. year, until November , before mak- socialist and neutralist political stance. Horabin was appointed Liberal Chief ing the final break with Liberalism. He Horabin did not contest North Whip in the new Parliament. There are wrote to the Prime Minister, Clement Cornwall in the election, claiming some indications that he may have influ- Attlee, requesting the Labour Whip and that to do so he would have had to fight enced Clement Davies to try a strategy expressing his concern that the electoral against men who had previously fought of outflanking the new Labour govern- recovery by the Tory Party threatened for him. Perhaps equally significant was ment on the left. However, he soon be- the task of rebuilding postwar Britain. the fact that he had been seriously in- came disenchanted with what he per- He stated that ‘there was no place in this jured in an aircraft accident near Folke- ceived as the party’s rightward drift un- country for any party standing between stone in January . He was on a der Clement Davies’ leadership. He re- the Labour Party on the one hand and B.O.A.C. flight from London to Bor- signed as Chief Whip in March . He the Tory Party on the other’. deaux when it developed engine trouble wrote to Davies that he wished to relin- Despite the request of the North and crashed, killing six passengers and quish the position of Chief Whip be- Cornwall Liberals that he resign his seat crew and seriously injuring ten other cause ‘the position occasionally inhibits he declined to do so and sat as Labour people. He was in hospital for eight [the Chief Whip from] addressing the member for the constituency for the du- weeks and was lucky to have survived. house. A Whip is expected to be seen ration of the parliament through to He was still convalescing in and and not heard, and that is not in accord- . His response to letters in the might have found an election campaign ance with my temperament’. press from the President of the North in a scattered rural constituency too Horabin had followed an increas- Cornwall Liberal Association great a strain. Tom Horabin must also ingly independent line since the (J. H. Hallett) was that he would not re- have known that, with the local Liberal election and had alienated many sen- sign his seat because the Liberal Party association determined to run the expe- ior Liberals through various com- had moved away from the principles on rienced former MP Dingle Foot ments to the press and in the House of which he had fought the election. against him, his chances of holding the Commons that many felt were far ‘While there is, therefore, rupture be- seat against a strong Conservative chal- from the spirit of Liberalism. Indeed, tween myself and the Liberal Party, there lenge were bleak. Instead he fought the Lady Rhys-Williams was so upset by is no rupture between me and my con- To ry seat of Exeter for Labour, losing by Horabin’s increasingly left-wing pro- stituents’, Horabin claimed. He was the some , votes. nouncements that she resigned from only leading Liberal advocate of pro- His political activity seems to have the position of head of the Liberal Par- gressive unity with Labour (in order to ceased after this and he turned to other ty’s Publications and Publicity Com- fight the radical cause against the Con- pursuits, both in business and to his
20 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 28 Autumn 2000 long-standing hobby of painting. His in Baines, The survival of the British Liberal achieved. Although when one considers realis- last recorded publication was a book he Party, 1932-1959, University of Oxford, D.Phil, tically the difficulties by which we are faced, 1989, p. 46. even in Britain with its system of parliamentary co-wrote in on oil painting, 9 ‘Liberal Central’ is the term often used in party democracy in bringing about the transfer of which ran into several editions. He died publications during the period to refer to the power from the sectional interests to the peo- on April . National Headquarters organisation in London. ple, it is obvious that Lenin and his collaborators 10 Quoted in R.A.C. Parker, Chamberlain and Ap- would have been defeated unless they had Tom Horabin’s parliamentary career peasement, p. 269 ruthlessly liquidated the Russian vested should be seen against the background 11 G.H. Tregidga, The Liberal Party in South-West interests … Political freedom, as we under- of the fluid party politics of the war England, 1929-59, Ph.D, Exeter University stand it, is largely absent from the Soviet set-up. 1995,p. 188. Horabin acknowledged that ‘we But when all possible criticisms are made, this years. He was one of a number of owe Churchill a debt of gratitude that nothing fact remains: in the Soviet Union they have dis- maverick MPs elected between can repay … he had no hesitation in sinking his covered a way of identifying the selfish interests and on an essentially anti-Tory class interests in the national interest at the most of the individual with the interests of the platform. Most of the others were critical turning-point of the war’. On the other community … Within five years the standard of hand Churchill’s stand against appeasement living in Russia will be higher than … in Britain. elected as independents or for the Com- was ‘for one reason and one reason only. He re- Within ten years it must exceed the standard of mon Wealth Party. The majority ended alised the threat implicit to the British Empire living in the United States.’ Ibid p. 120 up in the Labour Party as two-party implicit in Hitler’s rise. He was not fundamen- 25 Why was Horabin chosen as Chief Whip? A ma- tally opposed to fascism. Indeed his hatred was jor factor was the lack of alternatives in the parlia- politics stabilised after . He was a reserved for communism and for those mentary party. With Davies as chairman and consistent Popular Fronter, more com- who … sought to interfere with the privileges Gwilym Lloyd George en route to the Tories, mitted to a broad progressive alliance of birth and wealth.’ Politics Made Plain, Pen- there were ten MPs to chose from. Four were guin Books 1944, pp. 84-86 first-time MPs with insufficient experience. against the Tories than to Liberal Party 12 Leo Amery Diaries, The Empire at Bay, p. 752. Megan Lloyd George, seen as too disorganised, values and always more sensitive to the Doubtless this was not intended as a compli- Rhys Hopkin Morris, seen as too pure and un- faults of opponents on the right than of ment, although Horabin favoured the transfor- bending in his free trade views, and Professor W allies on the left. His brand of radicalism mation of the Empire into a worldwide federa- J Gruffydd, seen as too preoccupied with his aca- tion based on self-determination, Politics …ibid demic duties, did not fit the part. Edgar Granville offered no escape from the political im- p. 121. had only very recently rejoined the party and passe in which the Liberal Party found 13 Mark Pottle (ed), Champion Redoubtable, Vio- was, like Davies, an ex-National Liberal. Having itself in the s because it offered no let Bonham Carter Diaries and Letters, p. 294 ex-Simonites as chairman and chief whip would 14 Horabin’s close political relationship with Acland have raised eyebrows. That left only Horabin, en- substantive critique of socialism, is evident but the details are obscure. In all prob- ergetic and businesslike, and Wilfred Roberts. whether of the democratic or indeed the ability Acland, as the leading Liberal campaigner Davies evidently preferred Horabin, his close undemocratic variety. In many ways in the West Country, played a part in the selec- sidekick in the wartime opposition. He may have tion of Horabin, a fellow left-wing Popular also calculated that making him Chief Whip Tom Horabin’s defection to Labour was Fronter, to fight his father’s old seat in the 1939 would help to keep him in the party. the least surprising aspect of his career as by-election. Both men were involved with Radi- 26 See R Ingham, ‘Clement Davies: a brief reply’ a Liberal MP. cal Action and both joined the Labour Party after Journal of Liberal Democrat History, 26, Spring 1945. Horabin finally joined Labour in November 2000. Davies’s reply to the Queen’s speech in 1947 at exactly the same time as Acland re-en- 1945 welcomed the end of Tory reaction and Dr Jaime Reynolds works for the Environment tered the Commons for Labour at a by-election. challenged the Labour government to take a Directorate-General of the European Com- They were both in the Keep Left Group and au- radical and determined road. We are grateful to mission. Ian Hunter is researching ‘The Liberal thors of the 1950 Keeping Left pamphlet. How- Robert Ingham for drawing our attention to this ever Horabin did not follow Acland into the Com- reference. Party and the wartime coalition – ’ for a mon Wealth and there is no indication that he 27 Quoted in The Times, 21 March 1946, p. 4. PhD at St Andrew’s University. Together they shared Acland’s Christian Socialism and idealistic 28 The Times, 21 March 1946, p. 4. wrote a biography of Harcourt ‘Crinks’ enthusiasm for common ownership. 29 Quoted in The Times, 22 October 1946, p. 4. 15 ‘Lobby report 29 July 1942’, Lloyd George Pa- 30 Quoted in The Times, 22 October 1946, p. 4. Johnstone (Journal of Liberal Democrat pers, quoted in Baines op. cit. 31 The Times, 19 November, 1947, p. 2. History , spring ). 16 D Johnson, Bars and Barricades (1952) pp. 217- 32 This was the only occasion that North Cornwall 8. The authors are grateful to Robert Ingham for has had a Labour Member of Parliament. The 1 Not counting Frank Byers, MP for North Dorset his help in assessing Horabin’s involvement seat returned a Conservative in 1950 and re- until 1950, there were no Liberal MPs for Corn- with Radical Action. mained with the Tories until John Pardoe won wall or Devon after Horabin’s defection until 17 Lord Meston, ‘letter to Marigold Sinclair, the seat back for the Liberals in 1966. It is cur- Mark Bonham Carter won Torrington in 1958. 17.8.42’, quoted in G De Groot Liberal Cru- rently held by Liberal Democrat Chief Whip 2 Dodd’s Parliamentary Companion 1940, The sader p. 210. Paul Tyler. Times ‘obituary’, 30 April 1956. 18 Sir William Beveridge, a Liberal MP from 1944, 33 The Times, 28 November 1947, p. 6. 3 Martin Gilbert, Winston S. Churchill, Volume 5, published prolifically on his Plan for the welfare 34 Keeping Left (New Statesman Pamphlet 1950). 1922–1939, p. 1050 state, and also produced a pamphlet Why I Am According to Barbara Castle (Fighting All the 4 Martin Gilbert, Winston S. Churchill, Volume 5, a Liberal. Way (1993) p. 179) another signatory, Michael 1922–1939, p. 1050 19 Politics Made Plain, op. cit, Preface and Post- Foot, was responsible for the references to the 5 Thurso Papers, 11/65/5, Harcourt Johnston to script Radical tradition. However as Foot did not sign Sir Archibald Sinclair, quoted in G.H. Tregidga, 20 Ibid p. 100 Keeping Left, because he could not accept its The Liberal Party in South-West England, 1929- 21 Ibid pp. 124 and 128 neutralist line, this seems doubtful. Sir Richard 59, PhD, Exeter University 1995, p. 186. 22 Lloyd George ‘an outstanding fighter’ was the Acland and Woodrow Wyatt, already an oppo- 6When Dr George Morrison held the Combined one politician who seems to have received nent of further nationalisation, also signatories, Scottish Universities seat in March 1934. Horabin’s unqualified approval, both for his may well have had a significant influence. See G 7 Harcourt Johnstone to Horabin, 4 July 1939 radical record in the Liberal Government after Foote, The Labour Party’s Political Thought–a quoted in Baines, The survival of the British Lib- 1906 and for his attacks on Chamberlain’s ap- History (1987) pp. 271-2. eral Party, 1932-1959, University of Oxford, peasement policy before the war. 35 The Times, 30 April 1956. D.Phil, 1989, p. 45. 23 Ibid p. 112 36 The Times, 13 January 1947, p. 2 8 Horabin to Graham White, 7 June 1939 quoted 24 ‘There is much that can be criticised in the So- 37 MP for Dundee 1929–45. viet set-up and the way in which it was
Journal of Liberal Democrat History 28 Autumn 2000 21