The Great Famine Douglas Kanter Gladstone and the Great Irish Famine Iain Sharpe the Myth of ‘New Liberalism’ Continuity and Change in Liberal Politics, 1889–1914 J

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The great famine Douglas Kanter Gladstone and the great Irish famine Iain Sharpe The myth of ‘New Liberalism’ Continuity and change in Liberal politics, 1889–1914 J. Graham Jones The ‘Land and the Nation’ and Wales Russell Deacon Richard Livsey Welsh Liberal Democrat leader remembered Douglas Oliver Survival and success: 25 years of the Liberal Democrats Meeting report Liberal Democrat History Group New from the Liberal Democrat History Group The Dictionary of Liberal Quotations

‘A liberal is a man or a woman or a child who looks forward to a better day, a more tranquil night, and a bright, infinite future.’ (Leonard Bernstein) ‘I am for peace, retrenchment and reform, the watchword of the great Liberal Party thirty years ago.’ (John Bright) ‘Few organisations can debate for three days whether to stage a debate, hold a debate, have a vote and then proceed to have a debate about what they have debated. But that is why the Liberal Democrats hold a special place in the British constitution.’ (Patrick Wintour) Edited by Duncan Brack, with a foreword from Paddy Ashdown. Writers, thinkers, journalists, philosophers and politicians contribute nearly 2,000 quotations, musings, provocations, jibes and diatribes. A completely revised and updated edition of the History Group’s second book (published originally in 1999), this is the essential guide to who said what about Liberals and Liberalism. Available at a special discounted rate for Journal of Liberal History subscribers: £10 instead of the normal £12.99. To order by post, send a cheque (to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) for the cover price plus postage and packing at the rate of £2 per copy. Orders should be sent to: LDHG, 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN.

The best single-volume study available of British Liberalism and British Liberals Peace, Reform and Liberation

‘This new volume, taking a long view from the later seventeenth century to the Cameron-Clegg coalition of today, is a collective enterprise by many hands … This is an excellent book.’ Kenneth O. Morgan, Cercles ‘I had not expected to enjoy this book as much as I did, or to learn as much from it.’ William Wallace, Lib Dem Voice ‘The editors and their fourteen authors deserve congratulation for producing a readable one-volume history of Liberal politics in Britain that is both erudite but perfectly accessible to any reader interested in the subject.’ Mark Smulian, Liberator Edited by Robert Ingham and Duncan Brack, with a foreword from Nick Clegg. Written by academics and experts, drawing on the most recent research, Peace, Reform and Liberation is the most comprehensive and most up-to-date guide to the story of those who called themselves Liberals, what inspired them and what they achieved over the last 300 years and more. An essential source for anyone interested in the contribution of Liberals and Liberalism to British politics. Available at a special discounted rate for Journal of Liberal History subscribers: £24 instead of the normal £30. To order, send a cheque (to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) for the cover price plus postage and packing at the rate of £4 for one copy; £7 for two copies; £9 for three copies; and add £1 for each further copy. Orders should be sent to: LDHG, 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN. Journal of Liberal History Issue 81: Winter 2013–14 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Liberal history news 4 Editor: Duncan Brack The Jews and Liberalism (1928 Liberal pamphlet); On this day in history Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Liberal history quiz 2013 7 Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini The questions … Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, York Membery Gladstone and the great Irish famine 8 Patrons Douglas Kanter explores Gladstone’s reaction to the Great Famine, some two decades before his first premiership Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; Professor John Vincent Letters to the Editor 14 Editorial Board Party agents (Michael Steed); Jo Grimond (Derek Barrie); Jesse Collings (Sandy Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Ian Cawood; Dr Matt Cole; Waugh and Roger Jenking); James Bryce and secondary education (Brian Dr Roy Douglas; Dr David Dutton; Prof. David Gowland; Cane) Prof. Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Dr Alison Holmes; Dr J. Graham Jones; Dr Tudor Jones; The myth of ‘New Liberalism’ 16 Tony Little; Prof. Ian Machin; Michael Meadowcroft; Dr Mark Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; Jaime Continuity and change in Liberal politics, 1889–1914; by Iain Sharpe Reynolds; Dr Andrew Russell; Dr Iain Sharpe Liberal history quiz 2013 25 Editorial/Correspondence … and the answers Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed The ‘Land and the Nation’ and Wales 26 publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Contributions should be sent to: J. Graham Jones explores the formulation of the Liberal ‘Green Book’and its impact on Liberal fortunes in rural Wales Duncan Brack (Editor) 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN email: [email protected] Richard Livsey 37

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Patrick Mitchell 6 Palfrey Place, London SW8 1PA; email: [email protected] Liberal Democrat History Group Payment is also possible via our website, www.liberalhistory.org.uk. The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of topics relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of Liberalism. The Cover design concept: Lynne Featherstone Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal of Liberal History and other Published by the Liberal Democrat History Group, occasional publications. c/o 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN For more information, including historical commentaries, details of publications, back issues Printed by Kall-Kwik, of the Journal, and archive and other research sources, see our website at: 18 Colville Road, London W3 8BL www.liberalhistory.org.uk. January 2014 Chair: Tony Little Honorary President: Lord Wallace of Saltaire Liberal History News Winter 2013–14

The Jews and Liberalism To mark Holocaust Memorial Day Jewish Disabilities It took another twenty years (27 January), we reprint here a pam- A hundred years ago, the Jews of Liberal effort, however, before phlet published by the Liberal Party were almost excluded from the Jews were admitted to Parliament. Organisation in 1928. professions ; they were unable to The first step was taken in the year British Jews, of course, did not engage in retail trade in the City 1830, when the Liberal Member for face the horrors unleashed on their of London, and it was question- Inverness, Sir Robert Grant, intro- counterparts in Germany, but they able whether they had the right to duced a Bill to remove all disquali- were nevertheless subject to many hold land. They were legally pro- fications which prevented Jews forms of discrimination, which in hibited from entering Parliament, from holding various ‘civil rights, the nineteenth and twentieth cen- from holding high rank in the franchises and privileges’ and hold- turies the Liberal Party was instru- Army or Navy, from membership ing various ‘offices, places, employ- mental in removing. of Oxford University, and from ments, trusts and confidences’. taking any degrees or emoluments The Bill vas strongly supported at Cambridge University. They by Lord John Russell, Macaulay, This Pamphlet is of importance could even, at the discretion of the Lord Holland (the nephew and dis- to every Jewish Elector Returning Officer, be prevented ciple of Charles James Fox) and Throughout history, the Jews have from voting at an election. other prominent Liberals, but was suffered in all countries because With the advance of Liberal- defeated. A General Election was the rights of citizenship have been ism in the eighteen-thirties, many held in 1831, and returned a strongly denied to them. In this country to- reforms were quickly carried out. Liberal House of Commons; and when day, however, the Jew is absolutely In 1831, London admitted Jewish the Emancipation Bill was re-introduced free. Jews practise their religion and traders, and in 1833, the first Jew in 1833, it was carried. keep their customs without hin- was called to the Bar. The Bill was, however, thrown drance; they have full citizenship, The entrance of Jews to munici- out by the Lords. The same thing and every walk of life is open to pal politics was achieved soon happened in 1834. In 1836, the Bill them. These benefits are almost entirely afterwards. In 1835, David Salo- was again introduced, no longer the result of Liberal legislation passed mons was elected as Sheriff of Lon- as a Private Member’s Bill, but this during the last hundred years. don and Middlesex. Objection was time in charge of the Chancellor of The first principle of Liberal- raised to his serving as he did not the Exchequer in a Liberal Govern- ism is individual freedom. Liberals take the Christian oath, and the ment. It was again rejected by the have constantly fought for religious great Liberal leader, Lord John Rus- House of Lords. liberty, political liberty and eco- sell, immediately introduced a Bill into nomic liberty. They believe that all Parliament to overcome the difficulty. men and women should be free to Thereupon, Salomons served his First Jewish Parliamentary pursue their own lives in peace, and year of office; and two years later he Candidates should have a fair and equal chance was succeeded as Sheriff by Moses Efforts were then made to assist to shape a successful career. The Montefiore. progress through the constituen- Liberal Party have fought the democratic cies. The first Jew to be a Parlia- battle for all classes and needs alike, and mentary candidate was Alderman in that struggle they have gained Equal- The Fight for Parliament Sir David Salomons, who has ity for the Jews. The struggle for Parliamentary already been mentioned as the first The Liberals have secured for the emancipation was much more Jewish Sheriff, and who was also Jews reforms in religious toleration, arduous, and is one of the most the first Jewish Alderman and Lord in education, in the franchise, in interesting chapters in modern Mayor of London. He was selected municipal politics, and in admission political history; there is, how- as a candidate by the Liberals at to Parliament, and as the result Jews ever, but space to recall the bare Shoreham in 1837, at Maidstone in have occupied the highest positions outline here. 1841, and at Greenwich in 1847, but in the land, and have had many dis- First, in the year 1835, the Liber- was defeated on each occasion. tinguished honours conferred upon als passed an Act finally securing for Salomon’s attacks had all been them, On the other hand, the Liberal Jews the right to vote. Until that time, made upon Tory strongholds, and it Party has received invaluable help they could be prevented from doing was now decided to nominate a Jew from practically every Jew who has so by being asked to take an oath, as the Liberal candidate in a con- become famous in the political his- but this practice was now finally stituency in which there were good tory of the country.* abolished. chances of success. Accordingly, in

4 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 liberal history news

1847, Baron Lionel de Roths- Emancipation Won Removal of Oaths Thenceforth, Jews could enter child, the leader of the Anglo- In 1851, another Emancipation The Jews suffered many disabil- either House of Parliament Jewish community, and Lord Bill was introduced, and on the ities owing to the necessity in without any Resolution. Under John Russell, the Liberal Prime day after its rejection by the many connections of taking an it, Lord Rothschild, a son of Minister, were nominated Lords, another Jewish Member oath ‘as a Christian’. Baron Lionel, was raised to the as candidates for the City of was returned to Parliament, in As already stated, in 1835 the peerage, and duly took his seat London, and they were both the person of Sir David Salo- Liberals secured for the Jews the in the House of Lords (during elected. Baron Rothschild was, mons, who had now success- right to vote by abolishing the Gladstone’s administration in however, refused permission fully contested Greenwich as a provision that an elector might 1886). to take his seat because he was Liberal. be required to take the oath. In 1871, the Liberals passed unable to take the oath ‘on the In all, eight Bills to admit In the same year, they took the Promissory Oaths Act, true faith of a Christian’. Jews to Parliament were the first step towards opening which removed the last barrier Lord John Russell imme- thrown out by the House of all municipal offices to Jews and entitled the Jews to hold diately introduced a Bill to Lords, but at last, in 1858, they by abolishing the necessity for every possible position. admit Jews to Parliament, grudgingly gave way to the taking the oath on becoming a In 1909, the Liberals passed which received the support of extent of accepting a compro- Sheriff. another Oaths Act, which the Conservative leader, Lord mise which left the question In 1838, the Liberals passed removed an objectionable form George Bentinck, and passed to be settled by each House for an Act to enable Jews to take of oath sometimes administered all stages in the House of Com- itself by Resolution. the oath in their own way in a to Jews. mons. The Bill was rejected by On July 26, 1858, Baron Court of Law. Previously they the House of Lords; and in con- Rothschild took his seat in the had actually been tried for per- sequence of his action, Bentinck House of Commons, after being jury because they had sworn on Religious Freedom was worried by the Conserva- returned as a Liberal Member the Old Testament. In 1846, the Liberals passed tives into resigning the leader- five times, and being compelled The position of Jewish a most important Act affect- ship of that Party. A similar Bill to sit ‘outside the bar’ of the Members of Parliament was ing the Jews in this country. met with the same fate the next House for eleven years. finally secured in 1866, when It granted religious freedom year. Rothschild thereupon In 1860, the Liberals con- the Liberals passed an Act to the Jews by placing them resigned his seat to test the feel- verted the Resolution of the replacing the existing oaths by on an equality with Noncon- ing of his constituency, and was House into a permanent Stand- one that contained no phrase formist Protestants. It gave the at once re-elected. ing Order. to which a Jew could object. Jews the right to hold property Lloyd George’s Tada – the one father he never knew! by Peter Rowland

A biography of William George (1821–64), schoolteacher extraordinaire, is provisionally scheduled for publication by the autumn of 2014, to coincide with the 150th anniversary of William’s death.

It will run to almost 85,000 words.

If interested in learning more, please either email [email protected] or contact the author via www.peterrowland.org.uk

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 5 liberal history news On This Day … Every day the Liberal Democrat History Group’s website, Facebook page and Twitter feed carry an item of Liberal history news from the past. Below we reprint three of them. To see them regularly, look at www.liberalhistory.org.uk or www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup or follow us at: LibHistoryToday.

December 5 December 1916: Herbert Asquith resigns as Prime Minister. The crisis that led to the Prime Minister’s resignation had been building for over a month. Concern at the military weakness in the British army at the Battle of the Somme led Lloyd George to call for a restructuring of the War Council with himself as chairman. Although not completely opposed to Lloyd George’s proposals, Asquith could not accept that the Prime Minister would not chair the Council not continue to be a member of it. Protracted negotiations ensued until Lloyd George forced the issue by tendering his resignation. The Unionist ministers sided with Lloyd George and indicated there preparedness to serve in a government headed by Lloyd George. This was the last straw for Asquith and at 7pm he saw King George V to offer his resignation.

January 29 January 1855: Lord Aberdeen’s Whig-Peelite Coalition, in office since 1852, is forced to resign following a significant Parliamentary majority (by 305 votes to 148) in favour of a select committee to inquire into what is widely felt to be the government’s incompetent handling of the Crimean War. Aberdeen felt obliged to regard this as a vote of no confidence in his administration. In tendering his resignation to Queen Victoria, Aberdeen told her, perhaps foreshadowing current arrangements (or not), that in all other political matters ‘it must be acknowledged that the experiment of a coalition had succeeded admirably’. He then virtually retired from public life, speaking in the Lords for the last time in 1858 before his death in 1860.

February 20 February 1977: Death of Elliot Dodds, journalist and Liberal thinker. Dodds was sometime private secretary to Liberal leader Herbert Samuel and was President of the Liberal Party in 1948. By profession a journalist, Dodds was a great writer and thinker for the party, a Chairman for the Unservile State Group and was particularly closely associated with the policies on profit sharing and industrial democracy. necessary for their worship, Jews to have their own Mar- These measures were the Polling Station that he is a education, and charitable pur- riage Registrars. Another Endowed Schools Act, 1869; Jew, and the Officer will then poses, and protected Jewish important Act was passed by the Elementary Education Act, mark the ballot paper for him ministers and synagogues from the Liberals in 1847, which 1870; and the Universities Tests according to his instructions, molestation. It also repealed an removed doubts by declaring Act, 1871. Thus the Liberals safeguarded old law under which Jews could the legality of all Jewish mar- Under these Acts Jews can- the great privilege of the vote be compelled to wear badges. riages solemnised before 1837. not be given any religious to the Jews without Sabbath This Act meant a great deal Another Liberal Govern- teaching against their will, desecration. to Jews, for until then, although ment in 1856 passed an amend- nor can Jews be kept out of the laws in existence had not ing Marriage and Registration any of the schools or Universi- been enforced for some time, Act, and in this, Jews were ties. Moreover, Jewish schools Naturalisation it was illegal to hold religious given the permission to marry are placed on an equality with Naturalisation is the means by services anywhere else than in by licence. other schools. which an alien obtains all the the churches, and people could When in 1906, a Liberal rights of the natural-born Brit- be punished for attending any Government passed the Mar- ish citizen. Jews who have been other places of worship. riage with Foreigners Act, Right to Hold Land born in other countries and The privileges secured by making it necessary for foreign- The right of the Jews in Eng- have settled here have always the Act of 1846 were extended ers to obtain certificates from land to become property own- been eager to become citi- by two more Liberal measures their own countries before they ers was in doubt in the minds zens. It is important that they passed in 1855. These secured can be married here, a Clause of eminent lawyers and other should. The Naturalisation the liberty of Religious Wor- was inserted leaving Jews out. authorities, but all doubts were Certificate confers all rights ship, and made it possible for The Liberal Government was removed by the Liberal Act and removes the disabilities synagogues to be registered. By satisfied that all necessary of 1846 to which reference has imposed on aliens by the Aliens means of registration, a syna- inquiries are made by the Jew- been made. Act. The Naturalisation Act gogue is freed from payment of ish authorities to obtain the Aliens can now hold land of 1870 was passed by a Liberal rates, it may receive legacies and particulars which other people under the Liberal Naturalisa- Government. gifts, it can enforce contracts had to obtain from abroad. tion Act of 1870. Thus the Liberals have secured for payment of seats, and people to Jews the right to vote and made it who disturb the services can be easier for them to obtain all the other punished. Education Voting on Saturday privileges of citizenship. The Liberal Government which To enable Jews to vote when came into power at the end of polling takes place on a Sat- The Marriage Laws 1868 passed, in its first three urday, the Liberal Govern- Titles and Honours A Liberal Government in 1836 years of office, three important ment inserted a special clause The first Jewish Knight was passed a Marriage Act, which measures which threw open to in the Ballot Act of 1872. All created by a Liberal Gov- allowed Jews to marry accord- Jews all grades of schools, from that a Jew need do when a poll ernment, the honour being ing to their own laws. In the the public elementary schools takes place on a Saturday, and conferred on the famous phi- same year the Government to the Universities, without any he wishes to vote, is to inform lanthropist, Moses Montefiore, passed an Act which permitted religious tests or impositions. the Presiding Officer at the in 1837.

6 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 liberal history news

The first Jewish Baronetcy in the Liberal Government of The Appeal of Liberalism opportunity, and bring greater was conferred by the Liber- 1909. The present day appeal of Lib- individual happiness and als on Isaac Lyon Goldsmid, in Lord Reading (who as Sir eralism to the Jews is at least as prosperity. 1841. Rufus Isaacs was the first Jew great as ever it was. Liberalism Liberalism stands for the The first Jew to be raised to to be made Attorney-General, is still the only real safeguard ideal of partnership in industry, the Peerage, was, as, already 1910) was appointed by Mr. of individual liberty, and the and the fairer distribution of stated, Lord Rothschild. Asquith in 1913 to be Lord Liberal Party stands foremost wealth. Liberalism also strives The first Jew to hold office in Chief Justice. as the guardian of religious tol- for friendship in international a Government was Sir George Many other public distinc- eration, personal freedom, and relations, and its first watch- Jessel, who was appointed tions (such as Q.C., Recorder, equality of opportunity for all. word – Peace – is also the great- Solicitor-General by Mr. Glad- Stipendiary Magistrate) were Liberalism resists all tyranny est ideal of the Jews, for upon it stone in 1871. first conferred upon Jews by the and oppression in every form, alone can be based justice and The first Jew to be admitted Liberal Party. whether from Conservatism, well-being for all the peoples of to the Privy Council was Sir The Right Honourable which believes in aristocratic the earth. George Jessel, in 1873, thanks to Sir Herbert Samuel is now rule, or from Socialism, which the Liberals. Chairman of the Liberal Party advocates the ever-widening * The Earl of Beaconsfield is The first Jew to be made a organisation, and this pamphlet extension of State interfer- scarcely to be regarded as an excep- judge was Sir George Jessel, cannot conclude without a ref- ence. Nationalisation and tion, for though Disraeli was born who was raised to the position erence to the splendid pioneer Government control must be a Jew he was baptised at the age of of Master of the Rolls in 1873. work done by Sir Herbert Sam- resisted, and efforts concen- twelve. The first Jew to become a uel in Palestine, when he was trated upon reforms in towns Member of the Cabinet was the first High Commissioner and country alike which will Sir (then Mr.) Herbert Samuel, (1920–1925). enlarge the scope of individual Liberal history quiz 2013 The 2013 Liberal history quiz was a feature of the History Group’s exhibition stand at the Liberal Democrat conference in Glasgow last September. The winner was Michael Mullaney, with 18½ marks out of 20. Below we reprint the questions – the answers are on page 25. 1. Which former Liberal prime ministers are buried in Scotland? 2. A Liberal MP who later became a Conservative leader held a Scottish seat during the Great War. Which MP and which seat? 3. Who, at the 1992 election, made history by holding his seat with just 26% of the vote, the lowest percentage ever for a winning candidate? 4. Who was Liberal MP for Orkney & Shetland from 1922 to 1935? 5. What is the full name of Danny Alexander’s constituency? 6. Which Liberal Chancellor of the Exchequer wrote to which Liberal Secretary of State for War: ‘Scotland is a far cry, but then as a compensation it occupies more than half the government, and till we get Home Rule for Scotland it is almost inevitable that Ministers should be occasionally in London’? 7. Who was the leader of the Scottish Liberal Democrats from 2005 to 2008? 8. Whom did a former Liberal leader’s wife hope to succeed as a Scottish MP in 1970? 9. In which year did the last Leader of the SDP become an MP, and for which party? 10. In which year did H. H. Asquith return to the House of Commons by winning a by-election, and for which seat? 11. What did Liberal Prime Minister Lord Rosebery share with Harry Potter? 12. Which former Liberal (later Liberal Democrat) MP was the first person to take the oath in Gaelic upon entering the House of Lords in 2001? 13. What was the title of the memoirs published by Judy Steel in 2010? 14. What post did Sir Archibald Sinclair hold in Churchill’s wartime coalition government from 1940 to 1945? 15. Augustine Birrell once said: ‘What a grateful thought that there is not an acre in this vast and varied landscape that is not represented at Westminster by a London barrister.’ In which Scottish county was he standing? 16. Russell Johnston once described his political mentor as ‘a Scot of untidy kindness’ who once said to him: ‘I really don’t understand why everyone isn’t a Liberal’. Who was he? 17. Which former Liberal Prime Minister died in Downing Street a few days after resigning? 18. A former Lord Provost of Edinburgh, he served as Liberal MP for the city from 1865 to 1881 and was known by the nickname of ‘The Member for Scotland’. Who was he? 19. Alexander William Charles Oliphant Murray, Liberal MP from 1900 to 1912, serving as Chief Whip under Asquith, was better known by which courtesy title for most of his political career? 20. Which famous Liverpudlian, of Scottish descent, won an Edinburghshire seat the year after an enormously popular oratorical campaign – and in which year?

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 7 Gladstone and the Great Irish Famine

William Ewart Gladstone’s Irish policy as Prime Minister has received a great deal of historical attention, but aspects of his earlier engagement with Ireland remain less well known. In particular, Gladstone’s response to the defining social and economic crisis of modern Irish history – the Great Famine of 1845–52 – has attracted only cursory attention. In this article, Douglas Kanter explores Gladstone’s reaction to the Great Famine, some two decades before his first premiership.

8 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 Gladstone and the Great Irish Famine

f, as George Boyce remarked months during his involuntary metropolis helped to ensure that, not long ago, the words ‘Glad- absence from the House of Com- by his own account, he remained stone and Ireland’ resonate mons, Gladstone made no signifi- unaware of the magnitude of the I 1 2 to this day, the same cannot be cant impact on relief policy in these approaching catastrophe. Perhaps said for the phrase ‘Gladstone and critical years, when deaths from as a result, Gladstone was at first the Great Irish Famine’. William starvation and disease mounted more preoccupied by the political Gladstone’s response to the defin- and the basic structures of govern- implications of the crisis than by ing social and economic crisis of ment assistance were established. its potential human cost. Initially modern Irish history, in fact, has His contribution to policy for- anticipating no more than a ‘tem- attracted only cursory attention. mulation remained slight after his porary’ suspension of the Corn Historians of the famine have gen- return to parliament as a member Laws, he was ‘rather puzzled’ by erally neglected Gladstone’s opin- of the Opposition in the autumn of the Peel ministry’s ultimately abor- ion of that tragic event, while his 1847, notwithstanding the recur- tive resignation in early December biographers have typically made rence of the famine and the revival 1845, and ‘dismayed and amazed’ only passing mention of it, in of contentious debates concerning by the evident willingness of the order to explain his support for the Irish land law and the financing Peelites to support the abolition repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846. of relief. Nevertheless, in light of of the Corn Laws out of office.3 The reasons for such inattention Gladstone’s subsequent significance Even after Gladstone’s perusal of are not difficult to discern. Hav- to the Anglo-Irish relationship, his the government’s ‘Scarcity & Cri- ing resigned from Sir Robert Peel’s reaction to the Irish Famine merits sis papers’ in late December had Conservative government in Janu- a closer examination. Gladstone’s convinced him to join the recon- ary 1845 as a result of the Prime understanding of the crisis in Ire- structed Conservative ministry and Minister’s decision to augment and land was informed by his deeply assist Peel in the repeal of the Corn render permanent the grant to the held religious convictions, and the Laws, he continued for some time Catholic seminary at Maynooth, famine provided the occasion for to regard the famine primarily as a Gladstone was out of office when his earliest foray into Irish land problem of policy.4 As late as April the extent of the potato blight first legislation, with important, albeit 1846 he portrayed it, in essentially became apparent in October 1845. unanticipated, consequences for the secular language, as ‘an unfore- Although he returned to the Cabi- future. seen emergency’ and ‘a great public net in December of that year, his Gladstone was on the Conti- calamity’.5 Within several months, endorsement of Corn Law repeal nent, addressing a family emer- however, he had concluded that the over the objections of his patron, gency, in mid-October 1845, when famine was an act of God. the Duke of Newcastle, resulted in ministers received confirmation Gladstone’s perception of the the loss of his seat at Newark, and of the impending potato failure, famine began to change in the he did not return to parliament and after his return to England he autumn of 1846, after the Peel until November 1847. Despite, spent little time in London until William Ewart ministry had resigned from office. rather anomalously, serving as the second half of December. Gladstone When, in November, the reap- Colonial Secretary for several His protracted removal from the (1809–98) pearance of the blight prompted

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 9 gladstone and the great irish famine

Lord John Russell’s Whig govern- relief of distress, and to facilitate few months died … the dead are ment to approve a national day of such Christian charity Gladstone buried in trenches as in the time of humiliation in Ireland, Gladstone placed a collection box in the hall- plague, sometimes without cof- privately regretted that ministers way of his London home. (He also, fins, there seem even to have been had not appointed a fast day in Brit- according to his account book, sub- cases in which their bodies have ain as well.6 By January 1847, he had scribed £50 for famine relief, and remained exposed’. ‘Looking to discerned ‘the hand of providence’ if this sum represented a small per- the future’, he lamented, ‘we have in the famine, and by March he centage of the £562 he contributed to expect a great increase it may be had become convinced that it was to religious and charitable objects in feared in the number of deaths’.14 ‘a calamity most legibly divine’.7 1847, it also constituted the second Because Gladstone regarded sin as Gladstone’s profoundly religious largest donation he made to any intrinsic to the human condition, temperament doubtless encouraged philanthropic cause in that year.10) moreover, he rejected explanations such a providential interpretation Members of his household could, of the blight that ascribed it to the of events, particularly in the con- in the second place, economise ‘the excessive immorality of the Irish text of the deepening subsistence consumption of food’. Finally, and people. Instead, in his third famine crisis in Ireland. But his views also most importantly, they could hum- sermon he recalled Jesus’s message reflected a developing consensus in ble themselves before God. Only to the Jews, as recorded in Luke 8: Britain concerning the divine ori- through ‘a true repentance’, Glad- gins of the famine, which was fos- stone insisted, would God ‘find His There were present at the season tered by the Whig government and scourge has done its work & … in some that told him of the Gali- the established church.8 His great mercy withhold it’.11 In leans, whose blood Pilate had Gladstone offered his lengthi- his subsequent famine sermons, mingled with their sacrifices. est and most detailed analysis of Gladstone returned to the theme And Jesus answering said unto the famine in three sermons that of atonement, warning his audi- them, Suppose ye that these Gal- he composed and delivered to his tors that they might avert a simi- ileans were sinners above all the household in March 1847, in prepa- lar infliction upon England only Galileans, because they suffered ration for a national day of humili- through genuine penitence and a such things? I tell you, Nay: but ation held throughout the United sincere abhorrence of sin.12 except ye repent, ye shall all Kingdom on 24 March. These fam- If Gladstone’s famine sermons likewise perish. ine sermons were hardly unique reflected the religious tenor of early – Gladstone completed almost 200 Victorian society, they were also Lest his household misunderstand sermons between 1840 and 1866 – shaped by the distinctive contours the message, Gladstone drew the but they were unusual in explicitly of his faith, and particularly by his moral explicitly. ‘What the Jews addressing a contemporary event.9 profound sense of sin and personal thought of the Galileans slain by In the first sermon in the series, unworthiness in the eyes of God. Pilate’, he explained, ‘we perhaps Gladstone situated the Irish Fam- Many early Victorians, particularly are tempted to think of our fel- ine within a framework of sin and Whigs and Liberals, embraced an low countrymen in Ireland. Law retribution provided by the Old optimistic version of providential- & order[,] care & thrift are highly Testament. Passages from the books ism during the famine. God had prized among us, whereas we hear of Isaiah, Numbers and 2 Kings sent the blight, they believed, to of them as wild and unruly, set- revealed that God, ‘in divers times correct the moral failings of the ting too little value on human life & places[,] sent forth the Angels of Irish people, and to reconstruct and caring too little for the future’. destruction to punish the sins of Irish society. While the famine, ‘Do not’, he exhorted his listen- particular periods and nations. … unfortunately, entailed some nec- ers, ‘let us assume that the blow Sometimes by pestilence … Some- essary suffering, in the long run it By 1847, has descended upon Ireland and times by the Sword [and] … Some- would demonstrate God’s benevo- not upon us because God is better times also by Famine’. Although lence by effecting the permanent Gladstone pleased with us: for we have seen some commentators had ‘foolishly improvement of Ireland. This that He sometimes visits earlier or impiously’ suggested that the anodyne view often distanced the had come to where He means to chastise more potato blight in Ireland was the government officials and opinion- lightly’.15 By 1847, therefore, Glad- result of ‘natural causes’, Gladstone makers who subscribed to it from interpret the stone had come to interpret the was certain that ‘we should divine the human cost of the famine.13 famine as both a divine judgment in it the hand of God conveying to Gladstone’s providentialism, in famine as upon Ireland and as a providential us especial tokens of His displeas- contrast, emphasised the retribu- admonition to Britain. The contin- ure’. ‘We are’, he admonished his tive relationship between God and both a divine uance of the famine in 1848 served family and servants, ‘… to plant man. This left him uncertain about judgment to confirm this belief, as he dis- deep in our minds the lively con- the ultimate beneficence of the cerned God’s ‘judgments … again viction that the famine which now divine visitation. The famine was upon Ire- going abroad’ in the recurrence of afflicts Ireland and begins to press ‘without doubt’ evidence of God’s the blight.16 Gladstone’s tendency even upon England is a judgment ‘wrath’, but only ‘perhaps’ a sign of land and as a to descry the hand of God at work of God sent upon the land for our ‘His farseeing love’. The connec- in Anglo-Irish relations, so evi- sins’. He advised the members of his tion Gladstone discerned between providential dent during the famine, provided household that they might help to sin and suffering encouraged him an important point of continuity mitigate ‘the horrors’ of the famine to acknowledge the famine’s cruel admonition between the youthful Peelite of the in three ways. They could, in the toll. ‘Many thousands of the peo- 1840s and the Liberal statesman of first place, contribute money for the ple’, he recognised, ‘have in the last to Britain. the late Victorian age.

10 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 gladstone and the great irish famine

on the subject of government policy. Yet they suggested a degree of fatalism in the face of God’s anger. ‘Millions of money’, he observed, ‘have been poured forth from the treasury of this country: hundreds of thousands have been publicly and privately contributed by individuals: from all parts of the earth large quantities of food have been obtained & sent to Ireland[;] but even large quantities have failed to supply a void which is far larger still’. 25 Indeed, the famine helped to confirm Gladstone’s bias against extensive state intervention in the economy. The British relief effort, he instructed the corpora- tion of Manchester in 1864, some thirteen years after the famine had ended, provided an example of ‘enormous waste’ and ‘lamentable failure’. ‘There was’, he recalled, ‘an immense amount of devoted labour, and of most intelligent, as well as magnificent liberality, on the part of the country’. ‘But still’, But if the responsibility of the Famine distress: central government expenditure, he tellingly concluded, ‘it was Gov- individual was clear, what was the Mullin and his Gladstone repeatedly expressed ernment machinery, and I want duty of the state? On this subject, family in their concern over the cost of relief. you to see the infinite superiority Gladstone remained, through- cabin at Scull Though ‘the question of money of voluntary action in every such out the famine, politically cau- (Mary Evans in its incidence upon the people of case’. 26 Thus, while Gladstone did tious and fiscally conservative. Picture Library) England’ was, he conceded, only not share the optimism of many As late as 16 December 1845, only one of the ‘secondary aspects’ of the Whigs and Liberals about the trans- six days before accepting office, famine, it was also ‘a very impor- formative capacity of the famine, he expressed guarded and contin- tant one’.22 Lord George Bentinck’s his own more pessimistic providen- gent support for the maintenance proposal for an advance of £16 tialism pointed to a similar policy of the Corn Law of 1842.17 With million for Irish railway construc- of limited intervention. Men must, the bruises over his support for the tion he deemed ‘shallow and bad’, it seemed, be left to work out their increased Maynooth grant in the while he similarly deprecated the own salvation, temporal as well as most recent parliamentary session government’s decision to raise a spiritual. still tender, Gladstone was reluctant loan of £8 million as ‘bad in prin- This did not mean that the state to risk the further alienation of the ciple, and bad in policy’ because it had no social or economic role to Conservative Party or its support- entailed ‘a burden on posterity’.23 play: it might establish the condi- ers.18 Although ‘the special facts of Gladstone’s cheeseparing instincts tions in which self-help was possi- the Irish case’ ultimately convinced did not prevent him from support- ble. Government had an obligation, Gladstone to re-join the Peel mining emergency relief expenditure, in Gladstone’s view, to ensure polit- istry, he favoured a more meas- such as the modest but controversial ical stability and to protect prop- ured approach to Corn Law repeal grant of £50,000 to distressed Poor erty. Accordingly, he expressed than the Prime Minister adopted.19 Law unions in Connaught during no objection to Peel’s Protection Peel proposed the imposition of 1849.24 But the absence of adverse of Life Bill in 1846, the rejection a reduced sliding scale on foreign comment indicates that he was of which resulted in the resigna- grains, to be replaced after three generally content with the Russell tion of the Conservative ministry. years by a ‘nominal’ duty of 1s. on ministry’s commitment to the man- Some two years later, he divided in all imports. In the meantime, colo- ifestly inadequate amended Irish favour of the Whigs’ Crown and nial grains, as well as foreign and Poor Law of 1847, which sought to Government Security Bill, which colonial maize, would be subject to enforce a workhouse test of destitu- sought to render the conviction of a fixed duty of 1s. to assist famine tion and to insulate British taxpay- Young Ireland agitators more cer- relief efforts.20 Gladstone, in con- ers from the cost of assistance, as the tain by reducing the penalty for trast, ‘should have preferred’ the primary mechanism of relief. treason, under specified circum- maintenance of ‘a low fixed duty of Gladstone’s famine sermons, stances, from capital punishment 4/ or 5/ per quarter … for a greater delivered to a household consist- to transportation.27 He endorsed number of years’.21 ing, in his view, of subjects rather the suspension of habeas cor- When it became clear, in 1847, than citizens – including depend- pus in Ireland a few months later, that the continuance of the fam- ent adult males, women and chil- approving what he termed Rus- ine would necessitate considerable dren – were frustratingly opaque sell’s ‘statesmanlike’ speech on the

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 11 gladstone and the great irish famine

to facilitate the establishment of a reconstructed Irish society in which further state interference would prove unnecessary.30 It was possible to derive multiple policy prescriptions from this analysis. Ulster Liberals and Irish nationalists endorsed the legal recognition of tenant right as the basis for social transformation, as did many Brit- ish Radicals.31 Despite his advocacy of Ulster custom some twenty years later, Gladstone evinced no interest in tenant right during the famine. He did not vote, for example, in the crucial division on William Shar- man Crawford’s failed bill of 1848, which proposed to provide compensation for improvements made to the land by outgoing tenants.32 A different approach, which received the approbation of a broad spectrum of British public opinion, traced its genealogy back to the Devon Commission Report, issued on the eve of the famine in 1845. The commissioners, appointed by the Peel ministry to inquire into the relations between Irish landlords and tenants in response to Daniel O’Connell’s agitation for the repeal of the Act of Union, had studiously refrained from supporting the more advanced demands of the advocates for tenant right. But they had recommended a relaxa- tion of the restrictions upon the sale of land, and they had expressed the hope that small allotments might be sold to resident farmers, in order to create a class of Irish yeoman.33 During the famine, free trade in land and peasant proprietorship were favourably re-evaluated by prominent political economists and self-appointed Irish ‘experts’. Pro- ponents lauded small farms as not only economically efficient, but also as conducive to peasant morality, because landownership was believed to incentivise such virtues as work, discipline and prudence.34 With the famine at its lethal zenith in 1847 and 1848, Gladstone read introduction of the measure, and Gladstone’s interest in induc- A young girl widely – though not, by his stand- assessing the overwhelming parlia- ing the Irish to help themselves, and boy dig ards, voraciously – on the subject of mentary support for suspension as however, also assumed a more posi- for potatoes; peasant proprietorship, consulting ‘satisfactory’.28 Though the Young tive form. Many observers identi- the fields have works by George Poulett Scrope, Ireland rebellion of 1848 proved fied a dysfunctional agrarian social already been William Thomas Thornton, Jona- abortive, and no serious revolution- structure as a remote cause of the harvested so than Pim and Aubrey de Vere, ary threat succeeded it, Gladstone famine. Neither undercapitalised the children are which recommended an expansion voted in favour of the continued landlords nor rack-rented peasants gleaning any of small owner-occupied farms in suspension of habeas corpus the fol- had the requisite means for mate- chance leftovers. Ireland.35 lowing year.29 His record on Irish rial or moral improvement. Under (© Illustrated A group of enterprising Irish coercion during the famine was these circumstances, government London News landlords, meanwhile, had organ- consistently supportive. intervention was justified, if only Ltd/Mary Evans) ised a Farmers’ Estate Society, in

12 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 gladstone and the great irish famine order to purchase encumbered If Gladstone’s proprietary … would be attended 1968–94), iii, p. 506 (diary entry of 22 Irish estates, divide them into plots with great social and political Dec. 1845). of twenty acres, and resell them providential advantages, and would be a very 5 Gladstone ‘To the Electors of Wigan’, to resident farmers for a modest Conservative measure’, he was [6] Apr. [1846] (British Library, Glad- profit. The object of this initiative, interpreta- not merely attempting to placate stone Papers (hereafter GP), Add. MS according to Lord Devon, who an occasionally obstreperous col- 44735, f. 174). lent his assistance to the endeav- tion of the league with kind words.40 On the 6 D, iii, p. 584 (diary entry of 20 Nov. our, was social and moral rather contrary, though the elimination 1846); for ‘the day of solemn prayer than financial. The experience of Great Irish of the landlords as a class was never and humiliation’ in Ireland, see Peter the famine, he believed, confirmed Famine was Gladstone’s preferred method of Gray, ‘National Humiliation and the the findings of the Devon Com- resolving the problem of social Great Hunger: Fast and Famine in mission Report, which had con- relatively order in Ireland, and financial con- 1847’, Irish Historical Studies, xxii, no. cluded that the extension of peasant siderations ensured his aversion to 126 (2000), p. 195. proprietorship would increase the conven- extensive schemes of state-spon- 7 Gladstone to Sir John Gladstone, 23 ‘proportion of the population … sored land purchase in the absence Jan. 1847 (GGP, MS 228, f. 14); D. C. interested in the preservation of tional, and of home rule, the encouragement Lathbury (ed.), Correspondence on peace and good order; and the pros- of owner-occupied farms was a Church and Religion of William Ewart pect of gaining admission into this if his policy persistent feature of his mature Gladstone, 2 vols. (The Macmillan class of small landowners would Irish legislation, from the purchase Company, 1910), ii, p. 275 (Gladstone often stimulate the renting farmer preferences clauses of his Disestablishment Act to Henry Manning, 9 Mar. 1847). to increased exertion and perse- of 1869 through the abortive Land 8 Peter Gray, Famine, Land and Politics: vering industry’.36 To capitalise were inad- Bill of 1886.41 Gladstone’s later British Government and Irish Society, the venture and render it a going policy initiatives were, of course, 1843–50 (Irish Academic Press, 1999), concern, the society required par- equate to powerfully conditioned by the pp. 258–59; Gray, ‘National Humilia- liamentary permission to incor- exigencies of the moment, but he tion’, pp. 195–99. porate, and in the summer of 1848 relieve suf- was receptive to programmes of 9 For an outstanding collective analysis its projectors applied for an act to land purchase from the famine to of the sermons, see D. W. Bebbing- do so. After receiving its first read- fering and the end of his career. Given that ton, The Mind of Gladstone: Religion, ing, the Farmers’ Estate Society Bill Gladstone’s move in the direction Homer, and Politics (Oxford Univer- was referred to a select committee, starvation, of peasant proprietorship encour- sity Press, 2004), pp. 85–97; Beb- which Gladstone was appointed his endorse- aged the more ambitious and suc- bington’s tally of the sermons may be to chair. Although the commit- cessful land purchase bills of his found at p. 85. tee altered some of the bill’s details ment of Conservative and Unionist oppo- 10 Account of ‘Religion and Charity, – most notably by increasing the nents,42 culminating in the Wynd- 1841–59’ (GGP, MS 1486, ff. 31, 35). minimum prospective size of an peasant pro- ham Land Act of 1903, it is perhaps 11 ‘Public Humiliation’, 14 Mar. 1847 allotment from twenty to thirty not too bold to suggest, by way of (GP, Add. MS 44780, ff. 179–84). acres – Gladstone was favourably prietorship conclusion, that the social revolu- 12 ‘The Public Fast’, 23 Mar. 1847, ‘The impressed by the measure, recom- tion of twentieth-century Ireland Gospel for the day of solemn & public mending the recommittal of the in Ireland had its origins in the social catas- humiliation’, 24 Mar. 1847 (ibid., ff. bill to the whole house ‘on account trophe of the nineteenth century. 189–92, 193–97). of the important considerations was fraught 13 Gray, Famine, pp. 231–35, 337–38. of public policy’ that it involved.37 Douglas Kanter is associate professor of 14 ‘Public Humiliation’, 14 Mar. 1847 He personally introduced the bill with conse- history at Florida Atlantic University. (GP, Add. MS 44780, ff. 179, 181). on its second reading, approvingly He is the author of The Making of 15 ‘The Gospel for the day of solemn explaining that its object was ‘to quence for British Unionism, 1740–1848: Poli- & public humiliation’, 24 Mar. 1847 create a body of independent yeo- tics, Government and the Anglo- (ibid., ff. 193, 196). manry in Ireland’.38 The Farmers’ the future. Irish Constitutional Relationship 16 Gladstone to Catherine Gladstone, 16 Estate Society Act passed with lit- (Four Courts Press, 2009). Aug. 1848 (GGP, MS 771, f. 85). tle adverse comment though, as 17 Gladstone to Robert Caparn, 16 Dec. one leading Irish Tory predicted, it 1 D. George Boyce, ‘Gladstone and 1845 (GP, Add. MS 44363, f. 20). The proved inoperative.39 Ireland’, in Peter J. Jagger (ed.), Glad- letter, however, was cancelled. Inoperative, but not, in the stone (The Hambledon Press, 1998), p. 18 John Brooke and Mary Sorensen longer term, insignificant. For if 105. (eds.), The Prime Ministers’ Papers: Gladstone’s providential interpre- 2 William Ewart Gladstone to Sir John W. E. Gladstone, 4 vols. (Her Maj- tation of the Great Irish Famine Gladstone, 30 June 1849 (Flintshire esty’s Stationery Office, 1971–81), iii, was relatively conventional, and if Record Office, Glynne-Gladstone p. 14 (memorandum of 20 Dec. 1845). his policy preferences were inade- Papers (hereafter GGP), MS 229, f. Though Gladstone had resigned from quate to relieve suffering and star- 133). the Cabinet over Peel’s decision to vation, his endorsement of peasant 3 Gladstone to Catherine Gladstone, 3 augment the Maynooth grant, once proprietorship in Ireland was Nov. 1845, Gladstone to John Glad- out of office he had endorsed the fraught with consequence for the stone, 12 Dec. 1845, 19 Dec. 1845 Prime Minister’s proposal. future. When Gladstone informed (ibid., MS 770, f. 155, MS 227, ff. 222, 19 Ibid. John Bright, during their pre- 230). 20 John Prest, ‘A Large Amount or a liminary discussions of his first 4 M. R. D. Foot and H. C. G. Matthew Small? Revenue and the Nineteenth- Irish Land Bill some twenty years (eds.), The Gladstone Diaries (hereafter Century Corn Laws’, Historical Jour- later, that ‘a native and a small D), 14 vols. (Oxford University Press, nal, xxxix, no. 2 (1996), p. 472.

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 13 gladstone and the great irish famine

21 Gladstone to Sir John Gladstone, 27, 32–34 (diary entries of 8 May maybe Mr Goodlad was behav- Dr Bradley was attracted to 30 June 1849 (GGP, MS 229, f. 1847, 26 Nov. 1847, 25 Feb. 1848, ing professionally rather than the Liberal Party, like so many 134). 8 Mar. 1848, 14 Apr. 1848, 28 whimsically. of my generation, by Jo and 22 Gladstone to F. R. Bonham, 2 Apr. 1848, 29 Apr. 1848, 1 May Michael Steed indeed was himself a Liberal Feb. 1847 (GP, Add. MS 44110, f. 1848, 2 May 1848, 3 May 1848, 8 candidate in the two general 214). May 1848, 9 May 1848). elections of 1974. He is cur- 23 Gladstone to Sir John Gladstone, 36 Report from the Select Committee on Jo Grimond rently an active supporter of 15 Feb. 1847, 27 Feb. 1847 (GGP, the Farmers’ Estate Society (Ireland) I very much enjoyed reading the ‘Better Together’ campaign MS 228, ff. 28, 37–38). Bill, PP, 1847–48 (535), xvii. 364. the various articles about Jo seeking a ‘No’ vote in the Sep- 24 3 Hansard, cii. 630 (12 Feb. 1849). 37 Ibid., p. 361. Grimond in the Autumn 2013 tember 2014 referendum on 25 ‘Public Humiliation’, 14 Mar. 38 3 Hansard, c. 978 (28 July 1848). edition (Journal of Liberal His- Scottish Independence. 1847 (GP, Add. MS 44780, f. 180). 39 Ibid., ci. 258 (18 Aug. 1848). tory 80). I twice chaired meet- Derek Barrie 26 The Times, 15 Oct. 1864. 40 Gladstone to John Bright, 22 ings with audiences of over a 27 3 Hansard, xcviii. 130 (10 Apr. May 1869 (British Library, hundred in North East Fife in 1848). Bright Papers, Add. MS 43385, f. support of Menzies Campbell Jesse Collings (1) 28 Gladstone to Catherine Glad- 31). when Jo was guest speaker. One With reference to David Boyle’s stone, 22 July 1848 (GGP, MS 41 H. C. G. Matthew, Gladstone, of my best memories was at a interesting article on Jesse Coll- 771, ff. 78, 80). 1809–1898 (Oxford University packed meeting in the Corn ings (Journal of Liberal History 29 3 Hansard, cii. 369, 556 (6 Feb. Press, 1997), pp. 496–500; Allen Exchange in Cupar, when Jo 80), may I add some other facts 1849, 9 Feb. 1849). Warren, ‘Gladstone, Land and talked at length and in detail about Collings’ political career 30 Clive J. Dewey, ‘The Rehabili- Social Reconstruction in Ire- for over 45 minutes. He had one and its more general impact? tation of the Peasant Proprietor land, 1881–1887’, Parliamentary scrap of paper with his notes As an associate of Joseph in Nineteenth-Century Eco- History, ii (1983), pp. 155–57. containing three words: ‘farm- Chamberlain, having been nomic Thought’, History of Politi- 42 E. D. Steele, Irish Land and Brit- ing, fishing, forestry’. Mayor of Birmingham in 1878– cal Economy, vi, no. 1 (1974), pp. ish Politics: Tenant-Right and Your readers may be inter- 79, he was originally elected as 40–41. Nationality, 1865–1870 (Cam- ested to know that, in addi- a Liberal in the two-member 31 Gray, Famine, pp. 151–52, bridge University Press, 1974), tion to David Steel’s Grimond constituency of Ipswich in 171–77. p. 312; K. Theodore Hoppen, memorial lecture, a second 1880. He did indeed move the 32 3 Hansard, xcvii. 865, 1342–43 (22 ‘Gladstone, Salisbury and the such lecture has been held in successful amendment (carried Mar. 1848, 5 Apr. 1848). End of Irish Assimilation’, in Jo’s birthplace, St Andrews in by 331 votes to 252) to the Con- 33 Gray, Famine, pp. 56–57, 69–71. Mary E. Daly and K. Theodore North East Fife, organised by servatives’ Address in Reply 34 Dewey, ‘Peasant Proprietor’, pp. Hoppen (eds.), Gladstone: Ireland Lord Steel’s brother, Profes- to the Queen’s Speech on 25 30, 32, 34–35. and Beyond (Four Courts Press, sor Michael Steel. Jo wrote a January 1886 which resulted in 35 D, iii, pp. 618, 671, iv, pp. 13, 16, 2011), p. 53. short, attractive book about his the resignation of the minor- birthplace: The St Andrews of Jo ity Conservative government Grimond. on 29 January and the forma- The well-attended lecture, tion of Gladstone’s third Liberal on 15 November 2013, was administration. jointly hosted by the Univer- However, although Collings’ sity of St Andrews and North amendment was of an agrarian East and Central Fife Liberal nature, the division on 25 Janu- Democrats, with financial sup- ary was in reality a precursor of port from the Joseph Rowntree the Liberal split on Irish Home Reform Trust, of which Jo was Rule a few months later. Sev- Letters a director for many years. The enteen Liberals and one Inde- lecture was delivered by Dr pendent Liberal, including two Ian Bradley, the Principal of St former Liberal Cabinet Minis- Party agents Mary’s College, the Divinity ters (George Goschen and the David Steel’s story (in Journal agent for the Conservative MP College, in St Andrews Univer- Marquis of Hartington) and Sir of Liberal History 80, autumn for Dover. sity, and chaired by the Chan- Henry James (a former Liberal 2013) about Jo Grimond asking He was, I believe, a Con- cellor of the University, local Attorney-General) voted with a Lerwick solicitor, Mr Good- servative in his politics – MP Sir Menzies Campbell (see the Conservatives. Some sev- lad, to be his agent in 1945 and though his oldest daughter, photo, right). Six members of enty other Liberal MPs, includ- receiving his assent before he a flapper voter in 1929, stuck the Grimond family were pre- ing two other former Liberal asked of Jo’s party, no doubt up a Liberal poster in her bed- sent as invited guests. Cabinet Ministers (John Bright raised a chuckle. But was it room window facing a main Dr Bradley knew Jo well, and C.P Villiers), were absent or more normal than we might street in Sandwich. But I have particularly in the period abstained. suppose? understood that, as a solicitor, before he changed careers from Although Collings accepted I raise the question because he performed an essentially journalism to the academic life. office in the new Liberal admin- my solicitor grandfather, F. A. legal and clerical role for the Dr Bradley wrote the entry istration as Parliamentary Cloke, was in the 1920s vari- MP rather than a political one, about Jo Grimond in the Dic- Secretary to the Local Gov- ously clerk to the Eastry Dis- and so could combine it with tionary of National Biography ernment Board, he resigned trict Council and to its Poor his non-political roles in local and also the obituary which when Joseph Chamberlain and Law Union, plus secretary of government. appeared in The Times, along George Otto Trevelyan left the East Kent Joint Town Plan- Does any reader know with many articles about Jo and the Cabinet in opposition to ning Committee – as well as whether this is correct? If so, interviews with him.. Irish Home Rule. However,

14 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 letters

Grimond lecture, St Andrews, 15 November 2013 – Professor Louise Richardson (Principal and Vice-Chancellor of the University of St Andrews), Dr Ian Bradley and Sir Menzies Campbell along with the other Liberal sworn in at the Court of Session collection, apparently at some leaving school at 12 to 14 years MP for Ipswich re-elected at in Edinburgh on 20 July. risk to himself. This risk may of age or earlier, it proposed the 1885 general election, he The 1886 Act gave croft- have been increased by his that all children should remain was then unseated on petition. ers the right to a fair rent, the enormous side whiskers! at school until at least 15 or 16 At the resulting by-election right not to be evicted if they Roger Jenking years of age, with many contin- on 14 April two Conservatives paid their rent and, on giving uing to 17 or 18 years. were elected. Thus Collings up their tenure, the right to The Bryce report argued did indeed follow Chamberlain compensation for any improve- James Bryce and secondary that this dramatic leaving into Liberal Unionism, and was ments they had made. Such education age extension was essential in elected as a Liberal Unionist at backing for the crofting com- The fine tribute to James Bryce order to achieve a significant the July 1886 general election, munity was thereafter of much (Journal of Liberal History 80) improvement of the curricu- for Birmingham Bordesley, significance for Liberal support omitted reference to his impor- lum, particularly to cover tech- which he continued to repre- in the Highlands and Islands. tant contribution to discussions nical and scientific subjects. sent until 1918. He supported Given Sir Henry Campbell of education policy when he It was felt that the country’s Chamberlain’s tariff reform/ -Bannerman’s commitment to was Chairman of the Liberal progress would be severely protectionist initiative from land reform as from his 1868 Government’s Commission on restricted if the nineteenth- 1903 onwards. election campaigns in Stirling Secondary Education, 1894–95. century growth of special and Although out of Parlia- Burghs, similar Bills followed The Bryce report made technical studies in schools did ment during the debates on the from 1906 for the Scottish Low- timely proposals. Unfortu- not continue. How right they Government of Ireland Bill, lands, culminating in the pas- nately for the UK, they were proved to be! Collings may have indeed been sage of the Small Landholders largely ignored during the Equally significant was the ‘outraged that so much urgent (Scotland) Act in 1911. ten years of Conservative rule Bryce commission’s prescience radical legislation was being Dr Sandy S. Waugh which followed in 1895–1905 – in its conclusions for a work- postponed’ for the Irish Bill in particular by the 1902 Con- ing definition of general educa- during Gladstone’s tenure as servative Education Act and tion. The report argued that a Prime Minister from Febru- Jesse Collings (2) 1904 Regulations. It was the redefinition had become urgent ary 1886 until the defeat of the It’s interesting that the arti- latter legislation which effec- although difficult. It noted that Second Reading of the Bill on cle in September’s journal on tively created an inflexible basis many witnesses had testified 8 June. However, before Trev- Jesse Collings (Journal of Liberal for British secondary educa- to the growing danger of too elyan’s resignation as Secretary History 80) coincided with the tion for much of the twentieth early specialisation in educa- for Scotland, he had moved the opening of the fourth manifes- century, thus impairing the tion, a tendency which had Second Reading of the Croft- tation of Birmingham’s Central development needed to make been intensified by the use of ers’ Holdings (Scotland) Bill in Library. Many readers will be maximum use of native talents scholarships, i.e. selection by the Commons on 25 February. familiar with the demolition in combating growing interna- examination. The Bill was then re-introduced of the second, and the archi- tional competition. Bryce did not have all the in the Lords by his successor tectural controversy of the The Bryce report had argued answers, but some of us might as Secretary for Scotland, the third, but the first building was that the previous classifications argue that after more than a 13th (Scottish) Earl of Dalhou- actually destroyed in a fire. of schools in terms of leaving century, Britain still suffers sie, with the Second Reading Jesse Collings, who was age and gradations of society from being too slow to under- therein on 20 May. The Bill Lord Mayor at the time, per- were no longer appropriate in a stand or accept key recommen- was soon enacted with the new sonally saved part of the valu- rapidly developing society. At a dations of his 1895 report. Crofting Commissioners being able and valued Shakespeare time when most children were Brian Cane

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 15 The myth of ‘New Liberalism’ continuity and change in Liberal politics 1889–1914

The concept of ‘New Liberalism’ has played an important part in historical debate about the political health of the Liberal Party before the First World War and the inevitability or otherwise of its subsequent decline. Iain Sharpe argues that in reality it is hard to detect any clear transition from Old to New Liberalism. The Liberals continued to base their appeal on being a moderate, patriotic and pragmatic party of the political centre, capable of governing effectively and responding sympathetically to social problems, but avoiding class rhetoric.

16 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 The myth of ‘New Liberalism’ continuity and change in Liberal politics 1889–1914

he focus on the contribu- At first sight this may seem tan- ‘Manchester School’ economics tion of New Liberalism to gential to the reasons for the decline and a belief in individual respon- Tthe success of the Liberal of the Liberal Party and the rise of sibility, its chief causes being, as Party is particularly a result of the Labour. However, it tells us someone historian has put it: ‘free trade, seminal works by Peter Clarke and thing about the party’s political sound finance, religious toleration Michael Freeden.1 Clarke’s argu- outlook and appeal to the elector- and a pacific foreign policy’.3 How- ment that, by adopting ‘New Lib- ate. While the Asquith govern- ever, Jonathan Parry has questioned eralism’, the party had by 1914 ment introduced significant welfare how far such attitudes really did adapted itself to class-based poli- reforms, such as old age pensions, dominate Victorian Liberalism, tics and was in a strong position national insurance and greater highlighting the importance Lib- to repel any challenge from the employment rights, the Liberal erals placed on the moral improve- Labour Party, remains controver- Party never became defined by its ment of society and the state’s role sial. Nonetheless, references to commitment to such causes, nor did in promoting this. He describes New Liberalism as an organising it abandon the identification with the legislation of Gladstone’s first principle of the welfare and social political reform that had been an administration in the fields of edu- reforms of the Asquith government essential element of Liberal politics cation, public health and other have become commonplace in the through much of the nineteenth matters as ‘part of a general burst work of historians discussing this century. Liberal leaders saw social of activity for social and moral period.2 and welfare questions as deserving improvement against vice, crime, The impression conveyed can be to be addressed, and treated them ignorance and pauperism’.4 Parry that New Liberalism was an identi- with a mixture of principle and concludes by arguing that: fied and recognisable intellectual pragmatism: a combination of gen- and political movement that was uine belief and a perceived need to Increasing interest in commu- responsible for repositioning the compete with the Unionists. How- nal social action prefigured the Liberal Party away from ‘Manches- ever, social reform was a secondary so-called New Liberalism of the ter School’ economics, individu- component of the party’s political twentieth century, which only alism and constitutional reform mission, not its raison d’être. This appears as a sharp break from towards giving priority to social was a source of strength as long nineteenth-century practice if and welfare measures. This article as the Liberal Party remained in a nineteenth-century practice questions such an understanding position to compete for power, but is misconceived as dominated of the pre-First World War Liberal it left the party in a weak position by principles of laissez-faire Party and the extent to which it to combat Labour if social reform rather than constitutional embraced a new approach to poli- and welfare politics became domi- inclusiveness.5 tics. It highlights the paucity of nating issues. contemporary references to New Parry’s argument suggests a need to Liberalism in party propaganda, rethink not only the nature of Vic- political speeches and press report- The meanings of ‘New torian Liberalism, but also how far ing of the party’s campaigns, and Liberalism’ Architects of the Liberals in the Edwardian period argues that the concept was not A stereotypical outline of Liberal New Liberalism? saw themselves as engaged in a sig- really part of the contemporary attitudes towards state action on – David Lloyd nificant departure from the work of political language of Liberalism. It social reform might see the party as George and their predecessors. suggests that the continuities within having been dominated for much Winston The first use of the term ‘New Liberal politics are more striking of the late nineteenth century by Churchill as Liberalism’ in the context of social than any ‘New Liberal’ departure. a commitment to laissez-faire Liberal ministers reform has been identified in an

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 17 the myth of ‘new liberalism’: continuity and change in liberal politics 1889–1914 article by the radical Liberal MP is the paucity of references to the One of the Liberalism, arguing that the party L. A. Atherley-Jones in the August phrase in contemporary writing. must stand for democratic as well 1889 edition of Nineteenth Cen- It was also not necessarily used curiosities as social reform.11 Similarly, in 1898 tury magazine.6 Atherley-Jones in the context of social reform. there was a discussion in the Daily argued that ‘The battle of the mid- James Douglas Holms’ article in of studying News’ correspondence columns dle class has been fought and won’ the Westminster Review of July 1890 about whether ‘New’ and ‘Old’ and that ‘the reforms of the future asking ‘Is there a new Liberalism?’ the career of Liberalism were compatible, with menace, or appear to menace the was a reaction to Joseph Chamber- the newspaper’s editorial conclud- interests of the middle class’. He lain’s use of the term to describe New Liberal- ing, in conciliatory manner: concluded that the Liberal Party the post-1886, home-rule-support- ism before should embrace a ‘new Liberalism’ ing Liberal Party, which he consid- Liberalism, whether ‘old’ or that addressed itself specifically ered ‘cannot claim the inheritance the First ‘new’, ‘individualist’ or ‘collec- to the material needs of the work- of the great party from whose tivist’ aims at substituting for ing classes. However, Atherley- principles they have so widely World War is class interests and class privileges Jones’ argument was not quite the departed’.9 The purpose of Holms’ the social good of the whole ideological shift or articulation article was to rebut the sugges- the paucity community.12 of a new political strategy that it tion that support for Irish home might at first sight seem. The bulk rule represented a ‘new Liberal’ of references In general, however, throughout of his article is concerned with departure from the party’s tradi- this period, debate about New Lib- questioning (with good reason, as tional principles. Over subsequent to the phrase eralism in terms of the emphasis on things turned out) whether Irish years, the phrase occurs in similar social and welfare issues is rare.13 home rule would prove an elector- contexts as a term of disparage- in contempo- Even Michael Freeden’s bibliogra- ally successful cause for the party. ment for the Gladstonian, home- phy in his study The New Liberalism: His discussion of the social ques- rule-supporting Liberal Party. rary writing. an ideology of social reform only identi- tions that he believed the Liberals For example, the Unionist Duke fies eight articles and one book pub- should embrace appears almost an of Argyll denounced Gladstonian lished before 1914 that incorporate afterthought, taking up just two sympathy for Scottish disestablish- the phrase in their title.14 paragraphs. In addition, his argument as ‘new Liberalism’, while ment that social reform would not The Times criticised the Liberal only achieve ‘a wider diffusion of minister Earl Spencer’s support for Liberal continuities physical comfort’ but also a ‘loft- the Liberal government’s Evicted In practice, well before the post- ier standard of national morality’, Tenants Bill, as ‘an illustration of 1909 New Liberal heyday, Lib- was very much an echo of the mid- the depths to which the new Lib- eral leaders were neither strongly nineteenth century Liberal moral- eralism may bring a politician who attached to individualism nor ism that Parry describes. was once a respectable Whig’.10 resistant to demands for social The article provoked two The expression did occur occa- reform. Although the 1892–1895 immediate responses in Nineteenth sionally in the context of social Liberal government lacked an out- Century. The first was from former reform. For example, Liberal MPs right majority and spent much time Liberal MP, G. W. E. Russell, who R. B. Haldane and R. Wallace put on doomed attempts to legislate for endorsed Atherley-Jones’ argu- forward alternative views on the Irish Home Rule, temperance and ments about social reform and saw subject in the first edition of the Welsh disestablishment, it could hopeful signs in the programme Progressive Review in 1896. Their point to some achievements in of the Progressive group on the exchange, however, illustrates once terms of wealth redistribution and newly established London County again that this was a more nuanced social reforming legislation. This Council, of which he was a mem- debate than it might at first sight included Harcourt’s 1894 budget, ber. His article included a thinly appear. In describing New Liber- which provided for graduated veiled appeal to Lord Rosebery to als as ‘those who esteem a progres- income tax, the Railway Servants lead the Liberal Party in the direc- sive policy in social matters more Act (1893), the Factories and Work- tion of social reform.7 The sec- highly than anything else at present shops Act (1895) and the Local Gov- ond was from the Nonconformist in Liberalism’, Haldane was try- ernment Act (1894) which not only divine. J. Guinness Rogers, who ing to move the party away from created parish councils but gave argued the orthodox Gladstonian the faddism of the 1891 Newcastle them compulsory purchase powers case that the Liberals needed to programme, which he believed had to enable them to create smallhold- retain middle-class support and to burdened it with a set of unachiev- ings. There were also constructive deal with the Irish question before able and electorally unpopular administrative measures, such as they could successfully tackle policy commitments. By contrast Asquith’s strengthening the fac- other reforms.8 Wallace pointed out that legislation tory inspectorate and Mundella However, there the debate had been passed over many decades creating a separate Labour depart- about ‘New Liberalism’ ended for on issues from education to factory ment at the Board of Trade. The the time being. The expression hours to municipal reform and that government also unsuccessfully does not appear to have become ‘the “New” Liberalism is not new. attempted to legislate for employ- widely used in the sense that It is simply a continuation of what ers’ liability to compensate work- Atherley-Jones coined it. Indeed, had been well begun before. A con- men injured in industrial accidents. one of the curiosities of study- tinuation is not a novelty.’ Wallace Liberals were adapting themselves ing the career of New Liberal- criticised the ‘de haut en bas atti- to evolving political circumstances ism before the First World War tude’ of Haldane’s version of New without identifying this as a change

18 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 the myth of ‘new liberalism’: continuity and change in liberal politics 1889–1914 of political direction. At the 1895 the Home Counties Liberal Federa- industrial risks of danger, the rela- general election, while social and tion, told the NLF annual meet- tions of labour and capital’, along welfare issues other than temper- ing in 1896 that ‘the main purpose with education and land reform.23 ance were only a secondary fea- and object of Liberalism in this The official manifesto of the NLF ture of Liberal candidates’ election day [is] to carry out such wise leg- mentioned the need for land, hous- addresses, nonetheless half of them islative proposals as would enable ing and temperance reforms.24 mentioned the need for employers’ the powers of the State to be used Leaflets issued by the Liberal Pub- liability legislation and just under a to improve the condition of the lication Department strongly third referred to old age pensions.15 masses of the population’, a state- attacked the Unionist government’s Such issues were not in the fore- ment which met with approval failure to legislate on social ques- front of the Liberal Party’s appeal from the assembled delegates.18 tions, particularly old age pensions. to the electorate, but enough can- Although Rosebery’s successor as These stopped short of pledging the didates mentioned them to suggest party leader, Sir William Harcourt, Liberal Party to specific measures, they were hardly heterodox. was temperamentally inclined to but they were implicitly supportive Likewise, the rhetoric of Liberal pure opposition rather than positive of social legislation.25 Yet they did leaders embraced social reform- policy ideas (other than on his own not refer to this as a new form of ing goals, albeit in ambiguous lan- pet cause of temperance reform), he Liberalism. guage that avoided committing the criticised the Unionist government Such references formed at most party to specific measures. In his on the basis that its social legislation a minor part in the Liberals’ elec- first major speech after the Liber- benefited the rich not the poor.19 Sir toral appeal. They put forward no als’ 1895 general election defeat, the Henry Campbell-Bannerman, in specific legislative programme of party leader, Lord Rosebery, told his first address to an NLF confer- social reform. Indeed there was an audience at Scarborough that ence as party leader in March 1899, a strong sense shared by leading while the Liberals had previously attacked the government for failing frontbenchers that detailed pro- emphasised enfranchisement and to introduce old age pensions after grammes were an electoral liability removal of constitutional disabili- making them a key part of the 1895 rather than an asset. In particu- ties, this ‘noble, though negative general election campaign, and lar, they felt that NLF’s Newcas- period has passed away and we are specifically supported the princi- tle programme, agreed in 1891 and face to face with an era of construc- ple of help for the ‘elderly poor’. He endorsed by William Gladstone as tive legislation’.16 Such sentiments At succes- urged this as one of three key social party leader, had been a double dis- were common in the speeches of questions that the state needed to advantage to the party by provok- other leading Liberal politicians. sive annual address, along with ‘housing of ing the hostility of those opposed Asquith told an audience at Mor- the very poor’ and temperance to any single measure in the pro- ley, shortly after Rosebery’s speech, meetings of reform.20 gramme, while disappointing that although he believed the state the National In his election address to his party supporters when the govern- should not interfere in matters that constituents at the 1900 general ment failed to achieve its proposed could be best settled by individual Liberal Fed- election, which was inevitably reforms.26 or voluntary effort, dominated by discussion of the war eration (NLF), in South Africa, Campbell-Banner- … he did hold most strongly man reiterated his support for gov- ‘Piecing together Gladstonian that, where there were social the main ernment action on these three social rags’? wants that only the community questions, attacking the Unionists By 1900, therefore, the Liber- could meet, then the community democratic for having spent public funds on the als could hardly be regarded as a – by which, after all, he meant war that could have been devoted party wedded to individualism. merely the concerted and organ- body for to social reform.21 Such sentiments Of course, there were some front- ised action of individuals, with were echoed, rather surprisingly, benchers, such as John Morley a right of recourse, if need be, to the party’s by Harcourt, campaigning in his and the Liberal imperialist H. H. compulsion – had … not only a West Monmouthshire constitu- Fowler, who were less than sympa- title but a duty to interfere.17 grassroots, ency. He argued for the need to thetic to the emerging social reform improve workers’ health through agenda. Indeed Morley had lost his He cited the problems of ‘und- speeches by regulation and shortening working seat at Newcastle in 1895 over his rained towns’, ‘insanitary and over- hours. However, he warned that opposition to miners’ eight-hour crowed factories’, child labour, leading Lib- ‘Social reforms for the good of the legislation.27 There was a tendency terms and conditions of employ- people cannot be carried out with- for those who were impatient for ment, and the need for provision of erals often out large funds, and the resources social reform to see the Liberals a pure water supply, lighting, baths, preached available … have already been as stuck in such a Gladstonian rut. libraries and open space, as matters mortgaged’ [by the costs of the Sidney Webb’s famous 1901 article that the state should address. the need for war].22 Asquith, who was arguably in Nineteenth Century, ‘Lord Rose- At successive annual meetings the second most senior member of bery’s escape from Houndsditch’ of the National Liberal Federation more state the Liberal front bench after Camp- portrayed the party in this light, (NLF), the main democratic body bell-Bannerman, also took the claiming that: for the party’s grassroots, speeches action to Unionists to task for having evaded by leading Liberals often preached ‘their social and political duties’ With amused dismay the new the need for more state action to tackle social and promised that a Liberal govern- generation of Progressives have tackle social problems. Herbert ment would tackle such problems lately witnessed Sir Henry Samuel, at this time secretary of problems. as ‘intemperance, overcrowding, Campbell-Bannerman piecing

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 19 the myth of ‘new liberalism’: continuity and change in liberal politics 1889–1914

together the Gladstonian rags not compete with other indus- … if everyone dives into fiscal and remnants, with Sir William tries, although wages should be statistics there will be a feeling Harcourt holding the scissors, fair and ‘not demoralisingly low’.32 that it is with the object of hid- and Mr John Morley unctuously This produced a mixed response ing nakedness … It is all right to waxing the thread.28 from his front-bench colleagues. knock Chamberlain out but that Asquith, Bryce and Lord Spencer doesn’t tell the country what a Ironically, given the former prime agreed that Gladstone’s propos- Liberal Govt. wd. do if & when minister’s later hostility to much of als had merit. Jack Sinclair, H. H. it comes in.37 the 1906–1915 Liberal government’s Fowler and Morley were less sym- welfare agenda, Webb regarded pathetic.33 However, Campbell- Gladstone was clear that the party Rosebery as the one person who Bannerman was clearly convinced: would have to defend free trade on could lead the Liberal Party from he devoted part of his next major practical rather than ideological a laissez-faire past to a collectivist speech, at Limehouse, to advocat- grounds, writing to one of his party future. ing measures along the lines set out officials: ‘Interests and not theories The future Cabinet member by Gladstone.34 are going to settle this business’.38 and party leader Herbert Samuel, Both José Harris and H. W. Emy in his book Liberalism, published have highlighted this as an episode in 1902, emphasised the need for that showed the Liberals’ lukewarm Protecting the poor the party to embrace a more active attitude towards welfare reform, In his study of free trade, Anthony role for the state.29 Such sentiments the former arguing, for example, Howe has pointed out that Liberal were also articulated by another that this ‘did not really signify a opposition to tariff reform was not future Cabinet minister, C. F. G. redirection of Liberal unemploy- based on doctrinaire laissez-faire Masterman, who stood for par- ment policy’.35 There is some truth attitudes, but rather on a wide- liament for the first time in 1903. in this, and as Harris points out, ranging appeal that included; ‘a Masterman’s widow later wrote of Campbell-Bannerman’s speech was theory of international trade, a doc- this period that: ‘in internal poli- partly a response to Joseph Cham- trine of empire, a prescription for tics laissez-faire had both parties in berlain’s comments about tariff revenue and welfare, together with its grip’, something she portrayed reform and unemployment in a a concept of the Liberal democratic Masterman as seeking to change.30 speech the previous week, also at state’.39 Similarly, Frank Trentmann Had this genuinely been the case, Limehouse. The Liberals did not points out how the defence of free the Liberal Party would have been make unemployment a significant trade used innovative campaign- unlikely to promote the candida- campaigning theme through 1905. ing techniques, with the loaf of ture of someone like Masterman They supported the Unionist gov- bread as an emotive symbol of the who was passionate about state ernment’s Unemployed Workmen practical importance of free trade action to ameliorate the condition Bill, which provided for some out- to people’s ordinary lives.40 By con- of the poor. In reality, although door relief for unemployed work- trast, other historians have seen Masterman was a sensitive and dif- ers, without making any more the Liberal campaign in defence of ficult character, the chief whip far-reaching proposals of their free trade as essentially negative. Herbert Gladstone recognised his own.36 While the Liberal leadership David Dutton considers that in the abilities and went to great lengths was willing to support state action approach to the 1906 general elec- to arrange his candidature in the to tackle pressing social question ‘Much of the Liberal campaign winnable seat of West Ham North, tions, this was primarily a tactical looked back to the nineteenth cen- for which he was elected in 1906.31 response to political events. tury, rather than forward into the In December 1904 Gladstone vis- The need to compete with the twentieth.’ G. R. Searle describes ited the constituency to speak for Unionists was indeed a further free trade as a setback for Liberal Masterman and was confronted reason for supporting social and social reformers since it enabled the by a deputation of unemployed The need welfare legislation. While Liber- party to win without putting for- men demanding to know what a als were critical of the gap between ward a social welfare programme.41 Liberal government would do to to compete Unionist promises and perfor- However, the Liberal campaign, enable them to find work. There mance in office on issues such as old which stressed opposition to taxes was much heckling on the subject with the age pensions, the Unionists could on the food of the working classes, during the meeting. Gladstone claim some past successes such as was compatible with support for responded by writing and circulat- Unionists free elementary education (1891), constructive measures to help the ing a memorandum to members of the Workmen’s Compensation Act poor and certainly not a display of the Liberal front bench setting out was indeed (1897) and various factory acts. doctrinaire laissez-faire economics. proposals for providing relief to a further More pressingly, Chamberlain’s In a leaflet issued in 1904 the Liberal the unemployed. He argued that: tariff reform campaign, launched Publication Department sought to ‘There are great works which can reason for in 1903, was aimed at winning the highlight the increased taxes paid be started by the Govt which can- support of working-class voters by the poor under the Unionist not be considered by individu- support- through the promise of welfare government, which Liberals would als & companies, but which in reform and guaranteed employ- seek to remedy through: time would repay their cost’. This ing social ment. Herbert Gladstone recog- included: ‘reclamations on the coast nised the need for the Liberal Party A peaceful government & inland, harbours, docks, water- and welfare to counter this, pressing Campbell- An economical War Office ways, afforestments’. He entered Bannerman to put forward more A smaller national expendi- the caveat that such work should legislation. constructive policies: ture, and

20 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 the myth of ‘new liberalism’: continuity and change in liberal politics 1889–1914

A reform of our system of taxa- Problems with New Liberalism Even for with opposition to imperialism. tion so that the burdens shall be This did not stop those who The politician whom Hobhouse lighter on the poor and heavier wished to push Liberalism in a Hobson and particularly venerated and hoped on those who are better able to more overtly collectivist direction would assume the Liberal leader- bear them.42 from identifying a clear distinc- Hobhouse, ship was John Morley, who had tion between Liberalism before opposed the South African war, Therefore, the Liberal government and after 1909. As the battle over traditional but who was more hostile than that assumed office in 1905 was the budget was in full swing, J. A. other leading Liberals to social and sympathetic to social and welfare Hobson, one of the leading think- Liberal con- welfare reform. Yet this does not reform and the need to improve ers associated with ‘New Liberal- seem to have tempered Hobhouse’s the condition of the poor, with- ism’, published his book The Crisis cerns could admiration for him.49 Equally, out having an agreed legislative of Liberalism. Although he acknowl- conflict with Hobson’s hostility to jingoism led programme to achieve such ends. edged that ‘the Liberals of this him to censure all Liberal impe- Soon after becoming prime minis- country as a party never committed their desire rialists who supported the South ter, Campbell-Bannerman received themselves either to the theory or African war, even though some of a deputation of the unemployed the policy of this narrow laissez- for social them, such as Herbert Samuel and at Downing Street, and devoted faire individualism’, he claimed that R. B. Haldane, were sympathetic to a portion of his first major speech over the previous quarter century reform. collectivism.50 In other words, even in office, at the Albert Hall on 21 ‘old laissez-faire individualism’ had Hobson’s and Hobhouse’s collec- December, to social reform pro- been ‘too dominant’ among Lib- They each tivist views were trumped by their posals, including land reform, the eral leaders and that as a result the support for a traditional, Gladsto- creation of a Royal Commission on party had ‘wandered in this valley combined nian imperial policy. canals and waterways, the need for of indecision’. Hobson was keen to The Liberal leaders did not Poor Law reform and mitigating stress the newness of ‘New Liber- support for appear to recognise any change of the ‘evils of non-employment’. He alism’. 45 He saw the 1909 crisis as direction after 1909, introducing claimed that such ideas were ‘a reit- involving ‘the substitution of an degrees of welfare reforms but not putting eration of things which I have been organic for an opportunist policy, these at the heart of the party’s pop- saying up and down the country the adoption of a vigorous, defi- collectivism ular appeal. For example, although for the last three or four years’.43 In nite, positive policy of social recon- Asquith devoted substantial por- the 1906 general election campaign struction’. By this he seems to have with oppo- tions of his first NLF conference more than two-thirds of Liberal meant that such measures should speech as prime minister to social candidates mentioned the need for become fundamental to the Liber- sition to questions, he did not suggest that Poor Law reform and old age pen- als’ political mission, rather than imperialism. this marked a new direction for the sions in their election addresses, a tactical response to events and Liberal Party. He stated that ‘the although there were six other issues external pressure. aims which for the last three years more frequently mentioned.44 A However, even within key New we have followed … continue to similarly high proportion men- Liberal texts, there is an ambiva- be the purposes and the inspiration tioned land reform. Just under half lence about how far the Liberal of our policy’. Somewhat defen- discussed the need for action to Party was heading in a new direc- sively he cited the Liberals’ record tackle unemployment, while just tion, reflected in a lack of references of social legislation as evidence to over a third referred to housing to the term ‘New Liberalism’. In rebut Unionist accusations that reform. L. T. Hobhouse’s classic work, Lib- ‘when the Liberal Party is in power The Liberal government’s atti- eralism, the expression only occurs it devotes all the time and energy of tude towards social reform was once, in a reference to John Stuart Parliament to tinkering with con- in line with the attitude the party Mill.46 Likewise, in the collection stitutional changes to the sacrifice had taken in opposition. It recog- of Winston Churchill’s speeches … of social reform’. He claimed nised that these were issues that it published in 1909 as Liberalism and that the Liberals were enacting needed to tackle, although its flag- the Social Question, at least half the measures that the Unionists had ship bills on education, licensing text is devoted to matters other merely talked about. In doing so and plural voting were more tra- than social reform. The expression he was arguing that the Liberals ditional Liberal fare. While these ‘New Liberalism’ is not mentioned were a more effective vehicle their were being blocked by the Union- in Churchill’s text, although it is Unionist opponents for achieving ist dominated House of Lords, the used twice by H. W. Massingham social reform. This did not mean, government brought in free school in his introduction to the volume.47 however, that he was trying to cast meals, increased trade union rights The expression is equally absent social reform as the new dividing through the 1906 Trade Disputes from Charles Masterman’s The line between the parties.51 Even Act, a Workmen’s Compensation Condition of England which, along Lloyd George, in his famous and Act that increased the scope of the with Churchill’s book, is one of the inflammatory address at Limehouse Unionists’ 1897 Act, a Smallhold- texts most often cited as showing in July 1909, justified the taxes pro- ings Act and prison reform in 1907, the engagement of active politi- posed in the budget by the need for the Children’s Act and the Old cians with New Liberalism.48 both greater spending on defence Age Pensions Act in 1908. All this Even for Hobson and Hobhouse, and old age pensions, but did not took place before the 1909 ‘Peo- traditional Liberal concerns could suggest that this was a new depar- ple’s Budget’, which is often seen as conflict with their desire for social ture for the Liberal Party.52 initiating the era of ‘New Liberal’ reform. They each combined sup- In December 1909, when legislation. port for degrees of collectivism Asquith opened the Liberal Party’s

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 21 the myth of ‘new liberalism’: continuity and change in liberal politics 1889–1914 general election campaign with a patriotic context. Party leaflets When Magazine, an official journal for a speech at the Albert Hall, he gave increased spending on defence party workers, quoted Keir Har- referred to social legislation as ‘the and social reform as justifications Asquith die as saying he ‘feared the Liber- greatest’ of all outstanding ques- for increased taxation, appealing als, with their social reform, much tions facing the country and to old to patriotic as much as class sen- addressed a more than he did the Tories’ and age pensions as ‘the first chapter timent. Whereas Hobhouse and it added the comment: ‘We can in a new volume of social legisla- Hobson viewed social reform and dinner in his well believe it. For Social Reform tion’. Yet this was relegated to a imperialism as contrary impulses, as put into practice by the Liberal short section close to the end of his Lloyd George was keen to argue honour in Party since 1906 is the true barrier speech. Although old age pensions for welfare reform as strengthening against Socialism.’61 On the ques- and social reform generally were the Empire. For example, speaking March 1912 tion of land reform, which has been the fourth and fifth most popu- at Aberdeen in November 1912, he to celebrate seen as the key to the continued lar topics in Liberal candidates’ told his audience: success of Liberal social reform, the election addresses in the January the passage party was keen to mollify rather 1910 general election (behind the Now we have got a great than antagonise farmers and land- House of Lords, tariff reform/free Empire for the first time walk- of the Par- owners.62 Similarly, a Liberal leaf- trade, and the budget), no candi- ing the hospitals, visiting the let on the National Insurance Act date ranked these issues first. The sick, inquiring how the infirm liament Act, sought to reassure doctors, whose proportion of Liberal candidates are getting on, helping them professional body had opposed the mentioning them actually declined to mend, and curing and assist- he described Act, that they had nothing to fear at the December 1910 general elec- ing them. It is a new dignity from the measure.63 In both official tion.53 Although Peter Clarke has and glory added to the British the Act as a printed propaganda and platform described this as a period when ‘the Empire.57 rhetoric leaders, there is no indi- apostles of the new Liberalism were ‘means to cation of the Liberal Party trying triumphant’,54 the continuities are The Liberal Publication Depart- to rebrand itself as a party whose more evident than the changes in ment produced more leaflets in 1910 other ends’. core purpose was social and welfare Liberal campaigning themes. on free trade and constitutional reform – it had simply absorbed When Asquith addressed a din- reform (mostly the power of the However, these issues into its agenda along- ner in his honour in March 1912 to House of Lords) than on welfare, side more traditional concerns. celebrate the passage of the Parlia- land or employment issues.58 Simi- the ‘ends’ he ment Act, he described the Act as larly, the leaflets and pamphlets a ‘means to other ends’. However, it issued between 1911 and 1914 cited were Conclusion the ‘ends’ he cited were largely the reflected continuity of purpose largely the In his classic work Lancashire and the unfinished ‘old Liberal’ business of rather than an attempt to rebrand New Liberalism, Peter Clarke con- Irish home rule, Welsh disestablish- the party as ‘New Liberal’. The unfinished cluded that the Liberal Party had ment and licensing. He referred to party was keen to win the cen- made a crucial transition to a new the government’s social legislation tre ground and rebut charges that ‘old Liberal’ form of politics, arguing that ‘The in extravagant terms as an achieve- it had drifted to the left. Among Liberals were by 1910 the party ment that would ‘be found in the the leaflets issued in 1911 was one business of of social reform, and it was upon long run the greatest boon ever entitled ‘What the government this that electoral cleavages were conferred upon the working people has done for the middle classes’. Irish home based’. In his view, by the time of of the country’. But this was a short Another defended the government the January 1910 general election, section of a long speech that was against the charge of extravagance rule, Welsh ‘the change to class politics was sub- largely devoted to explaining why by pointing out that money has stantially complete’.64 Clarke’s view the National Insurance Act was been needed for a strong navy, as disestablish- remains contentious, and there has leading to government by-election well as old age pensions.59 The leaf- been much debate about how far defeats.55 Even where Liberals did let ‘What has Liberalism done for ment and New Liberalism permeated the Lib- acknowledge new political direc- Labour?’, which was updated and eral Party or was responsible for its tions, it was more in the context reprinted several times over the licensing. electoral success.65 Yet the assump- of changes in society rather than a years, highlighted not just recent tion has become commonplace that conscious political strategy or phi- reforms since 1906, but went back New Liberalism was a significant losophy. Addressing a meeting in as far as the 1833 Factory Act, and element of pre-First-World-War Manchester in 1913, Haldane, the referred to the legislation of suc- Liberal Party’s electoral appeal. Lord Chancellor, said: cessive nineteenth-century Liberal In reality it is hard to detect any governments on education reform, clear transition from Old to New The democracy are awake. trade union reform and measures to Liberalism. The Liberals contin- Between the rich and the limit working hours.60 Rather than ued to base their appeal on being a poor there was a great gap – a trying to suggest that the party had moderate, patriotic and pragmatic gap which is being more and changed direction and adopted new party of the political centre, capa- more realised as education and objectives, party propagandists ble of governing effectively and enlightenment spread, and the were seeking to emphasise a contin- responding sympathetically to justice of which is being chal- uing tradition of Liberal measures social problems, but avoiding class lenged, and rightly challenged.56 to benefit working people. rhetoric. The term ‘New Liberal- The Liberals continued to try ism’ itself appears to have been at Liberals were also keen to place to straddle class divisions. For best marginal to political debate. their welfare legislation within example, in May 1911 the Liberal If anything, it was a construct of

22 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 the myth of ‘new liberalism’: continuity and change in liberal politics 1889–1914 intellectuals such as Hobson and the Liberal Party could no longer a heaven-born leader for the move- Hobhouse, who were not in the claim to be the most effective vehi- ment; but sometimes, Radical as I front line of party politics, rather cle for social and welfare reform. am, I fancy that he may be found in than part of the language of Lib- Instead it retreated into a rheto- the House of Lords.’ Rosebery was eral politicians. There was certainly ric of ‘retrenchment’ and ‘econ- also the founding chairman of the no attempt by the Liberal Party to omy’.68 Whether or not, in Winston London County Council. rebrand or reposition itself as New Churchill’s expression, war was 8 J. Guinness Rogers, ‘The Middle Liberal or as a party primarily com- fatal to Liberalism, certainly the Class and the New Liberalism’, Nine- mitted to social and welfare legis- Liberal Party was not prepared teenth Century, vol. 26, no. 152, Oct. lation. Such issues were absorbed for the kind of politics that the 1889, pp. 710–20. by the Liberal Party as it reacted to war brought about, based on new 9 James Douglas Holms, ‘Is there “A changing political circumstances dividing lines between political New Liberalism?”’, Westminster and sought to compete with the parties, defined by social class and Review, vol. 134, no. 1, July 1890, Unionists as the most effective collectivism. pp. 134–47; Joseph Chamberlain vehicle for improving the condition speaking at the opening of a Lib- of the working classes. In offer- This article was originally published eral Unionist Club in Birmingham, ing this conclusion, it is important in Revue Francaise de Civilisa- reported in The Times, 11 Apr. 1890. to state that this study is limited tion Britannique Vol. 16(2), 2011. 10 The Times, 31 Aug. 1893 (Argyll let- and tentative. There is much scope The author is grateful to the editors of ter), and 14 Aug. 1894 (editorial on for further exploration of party that journal for permission to reproduce Spencer). rhetoric, propaganda and inter- it here. 11 R. B. Haldane, ‘The New Liberal- nal debates to shed further light on Whether ism’, and R. Wallace ‘The New Lib- how Liberals, from party leaders eralism’, Progressive Review, vol. 1, to local activists, saw the evolution or not, in Iain Sharpe completed a University of 1896, pp. 133–37. of party ideology and how far this London PhD thesis in 2011 on ‘Herbert 12 Daily News, 10, 11, 13 Jan. 1898. involved a ‘New Liberalism’. Winston Gladstone and Liberal Party Revival 13 An electronic search of the Man- The suggestion that the Lib- 1899–1905’. He is a Liberal Democrat chester Guardian archive at http:// eral Party had not become ‘New’ Churchill’s councillor in Watford. archive.guardian.co.uk/ reveals by 1914 does not mean that it was sixty-five references to ‘New Lib- poorly prepared for the politi- expression, 1 P. F. Clarke, Lancashire and the New eralism’ during this period, while cal future or that it could not have Liberalism (London, 1971); Liberals and a similar exercise on The Times enjoyed continuing electoral suc- war was Social Democrats (Cambridge, 1978); digital archive at http://0-infotrac. cess. As Ian Packer has argued, Michael Freeden, The New Liberalism: galegroup.com.catalogue.ulrls.lon. fatal to Lib- An ideology of social reform (Oxford, ac.uk/ revealed just fifty-one for the The ‘old’ Liberalism was far eralism, cer- 1978). same period. While allowance has to from dead or irrelevant in 1905– 2 For example, see Stephen Koss, be made for fallibilities in the search 15. When the Liberal govern- tainly the Asquith (London, 1976), Chapter engines and variations in wording, ment finally ended in May 1915 5, ‘From the Old Liberalism to the mentions of ‘New Liberalism’ are … it was not because its ideol- Liberal Party New’; Martin Pugh, The Making relatively few and far between given ogy had been unable to with- of Modern British Politics 1867–1945 the importance that has been attrib- stand the challenges of early was not pre- (Oxford, 2002), originally pub- uted to it. Both accessed 31 Mar. 2011. twentieth-century politics.66 lished 1982, pp. 107–15; Alan Sykes, 14 Freeden, New Liberalism, pp. 261–79. pared for the The Rise and Fall of British Liberalism Those not cited elsewhere in this arti- E. H. H Green has suggested that 1776–1988 (Harlow, 1997) pp. 173–175; cle are: E. T. Cook, ‘Ruskin and the the Conservatives were in greater kind of poli- G. R. Searle, A New England? Peace New Liberalism’, New Liberal Review, danger than the Liberals before the and War, 1886–1918 (Oxford, 2004) no. 1, 1901, pp. 18–25; H. Crossfield, outbreak of the First World War, tics that the pp. 212–13, 394–95; David Dutton, ‘The Ethical Movement and the New pointing out that to a great extent A History of the Liberal Party (Basing- Liberalism’, South Place Magazine, no. ‘the Liberal governments’ innova- war brought stoke, 2004, pp.12–13). 7, 1902, pp. 181–85. The only book tive but careful and wide-ranging 3 Dutton, Liberal Party, p. 6. published during the period that policy priorities satisfied the bulk about, based 4 Jonathan Parry, The Politics of Patriot- incorporated the phrase was David of their own and their allies’ sup- ism: English Liberalism, National Iden- Lloyd George, The New Liberalism: porters’.67 The Liberal Party had on new divid- tity and Europe, 1830–1886 (Cambridge, Speeches (London, 1909). constructed a coalition of sup- 2006) p. 109. 15 Paul A. Readman, ‘The 1895 General port, encompassing Labour, Irish ing lines 5 Ibid. p. 396. Election and Political Change in Late Nationalists and its own traditional between 6 Duncan Brack, ‘New Liberalism’, in Victorian Britain’, Historical Journal, voters that was sufficient to keep it Duncan Brack and Ed Randall (eds.), vol. 42, no. 2, June 1999, pp. 467–93. in power, provided that no exter- political par- Dictionary of Liberal Thought (London, 16 Speech at Scarborough Liberal Club, nal factor disrupted the political 2007) pp. 300–04; L. A. Atherley- The Times, 19 Oct. 1895. system. But of course the outbreak ties, defined Jones, ‘The New Liberalism’, Nine- 17 The Times, 17 Oct. 1895. of war provided just such a disrup- teenth Century, vol. 26, no. 150, Aug. 18 NLF meeting at Huddersfield,Leeds tion. After the First World War, a by social 1889, pp. 186–93. Mercury, 28 Mar. 1896. divided Liberal Party found itself 7 George W. E. Russell, ‘The New 19 Harcourt’s speech to NLF confer- in competition with a collectiv- class and Liberalism: a response’, Nineteenth ence at Norwich, Daily News, 18 Mar. ist and overtly class-based Labour Century, vol. 26, no. 151, Sept. 1889, 1897. Party. Once overtaken by Labour, collectivism. p. 492. On Rosebery: ‘I do not see 20 Speech to NLF conference at Hull,

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 23 the myth of ‘new liberalism’: continuity and change in liberal politics 1889–1914

The Times, 9 Mar. 1899. the Unionist government’s 1897 For Liberal dissatisfaction with Escape from Houndsditch’, 21 Glasgow Herald, 22 Sept. 1900. Workmen’s Compensation Act programme politics see D. A. Nineteenth Century and After, 22 Daily News, 22 Sept. 1900. to include seamen, and 1832, Hamer, Liberal Politics in the Age of vol. 50, no. 295, Sept. 1901, pp. 23 The Times, 29 Sept. 1900. showing a cartoon of Lord Salis- Gladstone and Rosebery (Oxford, 366–86. 24 Leeds Mercury, 26 Sept. 1900. bury writing ‘Nonsense’ over a 1972), pp. 211–13, 257–59, 29 Herbert Samuel, Liberalism: An 25 Liberal Publication Department poster of Chamberlain’s social 280–81. attempt to state the principles and (LPD), Pamphlets and leaflets 1900 programme. 27 For Morley’s views on welfare proposals of contemporary Liberalism (London, 1901). For example: 26 See the speeches of Lord Rose- reform, see D. A. Hamer, John in England (London, 1902), pp. leaflet nos. 1824 on child labour; bery and Herbert Gladstone at Morley: Liberal intellectual in poli- 20–21. 1825 on old age pensions, 1827 the 1896 NLF conference, Leeds tics (Oxford, 1968), pp. 353–55. 30 Lucy Masterman, C. F. G. Mas- on Liberal support for extending Mercury, 27 and 28 Mar. 1896. 28 Sidney Webb, ‘Lord Rosebery’s terman (London, 1939) p. 47. RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65) Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935 Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an private hands, autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include and abroad for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of the Cobden Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/ the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a cobdenproject). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected]. Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. Four nations history of the Irish Home Rule crisis Dadabhai Naoroji A four nations history of the Irish Home Rule crisis, attempting to Dadabhai Naoroji (1825–1917) was an Indian nationalist and Liberal rebalance the existing Anglo-centric focus. Considering Scottish and member for Central Finsbury, 1892–95 – the first Asian to be elected Welsh reactions and the development of parallel Home Rule movements, to the House of Commons. This research for a PhD at Harvard aims along with how the crisis impacted on political parties across the UK. to produce both a biography of Naoroji and a volume of his selected Sources include newspapers, private papers, Hansard. Naomi Lloyd-Jones; correspondence, to be published by OUP India in 2013. The current [email protected]. phase concentrates on Naoroji’s links with a range of British progressive organisations and individuals, particularly in his later career. Suggestions Beyond Westminster: Grassroots Liberalism 1910–1929 for archival sources very welcome. Dinyar Patel; [email protected] A study of the Liberal Party at its grassroots during the period in which it or 07775 753 724. went from being the party of government to the third party of politics. This research will use a wide range of sources, including surviving The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper Liberal Party constituency minute books and local press to contextualise Strutt was Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later Arundel and the national decline of the party with the reality of the situation on Nottingham; in 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston the ground. The thesis will focus on three geographic regions (Home Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a Counties, Midlands and the North West) in order to explore the situation friend of Jeremy Bentham and a supporter of free trade and reform, the Liberals found themselves in nationally. Research for University of and held government office as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Leicester. Supervisor: Dr Stuart Ball. Gavin Freeman ; [email protected]. and Commissioner of Railways. Any information, location of papers or references welcome. Brian Smith; [email protected]. The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002 Research on the Liberal party and Lib Dems’ political communication. The emergence of the ‘public service ethos’ Any information welcome (including testimonies) about electoral Aims to analyse how self-interest and patronage was challenged by the campaigns and strategies. Cynthia Boyer, CUFR Champollion, Place de advent of impartial inspectorates, public servants and local authorities Verdun, 81 000 Albi, France; +33 5 63 48 19 77; [email protected]. in provincial Britain in the mid 19th century. Much work has been done on the emergence of a ‘liberal culture’ in the central civil service in The Liberal Party in Wales, 1966–1988 Whitehall, but much work needs to be done on the motives, behaviour Aims to follow the development of the party from the general election and mentalities of the newly reformed guardians of the poor, sanitary of 1966 to the time of the merger with the SDP. PhD research at Cardiff inspectors, factory and mines inspectors, education authorities, prison University. Nick Alderton; [email protected]. warders and the police. Ian Cawood, Newman University Colllege, Birmingham; [email protected]. Policy position and leadership strategy within the Liberal Democrats This thesis will be a study of the political positioning and leadership The life of Professor Reginald W Revans, 1907–2003 strategy of the Liberal Democrats. Consideration of the role of Any information anyone has on Revans’ Liberal Party involvement would equidistance; development of policy from the point of merger; the be most welcome. We are particularly keen to know when he joined the influence and leadership strategies of each leader from Ashdown to party and any involvement he may have had in campaigning issues. We Clegg; and electoral strategy from 1988 to 2015 will form the basis of the know he was very interested in pacifism. Any information, oral history work. Any material relating to leadership election campaigns, election submissions, location of papers or references most welcome. Dr Yury campaigns, internal party groups (for example the Social Liberal Forum) Boshyk, [email protected]; or Dr Cheryl Brook, [email protected]. or policy documents from 1987 and merger talks onwards would be greatly welcomed. Personal insights and recollections also sought. Samuel Barratt; [email protected].

24 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 Liberal history quiz 2013 Answers to the questions set out on page 7.

1. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman at Meigle; Lord Rosebery at 11. A scar on the forehead Dalmeny 12. Ray Michie 2. Winston Churchill; Dundee 13. Tales from the Tap End 3. Russell Johnston 14. Secretary of State for Air 4. Sir Robert William Hamilton 15. Fife 5. Inverness, Nairn, Badenoch & Strathspey 16. John Bannerman 6. Sir William Harcourt to Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, in 1894 17. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman in 1908 7. Nicol Stephen 18. Duncan McLaren 8. James Davidson (Aberdeen West) 19. The Master of Elibank 9. 1966; Labour (Robert Maclennan) 20. W. E. Gladstone; 1880, Midlothian 10. 1920; Paisley

31 See, for example, Herbert Glad- the bill, Hansard (series 4), vol. (and thus searchable) edition 59 LPD, Pamphlets and leaflets 1911 stone diary, 17 Mar. 1903, 19 July 147, cols. 1174–1203 (20 June available at www.gutenberg. (London, 1912), leaflet nos. 2372 1905. British Library, Herbert 1905). org/ebooks/18419. Accessed 31 and 2391. The latter leaflet, ‘Has Gladstone papers (henceforward 37 Gladstone–Campbell-Banner- Mar. 2011. the Liberal Government been HGP), Add. Mss. 46,484 f. 32 and man, 12 Oct. 1903, HCBP 41,217 48 Charles F. G. Masterman, The “Extravagant?”’ was repeated in 46,485 f. 35; Masterman–Glad- ff. 22–23. Condition of England (London, updated form in 1913 (leaflet no. stone, 16 Dec. 1904, HGP 46,062 38 Gladstone–Robert Hudson, 20 1909). Online at www.thecon- 2459) and 1914 (leaflet no. 2511). ff. 53–54; 30 Aug. 1905, HGP Sept. 1903, HGP 46,021 ff. 18–19. ditionofengland.com/england_ 60 LPD, Pamphlets and leaflets 1912 46,063 ff. 60–61. 39 Anthony Howe, Free Trade original.txt. Accessed 31 Mar. (London, 1913), leaflet no. 2429. 32 Herbert Gladstone memoran- and Liberal England, 1846–1946 2011. 61 Liberal Magazine, May 1911, p. dum, HGP 46,110 ff. 143–45. (Oxford, 1997) p. 251. 49 For Hobhouse on Morley, see 264. 33 Bryce–Gladstone, 14 Dec. 1904, 40 Frank Trentmann, Free Trade Stefan Collini, Liberalism and 62 LPD, Pamphlets and Leaflets 1913, HGP 46,019 ff. 84–85; Campbell- Nation (Oxford, 2008), Chapter Sociology: L. T. Hobhouse and polit- leaflet no. 2481, ‘The Nation’s Bannerman–Spencer, 13 Dec. 2, ‘Bread and circuses’. ical argument in England 1880–1914 Treasure House: How it is to be 1904, British Library, Spen- 41 Dutton, Liberal Party, p. 17; (Cambridge, 1979) pp. 85–87. Opened?’. cer papers, Add. Ms. 76874; G. R. Searle, The Liberal Party: 50 Hobson, Crisis of Liberalism, p. 63 LPD, Pamphlets and leaflets 1912, Asquith–Campbell-Bannerman, Triumph and disintegration 1886– viii. leaflet no. 2422. 1 Jan. 1905, British Library, 1929 (Basingstoke and London, 51 Asquith speech to NLF confer- 64 Clarke, Lancashire and the New Campbell-Bannerman papers 1992) p. 60. ence in Birmingham, The Times, Liberalism, pp. 398 and 407. (henceforward HCBP), Add. 42 LPD, Pamphlets and leaflets 1903 20 June 1908. 65 For an overview of this debate, Ms. 41,210 ff. 241–42; Spencer– (London, 1904), leaflet no. 2009. 52 The Times, 31 July 1909. from a viewpoint broadly sym- Campbell-Bannerman, 16 Dec. 43 The Times, 14 Dec. 1905; Liberal 53 Neal Blewett, The Peers, the Par- pathetic to Labour, see Keith 1904, HCBP 41,229 ff. 286–90; Magazine, Jan. 1906, pp. 711–12. ties and the People: The general Laybourn, ‘The Rise of Labour Sinclair-Campbell-Bannerman, 44 These were free trade, educa- elections of 1910 (London and Bas- and the Decline of Liberalism: 30 Jan. 1905, HCBP 41,230 ff. tion, Ireland, licensing, Chinese ingstoke, 1972) pp. 317 and 326. The state of the debate’, His- 76–78; Morley–Campbell- labour and the Unionists’ mis- 54 Peter Clarke, Liberals and Social tory, vol. 80, no. 259, 1995, pp. Bannerman, 5 Jan. 1905, HCBP use of their 1900 mandate: A. K. Democrats, p. 118. 207–26. 41,223 f. 135; Buxton–Camp- Russell, Liberal Landslide: The 55 The Times, 9 Mar. 1912. 66 Ian Packer, Liberal Government bell-Bannerman, 16 Jan. 1905, general election of 1906 (Newton 56 Haldane speech at Manchester, and Politics, 1905–15 (Basingstoke, HCBP 41,238 ff. 8–11; Fowler– Abbot, 1973) p. 65. 10 Jan. 1913, LPD, Pamphlets and 2006) p. 6. Campbell-Bannerman, 26 Dec. 45 J. A. Hobson, The Crisis of Lib- leaflets 1913 (London, 1914), pam- 67 E. H. H. Green, The Crisis of 1904, HCBP 41,214 ff. 258–59; eralism (London, 1909), pp. vii– phlet no. 5. Conservatism 1886–1914 (London Gladstone–Fowler (copy) 1 Jan. viii, 92. 57 Quoted in LPD, Pamphlets and & New York, 1995) p. 310. 1905, HGP 46,062 ff. 67–69. 46 L. T. Hobhouse, Liberalism (Lon- leaflets 1913, pamphlet no. 3, p. 7. 68 Dutton, Liberal Party, pp. 82–84. 34 The Times, 21 Dec. 1904. don, 1909), reprinted in James 58 By this author’s calculation, 35 José Harris, Unemployment and Meadowcroft (ed.), Hobhouse: there were thirty-two leaflets or Politics: A study in English social Liberalism and Other Writings pamphlets primarily about free policy 1886–1914 (Oxford, 1972) (Cambridge, 1994). trade, forty-four about constitu- pp. 219–25; H. V. Emy, Liberals, 47 Winston Churchill, Liberalism tional matters and twenty about Radicals and Social Politics 1892– and the Social Problem (London, labour, land and welfare issues. 1914, (Cambridge, 1973) p. 140. 1909); for Massingham refer- See LPD, Pamphlets and leaflets 36 See debate on second reading of ences see pp. xix and xxi. Online 1910 (London, 1911).

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 25 The ‘Land and the Nation’

Dr J. Graham Jones examines the formulation of the highly contentious Liberal policy document which became known as ‘the Green Book’, and its impact upon Liberal- held constituencies in rural Wales. Unlike the better-known and politically more attractive proposals of the ‘Yellow Book’, it appears as though Liberal candidates in Welsh constituencies in 1929 found their campaign hampered by the stigma of ‘the Green Book’ proposals from which the party leadership was by then most anxious to extricate itself.

26 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 The ‘Land and the Nation’ and Wales

istorians have always which was then widely anticipated humdrum select committee) to devoted much more in 1915, while the Liberal policy of examine the manifold complexi- Hattention to the land cam- Land Value Taxation (LVT) had ties of the land question in Wales. paign inaugurated by the Liberal proved highly popular and alluring By the time it had reported in 1896, Party in the Edwardian period in both urban and rural constituen- however, a Tory government was rather than to their land campaign cies in a succession of by-elections in office, and the return of a relative of the mid-1920s.1 In the context held during 1912 and 1913; and the opulence to the Welsh countryside of the 1920s, far more historical land campaign of 1925–29 intended meant that the far-reaching recom- attention has been lavished on the by Lloyd George to revitalise his mendations of the commissioners Liberal Party’s feud-wracked lead- party’s dwindling fortunes follow- were destined to remain largely ership, especially the clash between ing its nationwide electoral debacle unenforced. Fully three decades Asquith and Lloyd George, the in October 1924. In a Welsh con- later, in the mid-1920s, there pre- high-profile split over the general text the new land campaign of the vailed enduring resentment in rural strike of May 1926, and the ambi- mid-1920s appeared especially per- Wales at the conspicuous lack of tious programme focused on ‘We tinent. Lloyd George had after all governmental legislation relating Can Conquer Unemployment’ on spent the whole of his youth and to land issues.2 It was widely felt which the party fought the general early manhood at rural Llanys- that the relatively small size of most election of 30 May 1929. But the tumdwy and neighbouring Cric- Welsh holdings, often less than fifty deep-rooted dissension over the cieth in Caernarfonshire with their acres apiece, gave its own dimen- party’s land policy, above all the distinctive, highly individualistic sion to the land question in Wales. furore evoked by the publication in political culture focused on the Another factor by the mid-1920s October 1925 of the highly conten- campaigns against brewer, landed was the recent dramatic upsurge in tious policy document The Land and squire and parson, and nourished the proportion of Welsh agricul- the Nation, soon to be dubbed ‘the by vivid folk memories of the gen- tural land which was farmed by its Green Book’, are certainly worthy eral election campaigns of 1859 owners, a rather higher proportion of closer examination. and 1868. Following these elec- than in contemporary England. Throughout the lengthy, quite tions significant numbers of tenant But Lloyd George’s personal unique political career of David farmers had been ruthlessly evicted position had changed markedly Lloyd George, the land question from their holdings for voting for by this period. In 1909 and again was a predominant theme which the Liberal candidate contrary to in 1912–14, as the Chancellor of came to the foreground of political the expressed wishes of their Con- the Exchequer in a strong Liberal life at three crucial periods: in the servative landlords. Two years after administration, he was at the heart celebrated land taxes inaugurated in Lloyd George had first entered par- of government, largely direct- the famous 1909 ‘People’s Budget’; liament following a fiercely con- ing governmental policy under in the land enquiry and subsequent tested by-election campaign in the Asquith. By 1925, however, the land campaign of 1912–14 initiated Carnarvon Boroughs constituency Liberals had been reduced to the with great gusto by Lloyd George in April 1890, pressure from Welsh status of very much a third party as the long-serving Chancellor of Liberal MPs had coerced the age- in the state with just forty MPs in the Exchequer under Asquith, and Lloyd George ing W. E. Gladstone at the outset of the House of Commons, the party’s intended by him to constitute an at Bron-y-De, his fourth and last administration standing and status blighted beyond especial strand in the Liberal cam- Churt, in the to yield a prestigious royal com- measure by the Asquith–Lloyd paign for the next general election 1930s mission (rather than a much more George fissure in December 1916,

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 27 the ‘land and the nation’ and wales the genesis of a more deep-rooted Thus it was the final policy document should a niggardly, finicky, petty policy; split later on, and the dramatic out- be published under the auspices of but a bold and drastic change’.5 By come of the ‘coupon’ general elec- that Lloyd the Liberal Party. For the Liberal this time, as the eagerly anticipated tion two years later. Lloyd George Party nationally, this was a period land report approached comple- was not even the official Liberal George, of reform and reinvigoration. tion, Lloyd George’s excitement Party leader at this point. But, as An overambitious Liberal Mil- grew. He ‘could talk of nothing on previous occasions, he turned largely on lion Fighting Fund had been set but this Land scheme’.6 But the once more to the land question in a up to raise funds and embark on a ominous inevitable backlash at the rather desperate attempt to revive his own ini- programme of Liberal education. nature and extent of the antici- the fortunes of his ailing party. As There was a general feeling that pated proposals was also gather- a result the primary emphasis on tiative, and people in the 1920s had no appre- ing momentum. Loud warnings rural land reform was the outcome originally on ciation of traditional Liberal prin- were already reaching Asquith’s of a growing conviction that Lib- ciples like free trade, local option, ears.7 In his committees of enquiry, eral Party electoral fortunes could a non-party land reform and the position of the lavishly funded by the replete cof- best be revived in the agricultural House of Lords. At Liberal Party fers of the Lloyd George Politi- divisions, where the Labour Party platform, set headquarters at Parliament Street, cal Fund, Lloyd George, always a remained relatively weak (includ- London, a ‘Roll of Honour’ was respecter of expert opinion, had ing in most of mid and north up independ- established to record the names of made the fullest use of the services Wales), rather than in the towns and all donors to party funds as such of the leading economists of the cities where the Labour Party had ent rural and a move was considered a psycho- 1920s, men like J. M. Keynes, Sir already made substantial inroads, logical boost to the membership. William Beveridge, Walter Layton now most difficult to reverse. As urban land The setting up of numerous com- and H. D. Henderson, all of whom Lloyd George was to tell his secre- mittees of enquiry was an essen- had responded with enthusiasm. It tary and mistress Frances Stevenson committees tial element in the process of party was a dead cert that the published in August 1925, shortly before the rehabilitation. March 1924 had seen reports would at once become the publication in the autumn of the in 1923. the appointment of an autonomous focus of considerable public atten- twin reports The Land and the Nation policy committee to inquire into tion and debate.8 and Towns and the Land, his real pur- the long-term crisis in the British Party leader Asquith, whose pose in establishing the commit- coal industry. Within four short earldom had already been gazetted tees was ‘to strengthen our grasp months it had published its report in the previous February, had com- on the rural districts and the cap- under the title Coal and Power, sig- mented in some detail in July on a ture of a few towns where Liberal- nificantly under the name of Lloyd draft of the final report, and in early ism is still a force’.3 Although there George alone. But its contents were August it was discussed at length had been some drop in the num- not really contentious and its publi- by the Liberal Shadow Cabinet (as ber of agricultural constituencies cation caused but little stir. this body still rather pretentiously in Britain, they still amounted to But inevitably there was much called itself). With publication in some 141 electoral divisions, rep- greater interest in the proceedings imminent prospect, Lloyd George resenting one-quarter of the total and eventual report of the com- delivered a long, impressive perora- seats in parliament, many of which mittees of enquiry into the use and tion at Killerton Park, Devon – as a were especially electorally volatile. ownership of land. When the Welsh kind of policy launch. It is of some Another factor of importance was National Liberal Federation met at significance that this high-profile the increase in the proportion of Shrewsbury at the end of July, with meeting was convened on the estate agricultural labourers (and indeed Carmarthen Liberal John Hinds in of F. D. (later Sir Francis) Acland, their wives) in the electorate as a the chair, Ernest Brown, the former who had been one of the most result of the far-reaching provisions Liberal MP for Rugby, gave a fore- prominent Asquithian Liberal MPs of the reform acts of 1884 and 1918.4 taste of the contents of the report during the period of the post-war Thus pandering to the needs of this expected in October – ‘Justice coalition government. Here Lloyd particular class also made electoral would be done so the landowners, George actually spoke from the ter- sense. and the cultivator would be given race of Acland’s palatial home. This Thus it was that Lloyd George, absolute security of tenure subject was perhaps one indication both largely on his own initiative, and to one test only – that he proved of Lloyd George’s desire to carry originally on a non-party plat- himself an efficient cultivator of the with him former political enemies form, set up independent rural and soil, and he would have to get from in his new campaign and of his urban land committees in 1923. The the competent authority a certifi- deep-rooted respect for the expert.9 former met on innumerable occa- cate of good cultivation’. Brown At Killerton Park, Lloyd George sions between June 1923 and Febru- (who was later to hold a succes- described the very system of land- ary 1925 to thrash out a new policy sion of Cabinet offices during the lordism as inherently obsolete and and comprised a number of lead- National Government and the Sec- inefficient and insisted that the state ing agricultural experts and several ond World War and was eventually needed to ‘resume’ possession of the Liberal politicians of whom Fran- to succeed Sir John Simon as the land. Stopping studiously short of cis Acland, Ernest Brown, C. F. G. leader of the National Liberal group advocating the wholesale ‘national- Masterman and Ramsay Muir in 1940), insisted that their pur- ization’ of agricultural land in Brit- were the most prominent. Only in pose in undertaking the research ain, the old rabble-rouser advocated March 1925 was it resolved, rather was ‘to retain those who were on state ownership ‘for the purpose against the inclination of the agri- the land and add to their number. of giving the necessary security to culturalists on the committee, that … They were recommending not the cultivator of the soil that, if and

28 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 the ‘land and the nation’ and wales so long as he cultivates it, he and avid political point-scoring.12 Then for the thoroughness of its back- his children shall reap the full har- the whole subject was thrown into ground research extending back vest of their own labour and enter- high relief on 9 October 1925 with over two and a half years to the prise’.10 Certain key functions like the publication of The Land and the spring of 1923, for the ‘encyclo- drainage, afforestation and recla- Nation which at once became popu- paedic array of facts and figures’ mation could, he insisted, be under- larly known as ‘the Green Book’. available in the text and numerous taken efficiently only by the state. A substantial publication run- expansive appendices, and for its Land reform was consequently a ning to no fewer than 570 pages, its commendable ‘full view of condi- social necessity which offered the first half was devoted to a presen- tions at home and abroad’. On these prospect of fresh employment on a tation of detailed comparative sta- grounds the report was widely substantial scale. Social harmony tistics on current land tenure and hailed as ‘a priceless addition to then would follow as tillers of their the productivity of agriculture, the popular literature on the subject’.15 own land had no interest in revo- second half proposing drastic solu- But inevitably the critics weighed lution. Although it rained steadily tions, beginning with the crucial in too. It was immediately pointed throughout the afternoon, Lloyd statement, ‘… The State shall be out that implementation of such a George’s impassioned peroration deemed to have resumed possession far-reaching scheme, closely akin to kept entranced for a full ninety of all land in the United Kingdom the imposition of socialistic princi- minutes an audience exceeding which at that date is used for or ples, ‘would involve the drawbacks 25,000. Not a single one of them, capable of use for the production of of nationalization at least as much it was reported, was tempted to foodstuffs, timber or other natural as the gains’. Indeed ‘agriculture’ leave.11 The expansive speech was products’.13 The core recommenda- was highly likely to be ‘suffocated broadcast to several points within tion of the detailed report was the by bureaucracy, by which enter- Killerton Park and certainly whet- implementation of a novel system prise would only be restrained’.16 ted the public appetite for the pub- of ‘cultivating tenure’ whereby Even before the report had actually lication of the rural land committee each farmer should become the ten- seen the light of day, rumours that report which was due to appear ant of a new County Agricultural it was to advocate the setting up of three weeks later. Authority, thus enjoying complete county agricultural committees Throughout the lengthy period security on condition that he con- charged to assess the competence during which the committee had tinued to farm his land efficiently. of farmers led to much doubt and undertaken its deliberations, agri- Rentals were to be fixed and the questioning. As The Times put it, culture was a subject of some debate supervision strict. According to the ‘Who is to judge whether Blacka- in political circles. The Conserva- report, the farmer would in conse- cre or Whiteacre is well or ill cul- tive Party under Baldwin had quence enjoy ‘the legitimate rights tivated?’.17 The very prospect of recently announced a fairly modest of ownership without its risks, ‘The State a veritable army of qualified civil proposal for governmental assis- and the advantages of yearly ten- shall be servants constituting a nationwide tance to enable the agricultural ancy without its insecurity’.14 This network of county agricultural labourer to own his cottage and proposal amounted almost to the deemed committees, some extending to garden. The Independent Labour nationalisation of agricultural land. more than one hundred individuals, Party had recently published a Compensation would be paid to the to have provoked widespread dissension, pamphlet entitled A Socialist Pol- landlords, while the farmer would even uproar. Outraged landlords, icy for Agriculture, but this had not enjoy relative security of tenure on resumed pos- facing the prospect of summary been adopted by the Labour Party condition that he farmed properly, confiscation of their landed estates, as party policy. Quite indepen- as judged by the new agricultural session of all instinctively protested virulently, dently, the Labour Party had its committees which would assume but so did many others, both within own advisory committee on agri- responsibility for the allocation of land in the the Liberal Party and outside, culture which, it was rumoured in allotments, larger gardens, small- appalled at the perceived threat to political circles, had prepared its holdings and very small farms of United King- so many traditional aspects of rural own report, while the TUC, too, new creation. Full compensation life in Britain.18 had established a committee on would be paid to a farmer who lost dom which Indeed reactions on the whole similar lines. It was anticipated that some or all of his land to the new were questioning and frosty. ‘The a national Labour Party confer- holdings. at that date land policy is not going strong’, ence would be convened at some The rural land report immedi- wrote the influential and perceptive point during the spring of 1926 to ately grabbed the headlines with is used for or Liberal Party organiser R. Hum- consider the various reports and a predictable vengeance. Whereas phrey Davies in early November, ‘I thrash out a party policy on agri- the publication of the proposals of capable of hope L.G. is not being misled by his culture. From the vantage point of Coal and Power the previous year use for the entourage’.19 The term ‘nationalisa- the autumn of 1925, it was consid- had been considered ‘a national tion’ was widely used by critics – ered that agriculture would be one service’ unlikely to provoke con- production ‘there is no evidence in the country of the burning political issues for troversy, The Land and the Nation, of any volume of opinion in favour discussion during the forthcoming although not at the time Liberal of foodstuffs, of confiscation’ of agricultural land, winter. It was known that a general Party official policy, was immedi- a move which was considered to election was most unlikely at least ately viewed as a concerted attempt timber or be wholly unfair to the landown- until the spring of 1929; agriculture to reap a party-political advantage ing class. C. S. Orwin, the Direc- was viewed as an important subject in the form of future electoral suc- other natural tor of the prestigious Institute for on all sides; and it was hoped that cesses. The publication was at once Research in Agricultural Econom- it was a topic likely to be shorn of commended by unbiased observers products.’ ics at the University of Oxford, and

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 29 the ‘land and the nation’ and wales the co-author, with W. R. Peel, of Brown Book’, had also seen the extensive Fund had already been the recent highly acclaimed mon- light of day. This was devoted to made to finance the various com- ograph The Tenure of Agricultural town planning on regional lines, mittees of enquiry, while the Lib- Land, 20 summarised the nub of the embodying the principles of site- eral Party nationally languished opposition to ‘the Green Book’ value taxation and reform of the close to bankruptcy. Tensions grew proposals from the standpoint of leasehold system, and was much as, swift on the heels of the publi- the farming communities: less controversial than its prede- cation of The Land and the Nation in cessor. It was envisaged from the October, Lloyd George brazenly It is common knowledge outset that ‘the Brown Book’ pro- proceeded to establish his own amongst those familiar with posals would readily be adopted as independent propaganda body, to farming conditions that farm- Liberal Party official policy with be called ‘The Land and Nation ers undertake the functions of but little dispute. Published on 24 League’, with himself as its presi- the landlord with the greatest November 1925, Towns and the Land dent, to campaign up and down reluctance. They have not been was officially launched as a confer- the country in favour of ‘cultivat- trained in the job; they have ence at the Kingsway Hall, Lon- ing tenure’ and the other reforms. no knowledge of the planning don, just three days later. As the Indeed in mid-November Lloyd and construction of buildings, background to the new reforms, the George told his old ally C. P. Scott of surveying and levelling for chronic overcrowding and conges- of the Manchester Guardian that it land drainage, of schemes for tion, still so prevalent in many Brit- was his intention ‘to put his whole water supply, of the principles ish towns and cities in the 1920s, strength into the movement’, secure of forestry &c.; all these mat- were underlined cogently by Lloyd in the knowledge that ‘he had ters belong properly to a sepa- George. In the evening session of money enough to carry it on for 4 rate profession, that of the land the conference, C. F. G. Master- or 5 years’. He gleefully anticipated agent, and it is impossible that man, who pithily described himself that ‘there would be meetings at the farmer should double suc- as ‘neither a Lloyd-Georgian nor every town and village in England cessfully the parts. The Com- an anti-Lloyd-Georgian’, moved a and he was starting at once’.24 Days mittee contemplate supervision resolution pressing for a wide-rang- later, H. H. Asquith, still party and pressure by the County ing measure of leasehold reform, leader, and by no means overtly Agricultural Authority to secure the grant of power to local authori- antagonistic to the proceedings and the maintenance of the perma- ties to acquire land at a fair price in report of the rural land committee nent equipment of the land in anticipation of future needs, and (‘I expressed warm admiration for a state of efficiency. But what the rating of site values. Masterman the thoroughness and ability with degree of effective supervision continued, ‘When he saw a man which they had conducted their can be exercised by a Commit- who was willing to carry through inquiry’), now felt obliged to warn tee, and what degree of pres- the things he longed for, he was Lloyd George that the recent set- sure is likely to be applied by a with him. The Liberal party could ting up of ‘a new organisation’ had body composed, as it must be, carry these reforms if it avoided a immediately led to ‘much concern’ mainly of ‘cultivating tenants’? semi-Tory combination’. The reso- and was thus likely to impede the The application of the scheme lution was unanimously adopted, ‘full and free discussion’ now sorely would result, in some cases, in and reactions in the country were required on the proposed reforms. well-intentioned but inefficient generally favourable.23 Asquith drew Lloyd George’s atten- attempts at the maintenance of But the furore over the propos- tion to the ‘frequent, almost daily holdings, and in others in the als contained in The Land and the Reactions to communications from stalwart deliberate intention to annex the Nation certainly showed no sign of and hard-working members’ of the difference between the old rent, abating. The merits and demerits of ‘the Green Liberal Party voicing ‘their own as paid to the present landlords, the scheme were intensely debated doubts and difficulties and depre- and the fair net rent payable to alongside the allegedly discredit- Book’ pro- cating at this stage anything in the the State.21 able means by which Lloyd George nature of propaganda, either on the was attempting to foist it upon a posals were one side or the other’. He insisted Further criticism focused on the reluctant Liberal Party, and the that it would be ‘a very curious realisation that the novel ‘cultivat- ongoing thorny question of party becoming matter’ if there should be ‘any con- ing tenure’ proposal advocated as finance. Early in 1925 the party’s flict, or appearance of conflict, the key policy of The Land and the new creation the Administrative coloured by between the National Liberal Fed- Nation would ‘tie’ farmers ‘to their Committee, basically Asquith- eration and the new organisation holdings’. Governmental legisla- ian in character, had launched an general dis- [the Land and Nation League] pro- tion, it was argued, had already appeal throughout the constituen- approval of posed for promoting the views of provided a much-improved ‘secu- cies to raise £1,000,000 for the Lib- the Land Enquiry Committee’.25 rity of tenure’ for farmers, ‘but eral cause – the Million Fighting the exist- Indeed reactions to ‘the Green freedom to go is almost as impor- Fund. This had floundered badly, Book’ proposals were becom- tant to them as the freedom to largely because of a nationwide ence and use ing coloured by general disap- remain’. Finally, it was maintained, awareness of the existence of the proval of the existence and use of the necessary development of agri- Lloyd George Political Fund, and of the Lloyd the Lloyd George Political Fund. cultural land would not follow.22 LG’s marked reluctance to make At the end of November, veteran Before the end of November the full use of it for the good of the George Polit- Welsh Liberal Judge John Bryn second land report, entitled Towns party nationally. It was known, Roberts, a traditional Gladsto- and the Land, soon to be dubbed ‘the too, that large inroads into the ical Fund. nian loyalist who had represented

30 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 the ‘land and the nation’ and wales

Caernarvonshire South (the Eifion ‘We have in land policy. If his Land Policy is the capital’s Albert Hall on the constituency) in parliament from rooted in Liberalism, nothing on eve of the party’s landslide victory 1885 until 1906, and was certainly this country earth will prevent the party as in the general election of January no friend of Lloyd George, wrote represented by the Liberal Asso- 1906 – ‘We wish to make the land sourly: ‘Lloyd George’s Land Policy a landless ciations from adopting it, and less a pleasure-ground for the rich stunt seems to me to hang fire, and adopting it gladly. On the other and more a treasure-house for the kept alive only by the large political peasantry hand, if it is not genuine Liberal- nation’. 29 Observers were reminded fund which he has seized. It would ism, no amount of expenditure of the tremendous fervour of the be interesting to know the sources such as exists on his part will constrain the venerable Gladstone’s great Midlo- of these funds. I suspect most came nowhere else party to adopt that policy. thian campaign of the 1870s. out of the secret service votes when After Reunion we really Meanwhile during the same he was P.M. & from the sales of in the world. tried to play the game here, but month the Liberal and Radical Honours. The land scheme seems to when your partner does not play Candidates’ Association, a new me to be the wildest ever suggested The object it, what are you to do? Ll.G. is creation, met at the National Lib- by any responsible statesman, and not an outsider who can pursue eral Club in London to discuss ‘the more like the offspring of a mental- of those any fad he likes. He is leader of Green Book’ proposals at some ity like that of the Clydesdale sec- the Liberal Party in the House of length. Some two-thirds of Lib- tion of the Labour Party. … Our who support Commons, and the fundamental eral Party candidates were present national and local experiment in policy he is pursuing is not such at the meeting. The outcome was that direction have not been suc- the recom- as any leader has played before. that a ‘modified policy … partial cessful’. Commenting on the ‘cul- To attach conditions to party and gradual’ in its essence, was tivating tenure’ proposals, Judge mendation contributions is an unheard-of endorsed rather than the ‘univer- Bryn Roberts went on: thing, and it is asking for trou- sal and simultaneous’ application is to give to ble. The pity of it is that the rank which had been the essence of the … This to be secured by an army and file in many parts of Eng- ‘original policy’. The keynote of of Inspectors to keep the tenants these men land are working splendidly, and the revised policy thrashed out by up to the mark seems to me to be what they want is encourage- this association on 8 December was a short cut to national ruin. The land at a fair ment and not discouragement. to be ‘gradualism’, the new county Inspectors will be appointed out Ll.G. was urged not to attach agricultural authorities were to of a horde of applicants, mostly rent. There conditions, but nothing would assume control of agricultural land out of work or agricultural is no sug- move him. This for your own only ‘in certain circumstances’: failures or under the late war information.27 when such land was up for sale, regime. The main qualifications gestion of there was a vacancy on a farm, an being capacity for wire-pulling The Liberal land campaign was estate was being ‘badly adminis- and exercising political & pri- confiscation.’ certainly dominating the British tered’ or a farm ‘badly cultivated’. vate favouritism. The whole political landscape. On 5 Decem- Four different kinds of tenure were thing would in my opinion lead ber Lloyd George addressed a Lib- then outlined. Lloyd George read- to appalling corruption, and eral demonstration at the Drill ily declared his support for the mis-government to avoid trou- Hall, Coventry where the audi- amended policy – ‘We have in this ble and disputes with tenants; ence totalled nigh on 5,000 indi- country a landless peasantry such all losses, as in case of war, fall- viduals, while a substantial crowd as exists nowhere else in the world. ing on the State. … The present had also assembled outside to hear The object of those who support scheme does not spring from the speech. LG urged his listen- the recommendation is to give to any public demand, or out-cry, ers to lend vigorous support to the these men land at a fair rent. There a fatal defect. It is simply a des- new land policy: ‘Do not let us is no suggestion of confiscation’. perate stunt by Lloyd George to waste our strength on petty bick- It was also emphasised that the recover political influence and erings. They are unworthy of the new land policy did not apply to leadership.26 dignity of a grand cause (Cheers)’. Scotland where independent com- He underlined the growing prob- mittees were to discuss the matter Bryn Roberts was certainly not lem of rural depopulation, a factor further.30 alone in his views and opinions. On which was brought home to him Lloyd George was undoubt- 1 November senior Liberal Party every time he returned to the vil- edly much relieved that the Liberal organiser R. Humphrey Davies lage of Llanystumdwy where he and Radical Candidates’ Associa- wrote from the Liberal Central had grown up.28 Just a week later, tion had not disowned, but simply Association at London: accompanied by Dame Margaret, amended, the new policy.31 He had Major Gwilym and Miss Megan resolved, in the interests of Liberal What you say about the Land Lloyd George, he spoke equally Party unity, to accept, albeit with Policy is very interesting. passionately at the Coliseum, some reluctance, the revised land In a nutshell the position is Leeds, and a few days later at the policy which had been rather acri- this:- Our funds are well nigh Capitol Theatre, Haymarket in moniously thrashed out at meetings exhausted. Ll.G. apparently has London. As Lloyd George spoke at of the Candidates’ Association. To ample funds. The essential work London, a huge screen behind him his mind, the compromise policy of the party machine is being on the platform bore an inscrip- was ‘not wholly satisfactory’, but crippled for lack of funds, while tion which was a quotation from he remained convinced that the Ll.G. can spend a very large a speech delivered by the late Sir original ‘Green Book’ proposals as sum of money in developing his Henry Campbell-Bannerman at unveiled the previous October ‘had

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 31 the ‘land and the nation’ and wales destroyed the Labour propaganda The depth of forth from the presses – from Coal it was clear by December 1925 that in the rural areas’, a vital break- and Power (1924) to We Can Conquer Lloyd George fully intended to through for the struggling Lib- the furore Unemployment (1929) – contained amend substantially the original eral Party of the mid-1920s. Lloyd little, if any, Welsh dimension. The plans, Mond doubted his sincer- George emphasised that it was occasioned Land and the Nation was certainly ity, and a strong personal element essential to push the watered-down no exception. Its detailed index crept into his criticism. The rebel policy as still a radical initiative. by the pub- contained just three specific refer- MP received the ready backing Party leader H. H. Asquith had ences to Wales, and there was no of his constituency association in ‘entirely agreed’ and had stressed lication of explicit policy initiative tailored Carmarthenshire which denounced his personal conviction that the to the demands of the principality. the new land proposals as ‘semi- agricultural labouring classes ‘must The Land and This glaring omission was possibly nationalisation’, potentially detri- be shown that this is their new the Nation, an implicit recognition on Lloyd mental to the continuation of the charter’.32 George’s part that Wales and Eng- freehold system in Britain.37 Shortly The depth of the furore occa- with its core land shared common agricultural afterwards, on 19 January 1926, Sir sioned by the publication of The problems in the wake of the depres- Alfred Mond formally defected Land and the Nation, with its core ‘cultivat- sion and should thus be dealt with to the Conservative Party. Lloyd ‘cultivating tenure’ proposal, as a single entity. But most contem- George’s response was bitter. He was wholly predictable. The pro- ing tenure’ poraries saw this as a defect and a declared that he was ‘not in the least gramme was especially unpopular clear indication of how far Lloyd surprised’ at the precipitate action because during the period imme- proposal, George had travelled from his taken by his old ally whom he had diately following the First World Welsh roots and his once proverbial long sensed to be ‘obviously mak- War, the years of the so-called was wholly concern for Welsh issues. ing tracks for the Tory party’. In ‘Green Revolution’ of 1918–22, The political repercussions were Lloyd George’s view, dissatisfac- agricultural land had been sold on predictable. far-reaching, not least in the Lib- tion with the proposals of The Land a massive scale in consequence of eral heartland of rural Wales. The and the Nation was ‘only an excuse’ the break-up, or the near break-up, most dramatic upshot occurred in to justify his dramatic defection to of many of the great landed estates. Carmarthenshire where the sit- the Conservatives: ‘His action is About a quarter of the agricul- ting Liberal MP Sir Alfred Mond nothing to do with the land, or he tural land in England and Wales had actually served as a member of would have gone to the Liberal con- had changed hands in four years. the Liberal Land Committee. After vention to present his case. If the Many farmer labourers had now the committee had met at Lloyd decision had gone against him, he become small-scale tenant farm- George’s home Bron-y-de near could then have acted. The real rea- ers. Those who rented had seen Churt in Surrey in August 1924, son is given in that part of the letter their rent levels reduced as a result one of its members the Oxford where he reveals his conviction that of the agricultural depression. In academic and Liberal politician the Liberal Party offers poor pros- Wales predictably the response H. A. L. Fisher recorded that Mond pects for ambitious men’.38 Mond was especially vehement. Here was ‘very doubtful’ about the wis- then helped to ensure that the Lib- the scale of the transfer of agricul- dom of the evolving land policy.35 It eral nomination in Carmarthen- tural land owned by the occupier was also widely known that he dis- shire went to Colonel W. N. Jones increased from 10.2 per cent in approved strongly of the adminis- (described as ‘a man after his own 1909 to 39 per cent in 1941–43, most tration and use of the Lloyd George heart, a right-winger and a viru- of this dramatic increase having Political Fund. His disenchantment lent anti-Socialist “business- occurred prior to 1922.33 Generally, and opposition only grew, to such man’s Liberal” ’39), another diehard it would seem, Welsh landowners as extent that, as the contents of The critic of ‘the Green Book’ reforms were more anxious to sell and the Land and the Nation were finalised, which were discussed at length in Welsh tenantry more inclined to he felt impelled to send a memo- Carmarthenshire right through purchase than were their English randum to Asquith deploring ‘the until the by-election of June 1928 counterparts.34 entire and fundamental change’ and indeed during the general elec- By the period of the Second implicit in the new policy, so much tion campaign of May 1929. World War, while fully 39 per cent so, he insisted, that it demanded In Montgomeryshire, too, there of the acreage of Wales as an entity ‘the closest investigation and criti- were equally dramatic repercus- was owner-occupied, the compara- cism before the party should be sions. Here the long-serving Liberal tive figure for England was only asked to adopt it’. Mond’s experi- MP, a veteran of 1906, was David 33 per cent. During the very years ence both as a practising landowner Davies of Llandinam, the heir to that this massive change in the pat- and a Liberal MP had led him to the multi-million pound fortune tern of Welsh landownership was conclude, ‘I do not find myself able of his namesake grandfather ‘Top taking place, Lloyd George was to accept the reasoning on which Sawyer’, and a headstrong, opin- Prime Minister of the post-war, the scheme is based’.36 ionated individual. ‘DD’ had been Tory dominated coalition govern- Mond’s annoyance increased recalled from active service at the ment and seemed to be travelling still further as a result of the propa- front in France, where he had com- ever further from both his Liberal ganda methods employed by the manded a battalion with distinc- past and his Welsh roots. By the Land and Nation League, and tion, in June 1916 to become Lloyd mid-1920s, his closest advisers and indeed he was still in the fore- George’s parliamentary private political confidants were almost front of the ever-mounting cho- secretary. An initially close rapport all Englishmen, and the radical rus of opposition to the original between the two men crumbled policy documents which poured ‘Green Book’ proposals. Although quickly as Davies dispatched to the

32 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 the ‘land and the nation’ and wales

Prime Minister a formidable bar- Montgomeryshire, but the attempts the appointment of ‘a new host of rage of letters sharply critical of the to persuade David Davies to con- bureaucratic officials’ rendered nec- allied war effort and reporting continue in parliament proved futile. essary by implementing the new versations, highly critical of Lloyd When his successor as the Lib- proposals.44 Three delegates from George, which he had heard in the eral candidate for Montgom- the county were duly nominated to clubs and tea rooms of Westmin- eryshire was chosen during 1927, attend the revising convention to ster. His immediate dismissal fol- attitudes towards ‘the Green Book’ be held at the Kingsway Hall, Lon- lowed and created a gulf between weighed heavily. The chosen candi- don in mid-February. Once news the two men which was never to date, E. Clement Davies, a native of of the shock defection of Sir Alfred be healed. In Montgomeryshire, Llanfyllin, was quizzed relentlessly Mond hit Cardiganshire, there was Davies’s personal and political posi- on his attitudes. Although admit- immediate conjecture that Hopkin tion was immensely strong as was ting his general support for Lloyd Morris might well be inclined to reflected in unopposed returns to George and his policies, he asserted ‘follow suit’ in the near future, in parliament in the general elections his determination to refuse the reality an unlikely scenario.45 of 1918, 1922 and 1923. But Davies’s financial assistance of the notorious Within the county Liberal inclination to continue his politi- Lloyd George Fund – ‘I would pre- Association there had emerged cal career steadily weakened as he fer to stand upon my own two feet, something of a rift between Hop- became ever more absorbed in an even if I had to mortgage all I have. During the kin Morris and his supporters, array of philanthropic initiatives … I am not an out-and-out sup- virulently hostile to the ‘Green and in his avid support for the work porter of anybody’.42 During the ensuing gen- Book’ reforms, and local Liber- of the League of Nations and simi- ensuing general election campaign als led by the law Professor T. A. lar bodies in the 1920s. Predictably, in May 1929, cross-examined inten- eral election Levi who saw at least some virtue Davies disapproved strongly of the sively by the farmers of Welshpool, in the audacious proposals. Indeed proposals unveiled in The Land and he was compelled to reassure his campaign Levi endorsed the idea of ‘cultivat- the Nation in October 1925 and then inquisitors that he would certainly ing tenure’ as essentially ‘a fair and looked aghast at the divided Liberal vote against a bill to nationalise in May 1929, equitable scheme, without an atom reactions to the general strike in agricultural land introduced by of confiscation. … They need have May 1926. By July he had resolved any future Liberal government – ‘I cross-exam- no fear as to the result’.46 But even to retire from parliament at the believe in the freedom of the indi- the revised proposals did not in the next general election. As he told vidual, and that is why I quarrel ined inten- least impress Hopkin Morris whose the chairman of his county Liberal with Socialism’. 43 displeasure increased still further Association, in his view the ‘Green In Cardiganshire, too, where sively by the as he viewed the ever escalating Book’ proposals would simply ‘cre- recent years had witnessed pro- activities of The Land and Nation ate a new host of officials’ and ‘give found dissension and indeed acri- farmers of League which, he knew full well, a stimulus to farming from White- mony in the ranks of the county Welshpool, were being financed by the replete hall’. Moreover he felt convinced Liberal Party, the ‘Green Book’ coffers of the Lloyd George Politi- that their implementation would proposals were, predictably, suspi- Clement cal Fund whose role he heartily inevitably ‘add an additional bur- ciously scrutinised and generally despised: ‘Accept the creed [of the den to the already over-weighted badly received. At a public meeting Davies was Land and Nation League], and you finances of the county without any at Cardigan some two weeks before get the money; your principles can corresponding advantage’. These the publication of The Land and the compelled be purchased for the price of your proposals, coupled with the Liberal Nation, the highly principled con- election expenses’.47 Joseph Parry, Party’s split reaction to the general viction Liberal MP for the county to reassure one of the three delegates from strike, felt Davies ‘made it almost Rhys Hopkin Morris shared a Cardiganshire present at the Feb- impossible for anyone to advocate platform with his political near- his inquisi- ruary convention, did not mince sincerely the return of the party to neighbour Sir Alfred Mond. Mond his words in the least, ‘The least power’.40 Months later, still unim- went on the attack at once – ‘He tors that he said and done in the matter will pressed by the ‘amended and trun- would never agree to any freehold- be best for the Liberal cause in the cated form’ of the much revised ing farmer being interfered with as would cer- county of Cardigan’.48 As attitudes proposals, he condemned them far as his land was concerned’. Hop- hardened, Hopkin Morris contin- as designed ‘to initiate the policy kin Morris took much the same tainly vote ued to assail the ‘mercenary army’ of land nationalisation under the tack, questioning rigorously many which, in his view, now constituted cloak of Liberal reform’. At the aspects of the ‘Green Book’ propos- against a bill the Liberal Party’s organisation, same time he took advantage of the als and expressing his concern at and the ‘fancy policies’ recently same opportunity to take a swipe at the proposed inspection of farming to national- advocated. the infamous Lloyd George Politi- standards: ‘The test to be applied ise agricul- There is evidence, too, of the cal Fund which, he felt certain, had was the test of good farming, and impact of The Land and the Nation been ‘accumulated by doubtful and who was to determine what consti- tural land on the political life of Denbigh- dubious means in the days of the tuted good farming? Was it a tribu- shire where the sitting Liberal Coalition Government’. In con- nal and if so, how was the tribunal introduced MP Ellis W. Davies, although sequence, he insisted, there was a to be constituted and how was that estranged from Lloyd George, very real danger that the organisa- tribunal to bring about more effi- by any future was himself a member of the rural tion of the Liberal Party might well cient farming?’. Weeks later Mor- land committee and, recorded degenerate into ‘the appendage of ris publicly reiterated his belief in Liberal his co-member H. A. L. Fisher, a private endowment’.41 The affair the concept of peasant proprietor- was clearly ‘very keen on the LG dragged on for several months in ship and his firm opposition to government. policy and thinks we shall sweep

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 33 the ‘land and the nation’ and wales the country with it’.49 When the the Liberal MP for Swansea West by so many within the rural land next general election ensued in and the chairman of the influential proposals.57 the autumn of 1924, Ellis Davies Radical Group of Liberal MPs, at On the very day following the vocally sang the praises of the a dinner of the Eighty Club held high-profile Kingsway Hall con- evolving radical land policies in at the National Liberal Club on 26 vention, a leader writer in the relation to the tenant farmer and January 1926. Runciman urged Manchester Guardian claimed, ‘Mr the farm labourer. But he made his fellow Liberals to press their Lloyd George has conceded much, conspicuously little impression views whilst remaining within very much, in the interest of party in the county as his majority fell the party’s ranks, while politicians unity’.58 To some extent the dissen- drastically from 6,978 votes to just within the other political parties, sion which had wracked his party 1,411. Davies’s predecessor as the gleefully viewing the intense inter- during recent months, focused Liberal MP for Denbighshire, J. C. nal disputes among the Liberals, mainly on the ‘cultivating ten- Davies, wrote shortly afterwards hailed them as clear evidence of ‘the ure’ policy, generally subsided. It of ‘the intensity of the feeling’ crumbling condition of the Liber- began increasingly to seem that against Ellis Davies. In conse- als’ in the words of ILP activist J. R. no real electoral dividends were quence, ‘some of the most stalwart Clynes. Clynes eagerly anticipated going to be reaped from an empha- Liberals’ at Llanrwst, traditionally that defections to the Tories would sis on radical land policies, urban staunchly Liberal, had ‘worked soon be counterbalanced by ‘the or rural. Limited public interest hard and openly’ for the Conserv- march of many Liberals to the ranks was aroused by the high-profile ative candidate ‘because of their of Labour’.54 activities and propaganda of the dissatisfaction with Ellis Davies At the Kingsway Hall conven- Land and Nation League and the and his policy, especially his land tion in mid-February the proposed thousands of public meetings held. policy’. Towns such as Colwyn amendments to The Land and the Lloyd George, although heavily Bay, Ruthin and Llangollen had Nation were duly approved with but criticised for the ‘Green Book’ pro- recorded ‘a decisive majority little ado. Fundamentally, the prin- posals, had gained some respect for against him. … He is a dull per- ciple of the universality of applica- his apparent readiness to compro- sonality, but what ruined him was tion of the original proposals was mise and revise his rural land poli- his silly flirtation with Labour’.50 now unceremoniously jettisoned. cies, and for his evident aptitude to Ellis Davies continued to display The proposed County Agricul- draft radical new policies so sorely much greater interest in the land tural Authority was to remain, There was needed by his party. But the role question than in any other political but it should assume control of the of the Land and Nation League, issue, constantly pointing up the agricultural land only as it became genuine fear which Lloyd George had supported problems faced by the relatively vacant, and not always then. It at its establishment to the tune of small size – less than fifty acres in should take control of land that was within the some £80,000 (so readily donated many cases – of the majority of ‘badly managed or badly farmed’, Liberal Party from his personal war chest the Welsh farmsteads, and the need was required for smallholdings, Lloyd George Political Fund), still for legislation to enable Welsh or was surrendered voluntarily, at the likely rankled. Over the next few years farmers to purchase and improve for instance in lieu of death duties. it was estimated that no less than their holdings.51 Throughout the The highly inflammatory concept long-term £240,000 was made freely avail- county there was much interest in of ‘cultivating tenure’ should be able to support the activities of the the ‘Green Book’ proposals which adopted only as one means of land- electoral League in this way. Many Liber- Ellis Davies tended to support, holding amongst many – ‘Land als looked askance; they disliked especially in their amended form.52 should be held under a variety of implications the new policies and they firmly But there were profound misgiv- tenures to meet different local con- believed that the resources of the ings locally as the Liberal ‘land ditions’.55 The much vaunted Land of adopting fund should be in the hands of the van’, the vehicle of the Land and Value Taxation (LVT) was accepted party as a whole. Nation League, was seen regularly as a major policy in the urban such a social- The rift grew deeper still. Inter- in the county proclaiming the policy adopted, but had no place est in the land question was stimu- message of The Land and the Nation in the rural policy. Lloyd George istic policy lated throughout the summer by and not infrequent political meet- soon won the commendation of the ongoing propaganda of the ings were held in the towns and many of his fellow Liberals for his initiative and Land and Nation League. Six ‘land villages.53 apparent readiness to compromise vans’ toured many of the rural Almost as soon as the radical and his flexible approach, and his alarm that areas, including one which trav- proposals of the ‘Green Book’ had ‘unvarying attitude of reason and elled through north Wales. Hand- seen the light of day, the frenzied conciliation’ as the Liberal Magazine other Liberal bills and literature were distributed furore of opposition made it clear neatly put it.56 LG was indeed most MPs might in abundance. In October 1926 that substantial modifications were anxious to get his revised policy the first number ofLand News, the inevitable. There was genuine fear approved and then speedily adopted well follow official monthly publication of the within the Liberal Party at the as Liberal Party official policy. In Land and Nation League, was cir- likely long-term electoral impli- this aim he enjoyed complete suc- the example culated and proved highly popular, cations of adopting such a social- cess; both the revised ‘Green Book’ demand soon apparently exceed- istic policy initiative and alarm and the original ‘Brown Book’ of Sir Alfred ing supply by some 50,000. It was that other Liberal MPs might well proposals were approved, Asquith thus agreed to print 250,000 copies follow the example of Sir Alfred rejoicing in the introduction of Mond and of the November issue. From the Mond and jump ship. ‘Will others the new elements of ‘graduality beginning of 1927 it was distributed follow?’ asked Walter Runciman, and elasticity’ considered essential jump ship. in Cardiganshire attached to the

34 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 the ‘land and the nation’ and wales first number of theCambrian News, It was clear during the spring of 1929 (as the party leadership was by then most widely read throughout the county, general election fast approached), it anxious to extricate itself and move to be published each month. Soon a by the end of gave pride of place to the new dra- on to more promising territory carefully prepared Welsh language matic Liberal plans for unemploy- and, it fervently hoped, more ben- version entitled Ein Tir was avail- 1928 that the ment and agricultural issues were eficial results. able too and, it would seem, avidly sidelined.60 read. Local folk, much impressed, land cam- Certainly it was very clear by Dr J. Graham Jones has recently retired eagerly shared copies with their the end of 1928 that the land cam- from the post of Senior Archivist and neighbours. Public meetings paigns of paigns of 1925–26 had very largely Head of the Welsh Political Archive increased and were generally well run out of steam, to be supplanted at the National Library of Wales, attended.59 1925–26 had by the campaigns to stimulate Aberystwyth. Welsh unity was the theme very largely industrial recovery and tackle the of the proceedings at the annual menacing scourge of unemploy- 1 See especially, Ian Packer, Lloyd meetings of the Welsh National run out of ment. These achieved a newfound George, Liberalism and the Land: the Liberal Foundation in July when centrality through the publication Land Issue and Party Politics in England, Lloyd George spoke power- steam, to be of the so-called ‘Yellow Book’, 1906–14 (Boydell Press, 2001). fully. By the end of the year no Britain’s Industrial Future, in Febru- 2 Ellis W. Davies, ‘Cwestiwn y tir: fewer than twenty-one ‘land vans’ supplanted ary 1928. Unemployment was by agweddau gwahanol y Sais a’r under the auspices of the Land and then the political issue which cried Cymro: sicrwydd daliadaeth a Nation League were operational, by the cam- out to be tackled – if any electoral phrynu’, Baner ac Amserau Cymru, 26 and there were some 7,000 speak- success, however modest, might Mawrth 1925. ers being briefed to expound the paigns to ensue. Certainly, no such rewards 3 Lloyd George to Frances Stevenson, new land proposals. The vans were were going to be reaped from the 20 Aug. 1925, as cited in A. J. P. Tay- often the vocal point of open-air stimulate ‘Green Book’ proposals, amended lor (ed.), My Darling Pussy: the Letters meetings held in numerous vil- and truncated or not. But it gave of Lloyd George and Frances Stevenson, lages and towns some of which had industrial the candidates of the other political 1913–41 (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, witnessed no major Liberal speech parties a barbed stick with which 1975), pp. 97–98. since before the Great War. Most recovery and to beat the Liberal Party in their 4 Michael Kinnear, The British Voter: of these vans were equipped with election addresses and campaign an Atlas and Survey since 1885, 2nd ed. loudspeakers and magic lanterns. tackle the speeches. As one Conservative can- (Batsford, 1981), pp. 119–20; Michael Indeed the propaganda activities of menacing didate in Wales put it, ‘Your farm Dawson, ‘The Liberal land policy, the burgeoning Land and Nation will be nationalized if you vote for 1924–29: electoral strategy and inter- League appear to have played a key scourge of a Liberal. Inspectors can turn you nal division’, 20th Century British His- role in several crucial by-elections off your farm if Liberals get power. tory 2, no. 3 (1991), pp. 273–74. at this time: Southwark North unemploy- Under the Liberal Land Scheme you 5 Cambrian News, 24 July 1925. John (March 1927), Bosworth (May will be no longer a man, but a cog Hinds (1862–1928) was the former 1927), Lancaster (February 1928) ment. These in a wheel. The Conservatives have Liberal MP for Carmarthenshire and St Ives (March 1928) – all strik- given the farmer what he asked West from 1910 until 1918 and for ing gains for the Liberal Party. Land achieved a for – freedom to run his own farm Carmarthen from 1918 to 1922. He News, it was claimed, now had a and entire relief from rates.61 His was also the Lord Lieutenant for circulation in excess of 250,000 cop- newfound colleague for Monmouthshire, Sir Carmarthenshire from 1917 until his ies and was widely appreciated. Leoline Forestier-Walker, derided death on 23 July 1928. But successive issues of Land centrality the new Liberal agricultural poli- 6 Trevor Wilson (ed.), The Political Dia- News clearly reflected the dimin- cies as ‘simply Socialism decorated ries of C. P. Scott, 1911–1928 (Collins, ishing significance which Lloyd through the up a bit’, while at Carmarthen John 1970), p. 481, diary entry for 1 July George attached to the land ques- Coventry dismissed them as ‘semi- 1925. tion as a political issue. From its publication nationalization’.62 In some constitu- 7 Bodleian Library, Oxford, Lord first number, which was pub- encies careful plans were laid for Oxford and Asquith Papers file lished in October 1926, its pri- of the so- awkward questions to be asked at 134/199–279. mary emphasis was firmly on the Liberal political meetings on their 8 See Roy Douglas, Land, People & exposition of the new Liberal land called ‘Yel- land policy – deliberately to embar- Politics: a History of the Land Question in policies. But from January 1928 low Book’, rass the candidates.63 The Liberal the United Kingdom (Allison & Busby, onwards it appeared under the con- Party simply could not extricate 1976), p. 190. trol of the Liberal Campaign Com- Britain’s itself from an unpopular policy 9 Ibid. mittee, and from the beginning of statement which it had substan- 10 David Lloyd George, speech at Kill- March it was printed in three sepa- Industrial tially amended and watered down erton Park, Devon, 17 Sept. 1925: The rate editions, Mining News, Indus- more than three years earlier. As a Times, 18 Sept. 1925, and the Manches- trial News and Land News, with the Future, in result, as might be predicted after ter Guardian, 18 Sept. 1925. last-named devoted solely to the the tenor of the Carmarthenshire 11 See the report in The Nation, 26 Sept. rural divisions. By the autumn it February by-election of June 1928, it would 1925. was stated that the specific purpose seem likely that some Liberal can- 12 See the editorial column ‘The Land even of Land News was to dissemi- 1928. didates in the Welsh constituencies Report’, Manchester Guardian, 19 Oct. nate Liberal policies more generally in April and May 1929 found their 1925. rather than to publicise the rural campaign hampered and harmed by 13 The Land and the Nation: Rural Report land policies specifically. In its last the persistent stigma of ‘the Green of the Liberal Land Committee, 1923–25 issues, which saw the light of day Book’ proposals from which the (London, 1925), p. 299.

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 35 the ‘land and the nation’ and wales

14 Ibid., p. 460. 13 Nov. 1925. 41 Ibid., Davies to Jones, 15 Nov. 1926 15 See the editorial column ‘Life and 25 Asquith to Lloyd George, 21 Nov. (copy). land: the great problem: the new 1925, cited in Trevor Wilson, The 42 Montgomeryshire Express, 22 Nov. policy’, The Observer, 11 Oct. 1925, Downfall of the Liberal Party, 1914–35 1927. published just two days after the (Fontana paperback edition, 1966), 43 Manchester Guardian, 29 May 1929. appearance in print of The Land and pp. 351–52. 44 Cambrian News, 2 Oct. 1925; Cardigan the Nation. 26 NLW, E. Morgan Humphreys Papers and Tivy-side Advertiser, 27 Nov. 1925. 16 John Campbell, Lloyd George: the Goat A/3022, J. Bryn Roberts to Hum- 45 Ibid., 29 Jan. 1925. in the Wilderness, 1922–1931 (Jonathan phreys, 27 Nov. 1925 (‘Private’). 46 Cambrian News, 29 Jan. 1926. Cape Ltd., 1977), p. 123. There is also a draft of this letter, 47 Cited in R. Hopkin Morris’s obitu- 17 The Times, 18 Sept. 1925. dated 26 Nov. 1925, in NLW, J. Bryn ary in The Times, 23 Nov. 1956, p. 13, 18 See Campbell, Lloyd George, p. 123. Roberts Papers 630. cols. c–d. 19 National Library of Wales (hereaf- 27 NLW, E. Morgan Humphreys 48 NLW, Cardiganshire Liberal Asso- ter NLW), E. Morgan Humphreys Papers A/514, R. Humphrey ciation Records, no. 1, minute book, Papers A/513, R. Humphrey Davies Davies to Humphreys, 1 Dec. 1925 1923–50, AGM minutes, 10 June 1926; to Humphreys, 8 Nov. 1925. (‘Confidential’). Cambrian News, 18 June 1926; Welsh 20 C. S. Orwin and W. R. Peel, The 28 Lloyd George, speech at the Drill Gazette, 17 June 1926. Tenure of Agricultural Land (Cam- Hall, Coventry, 5 Dec. 1925: Man- 49 Bodleian Library, Oxford, H. A. L. bridge University Press, 1925), 3s 6d. chester Guardian, 7 Dec. 1925. Fisher Papers, Fisher’s diary entry for 21 C. S. Orwin, ‘A critic of the land 29 Lloyd George, speech at the Coli- 26 Aug. 1924. scheme; objections stated; the farm- seum, Leeds, 12 Dec. 1925: Man- 50 NLW, Henry Haydn Jones Papers er’s new duties’, Manchester Guardian, chester Guardian, 14 Dec. 1925; Lloyd 175, J. C. Davies to Jones, 12 Nov. 14 Nov. 1925. George, speech at the Capitol Thea- 1924 (‘Private & confidential’). 22 Ibid. For a contrary view, a spirited tre, Haymarket, London, 16 Dec. 51 Baner ac Amserau Cymru, 26 Mawrth defence of the ‘Green Book’ propos- 1925: Manchester Guardian, 18 Dec. 1925. als, see the article by F. S. Acland 1925. 52 North Wales Weekly News, 28 Jan. in the Manchester Guardian, 12 Nov. 30 The Times, 9 Dec. 1925, p. 8, col. g. 1926; Liverpool Daily Post and Mercury, 1925. Acland’s views were consid- 31 See Dawson, ‘The Liberal land pol- 26 Feb. 1926. ered especially important as he was icy, 1924–29’, p. 278. 53 Denbighshire County Record Office, the representative of a famous Lib- 32 Reform Club, London, W. Mc Eager Ruthin, Denbighshire Conservative eral county family, was himself the Papers 5, note of meeting on negotia- Association Records, minute book, owner of the extensive Killerton tions, 2 Dec. 1925. Eager was the sec- minutes of meetings, 30 Sept. and 20 Park estate in Devon, and was the retary to the Liberal Land Enquiry. Dec. 1927. chairman of the influential Agricul- A breakdown of the extended 54 Walter Runciman, speech to the tural Organisation Society. Moreo- negotiations is also available in the Eighty Club dinner at the National ver he had served throughout its Parliamentary Archive, House of Liberal Club, London, 26 Jan. 1926, existence as a key member of the Lords, London, Lloyd George Papers and J. R. Clynes, speech at York, 26 Liberal Land Committee and had G/30/4/54, Harcourt Johnstone to Jan. 1926: The Times, 27 Jan. 1926, p. personally drafted several sections Lloyd George, 1 Dec. 1925. 9, col. d. of the report. Another long-term 33 John Davies, ‘The end of the great 55 Liberal Magazine, Jan. 1926. member of the committee, C. F. G. estates and the rise of freehold farm- 56 Liberal Magazine, March 1926. Masterman, also readily weighed in ing in Wales’, Welsh History Review, 57 Newcastle-upon-Tyne University to defend the ‘Green Book’ propos- vol. 7, no. 2 (Dec. 1974), pp. 193–94. Library, Walter Runciman Papers als – ‘Here is at least a courageous and 34 See the detailed statistics presented 204, H. H. Asquith to Runciman, 20 practicable scheme for the redemp- ibid., p. 212. Feb. 1926, as cited in Campbell, Lloyd tion of rural England with the assis- 35 Bodleian Library, Oxford, H. A. L. George, p. 128. tance of the whole nation. In the lack Fisher Papers, Fisher’s diary entry for 58 Manchester Guardian, 20 Feb. 1926. of any more practical recommenda- 24 Aug. 1925. 59 Cambrian News, 22 Oct. 1926. tions it holds the field’. Manchester( 36 Bodleian Library, Oxford, Asquith 60 See Dawson, ‘The Liberal land pol- Guardian, 17 Nov. 1925). Interest- Papers, vol. 34, ff. 210–14, memo- icy, 1924–29’, p. 280. ingly, both Acland and Masterman randum by Sir Alfred Mond, 8 61 Election address of Captain Alan were traditionally political enemies Aug. 1925, ‘Some notes on the pro- Graham, Conservative candidate for of Lloyd George, as indeed was Ellis posed new land policy of Mr. Lloyd Denbighshire, May 1929. W. Davies, the Liberal MP for Den- George’. See also Hector Bolitho, 62 L. Forestier-Walker, speech at Aber- bighshire since 1923. (See J. Graham Sir Alfred Mond: first Lord Melchett gavenny, 29 May 1929: Western Mail, Jones, ‘Ellis W. Davies MP and Den- (Secker, 1930), pp. 258–64. 30 May 1929; John Coventry, speech bighshire politics, 1923–9’, Denbigh- 37 Carmarthen Journal, 11 Jan. 1926. at Talley, Carmarthenshire, 14 May shire Historical Society Transactions 59 38 Daily Telegraph, 26 Jan. 1926. 1929: Carmarthen Journal, 17 May (2011), pp. 207–41). Lloyd George’s 39 D. M. Harries, ‘Carmarthen Politics: 1929. conscious decision to include old the struggle between Liberals and 63 See J. Graham Jones, David Lloyd political adversaries on his land com- Labour, 1918–60’, unpublished Uni- George and Welsh Liberalism (National mittee is interesting. (See Campbell, versity of Wales M.A. thesis (1980), Library of Wales, 2010), p. 278. Lloyd George, p. 99). pp. 31–32. 23 Manchester Guardian, 29 Nov. 1925. 40 NLW, Lord Davies of Llandinam 24 British Museum, London, C. P. Scott Papers file A1/6, David Davies to Papers 50,907/171–82, diary entry for Richard Jones, 14 July 1926 (copy).

36 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 Richard Livsey died in September 2010. He was elected Liberal MP for Brecon & Radnor in the 1985 by-election, lost the seat in 1992 and then regained it in 1997. On standing down in 2001, he was ennobled as Baron Livsey of Talgarth. He led the Welsh Liberal Democrats from 1988 to 1992 and from 1997 to 2001. As well as being a central figure in Welsh Liberal politics, his main success was to build Brecon & Radnor into a Liberal Democrat stronghold; it is now represented by Kirsty Williams in the Welsh Assembly and by Roger Williams in Westminster. Russell Deacon interviewed him in March 2003. Richard Livsey

What are your earliest political The big influence on the Liber- him as he was conducting a Com- memories? als was T. O. Davies, Principal of mission on the establishment of an I can recall the 1945 general Tregan College, an active Liberal Agricultural College for Wales. election when I was ten years by nature and family tradition, a Although we didn’t speak much old. My memories of the time are Nonconformist. In rural Wales politics, I was impressed by him around the Brecon and Radnor the Nonconformists were Liberal, both as a speaker and listener. constituency. In that wartime elec- in Glamorgan and Monmouth- Another Liberal I came a cross tion, a former miner, Tudor Wat- shire and industrial areas they were was Roderic Bowen MP (Cardi- kins, was the victorious Labour Labour. Politics at that time had ganshire 1945–1966). He was very candidate. Oscar Guest was the polarised into Labour and Liberal good speaker at Liberal Party Conservative candidate. He had areas depending on your religion. meetings, but his legal career inter- previously been the Coalition fered with his political life. He had Liberal MP for Loughborough What are your earliest campaigning established a good reputation for and was a first cousin of Winston memories? helping campaign on social issues. Churchill. To a ten year old he I think they were the direct When he became a Deputy Speaker came across as very formal. The action campaigns in Brecon and in the House of Commons he dis- Liberal candidate, David Lewis, Radnor. These were over reservoirs tanced himself from the party in was a Breconshire county coun- they were planning to build to sup- Wales and elsewhere. We never saw cillor and later chairman of the ply water to England. I was inspired him after he lost his seat in 1966. He Education Committee. We came by the passion that those campaign- didn’t even contact Geraint How- a distant third then with less than ing had to defend the countryside ells when he won his old seat back half of the vote of Tudor Watkins. that they loved. again in 1974. Although the constituency party During this period (1945–60) I Sir Rhys Hopkin Morris was sound at that time, mainly came across a number of the Lib- (Carmarthenshire 1945–1957) was a under Alderman Lewis’s guidance, eral political legends of the post- sound middle-of-the-road Liberal. we wouldn’t fight the seat there for war period. I got to know Professor He was greatly respected across another decade. Breconshire was Seaborne Davies, the Liberal MP Wales but was, on the whole, an very political but was always split who had taken over David Lloyd independent-minded MP. Mor- three ways between the three polit- George’s old Caernarvon Boroughs ris was the first MP to make a ical parties. seat for a brief period in 1945. I met speech against the monoculture

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 37 interview: richard livsey of softwood trees when they were Scotland I fought the Perth and East the late 1960s and early 1970s gained being planted in Wales in the 1950s. Perthshire constituency in the 1970 a lot of support on Welsh issues in His concern for the countryside general election. I came fourth but the seat. Elystan Morgan was at the greatly impressed me. Both he and managed to get over 3,000 votes in a time seen as the ‘bright young hope Roderic Bowen were mainly con- traditional Unionist seat. of the Labour Party’ in Wales. Mor- cerned with their own seats and Whereas Jo Grimond had caused gan a decade before had left Plaid legal careers and therefore we didn’t something of a political revival Cymru, which caused much bitter- see them much elsewhere in Wales. in Scotland this wasn’t occurring ness amongst Plaid Cymru support- The Montgomeryshire MP in Wales. I reflected hard on what ers and therefore Geraint was able to and Liberal Party leader Clem- was happening in Scotland. Here capitalise on the Plaid Cyrmu vote. ent Davies had a huge influence on I found the organisation in many Plaid Cymru never forgave Morgan Brecon and Radnor. He was also ways similar, but the constituencies for leaving the party. Geraint was a keen on establishing a Welsh parlia- were much further ahead in their shrewd political operator, he knew ment, as was I. This appeal to the planning. In the Welsh elections exactly what was going on and drew Welsh cause meant also that natu- Geraint Howells fought Brecon and the vote to him. ral Plaid Cymru voters came over Radnor and was the first Liberal to him. Davies spoke a lot around candidate there since 1955. After his What did you do in the St David’s Day Wales about the need for a Welsh experience in Brecon and Radnor, Welsh Assembly referendum of 1979? parliament and many other Liberal Geraint decided to reorganise the I did most of my campaigning causes. Although he wasn’t always Welsh party. Policy formulation in Pembrokeshire where I had also that good a speaker, he could draw became more structured. Hooson now been selected as the parliamen- a substantial crowd. I recall one was being asked to do too much. tary candidate. Before the election meeting in 1959 in Builth Wells in He was Defence spokesman, Welsh I had spoken in a debate at Haver- which we had over 300 people in party leader and there were only six fordwest with both Dafydd Wig- attendance. Davies was also a prac- Liberal MPs at Westminster then. ley MP and Denzil Davies MP. In tical politician planning for the A Welsh Office Liberal Party the debate, because I wasn’t an MP, future. In this respect he selected headquarters was established in I ended up being the sixth speaker. Emlyn Hooson as his successor Aberystwyth, an organiser was By the time I got to speak the others three years before his death. This appointed called Emlyn Thomas. had said everything worth saying helped Emlyn build up his profile in He organised the party well for the both for and against the referen- the seat and go on to win it in 1962. first year but following that it was dum. I therefore just spoke about Our first post-war by-election win. done badly, the money dried up my rural upbringing and why I and bills weren’t paid. Thomas later would have to leave Wales to get a Your own involvement in politics up to became a Conservative and stood decent job if the Assembly wasn’t 1979? against Geraint in 1979, coming forthcoming. I went out campaign- I was asked to be a candidate in second. It was Emlyn and Hooson’s ing most often with a teacher called 1960 for Brecon and Radnor but I revival of the party that was crucial Alan Evans. He would later on that couldn’t get the money needed to in Geraint’s 1974 victory, retaking year be the unsuccessful Labour fight the seat. This meant that there the Carmarthen seat. The political candidate for Pembroke, the same was no Liberal candidate in 1964, impetus came from Emyln and the seat I was standing in (he would just as there hadn’t been one in 1959. practical from Geraint, although On the night later join the SDP). We went around The campaigning I was involved much of their campaigning only every door in Mathry trying to in was therefore nearly always in had an impact in rural Wales and we of the 1 draw up support and all said ‘no’. other constituencies. The 1966 failed to progress into urban Wales. Evans was disgusted and kept on Carmarthen by-election which In the autumn of 1973, I was March 1979 saying ‘Bloody No-voting Welsh launched Plaid Cymru’s Gwynfor interviewed by the Brecon and speakers’. We thought at least the Evans on the political scene was one Radnor Liberal Association and I at the ref- Welsh speakers would support an us Welsh Liberals felt we could have was approved as a candidate. In the Assembly but we were wrong. won. Hywel Davies, our candidate, end I had to decline their invitation erendum On the night of the 1 March was a well-known ITV commenta- because of my academic studies. I 1979 at the referendum count, I tor (also Welsh speaking, and local). then went to Reading University count, I was was the only ‘Yes’ representative at I had written a letter to Liberal to undertake an agricultural course the Tenby count. It was forty-five News the week before the election there, an MSc; during this time the the only ‘Yes’ minutes before I saw a ‘Yes’ vote. stating that the Liberals had lost lecturer Dr Noel K. Thomas was Most Liberal voters and everyone contact with the locals and there- selected to fight the Brecon and representa- else voted ‘No’. Only the box from fore couldn’t expect to win the seat. Radnor seat in 1974. In the first elec- tive at the the village of Maenclochog was This was published on the same tion that year he improved slightly overwhelming ‘Yes’. In hindsight day as the election result showed on Geraint’s 1970 result by getting Tenby count. I felt it was the wrong time for a us coming a distant third. I think nearly 20 per cent of the vote, but referendum. It was simply used as as Welsh Liberals this was probably in the second election his vote fell It was forty- a way of voting against an unpopu- our lowest point. back again. I wasn’t in Brecon and lar Labour government and Tories After being a development Radnor for that election, however, five minutes milked this fully. officer for ICI between 1961 and as I had gone to Cardigan to help In that year’s election it soon 1967, I became a farm manager on Geraint Howells win the seat. He before I saw became clear that the Lib–Lab pact, Blairdrummond Estate in Perthshire defeated Elystan Morgan (Labour although it was now over, hadn’t for nearly four years. Whilst up in MP). He did this because Howells in a ‘Yes’ vote. gone down at all well in Wales. We

38 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 interview: richard livsey

Liberals were seen to prop them Years later a candidate at all. The subsequent and Cardiganshire had always had a up. We were tarred with the same bitterness between both sides took strong Liberal tradition but this was brush as Labour and as a result we there was an some time to heal, and I was instru- not the case. We hadn’t held a seat went backwards in Wales elector- mental in bringing the two sides there since before the war. ally, with Emlyn losing his Mont- assumption back together. It was at this time I was helped in winning the by- gomeryshire seat and Geraint being that I was selected to be their next election by a number of factors: our sole MP. that Brecon candidate and I started to build up • I had strong family connec- the constituency there, with the tions with the seat: my father What do you remember of the rise of and Radnor, help of Geraint. I was still, at this had been born in Brecon Alliance? time, working in the Welsh College and my mother had been a Due to the poor leadership of like Mont- of Agriculture at Llanbadarn Fawr. headmistress and a teacher Michael Foot (Bleanau Gwent) a lot gomeryshire In 1982 there was a meeting in Talgarth, a town in the people were attracted to the new of the Boundary Commission to constituency. politics of the Liberals. The SDP and Cardi- review the boundaries of Mont- • I had built up the constituency were a totally different type of peo- gomeryshire, and Brecon and Rad- organisation and had spent the ple. Some were quite aggressive; ganshire had norshire. This was in Llandrindod previous two years both get- others were quite friendly; many had Wells. Labour wanted the existing ting to know the constituency absolutely no experience of politics always had boundaries kept. This included the and getting those in the con- at all. What they did give us was an strong Labour supporting areas of stituency to be aware of me. important new impetus. This was a strong Lib- Brynmawr and Cefn Coed (Mer- • I was able to get the full sup- because many were active in the thyr Tydfil). There were about port of the Liberal-Alliance world of business and they also had a eral tradition 10,000 Labour votes there. Tom and able to get the help of large membership on the ground in Hooson, the sitting Conserva- one the most senior Liberals, the south-Wales urban constituencies but this was tive MP argued for Brecon to go Andrew Ellis, as my agent. which we hadn’t been in for decades. in with Monmouth, which would • The successful review of the They were also well up in publish- not the case. have created an enormous Con- boundaries had removed a lot ing, printing and campaigning tech- servative stronghold. Radnorshire of the Labour vote and made niques, which the Liberals in Wales We hadn’t would go to Montgomery, which the seat far more vulnerable to often lacked. The balance of mem- would make Montgomery a Con- the Liberal vote. bership in rural seats, however, still held a seat servative seat. Councillor Gareth • The previous Labour candi- remained predominantly Liberal. In Morgan and myself both submit- date, David Morris, who had Brecon and Radnorshire, for exam- there since ted evidence saying ‘this is ridicu- come second in the seat in ple, I recall there were 150 Liberal before the lous, there are five local authorities 1983, had now been elected members in and 1983 and twenty- currently operating in Brecon and to the European Parliament. seven SDP. In a 1981 I became war. Radnorshire and the new constitu- This meant that Labour’s new Brecon and Radnor candidate. ency should follow the boundaries candidate Dr Richard Wil- In 1982 there was a by-election of the existing county’. This was ley would not have the time in the Gower constituency caused what the Commission implemented to develop the constituency. by the death of the Labour MP, and the result was that the political In addition Willey was clos- Ifor Davies. It was the first trial centre of gravity was changed away eted from the press through of strength for the SDP in Wales. from the Labour urban areas to the much of the campaign, as the This was very much an SDP elec- rural ones. Then in the following Labour Party had become fear- tion; Mark Soady was probably the year’s election I came a close third ful of what it saw as a mainly election agent. The campaign was to Labour’s David Morris, yet Tom Tory press. Perhaps this was run by the SDP, with the Liberals Hooson still had a massive majority something to with Peter Man- only helping to campaign. How- of nearly 9,000 votes. delson, as this was also his first ever, Gwynoro Jones, the SDP For the more famous 1985 by- election contest for Labour. candidate, was still remembered as election I had already been work- • The final piece of good news Labour defector and the Conserva- ing the seat for some time. I was was the fact that although the tive candidate was able to split the still working in Aberystwyth prior Welsh Conservatives wanted vote between us and them. The fact to the by-election. I was walking the election in September or that Gareth Wardell, the Labour down The Parade when a car pulled October in order to build up candidate, was known in the seat up and the window rolled down. It the chances for there candi- beforehand (he had been agent was Geraint Howells. He told me date, Dr Chris Butler, the there) helped Labour. He was also that Tom Hooson was seriously ill Conservative government quite popular locally. Thatcher’s and that I should prepare for a by- actually moved the writ on 10 post-Falklands-War popularity also election. He was right, as Hooson June for it to be on 4 July. But- helped split the vote to the Tories. died shortly afterwards. ler had no direct link with the Gwynoro came second with a quar- At the end of May I was selected constituency and would be ter of the vote but he was still way as the Liberal candidate for the unable to build much of a rap- behind Wardell. seat once more. Geraint backed me port with the voters in the few from the very start of the campaign weeks he had left to campaign. How did you progress into Brecon and to its end, he always insisted that During the campaign we concen- Radnor as the candidate? we could do it. Years later there trated our campaigning against In 1979, the constituency had was an assumption that Brecon and the Conservatives. Towards the been split as to whether to select Radnor, like Montgomeryshire end of the campaign the polls were

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 39 interview: richard livsey indicating that it was between us with a split between the north and I was a close In the Monmouthshire by-elec- and Labour. We made sure that we south. I was keen to remove this tion, Frances David was suitable for visited every farm and house in the barrier: I wanted to get rural and friend of a largely rural seat like this. She was constituency. Something the oth- urban members in – and to get more an excellent candidate and a sea- ers just didn’t do. David Steel was women in. When I was leader more Alan Beith soned campaigner. People were fed really supportive in the campaign women contested elections for the up with the Tories at this time and and attracted huge crows to listen Liberals than ever before. This but I still they came across to us in droves. to him speak. When the election helped them get valuable experience This was a much more rural seat occurred on ‘Independence Day’, although it wasn’t until 1999 and the believed that like those we held in Mid Wales and 4 July 1985, we beat Labour by 554 Welsh Assembly elections that we we felt at home here. Frances’s vote votes. The Tories were more than got our first females elected. Ashdown reflected this fact. 3,000 votes behind. This was a great had greater election victory not only for me Why were you the only Welsh MP in In the 1992 general election you lost your and the Welsh Liberals, but also for 1988 not to support Alan Beith in the potential. He seat and Geraint Howells lost his Cere- the Alliance across the UK. federal leadership election over Paddy digion seat. Why was this? Ashdown? was a differ- In Brecon and Radnorshire our What do you remember of the 1987 gen- I was a close friend of Alan Beith vote actually increased, but so did eral election and the subsequent Liberal– but I still believed that Ashdown ent kind of the Conservatives’, which meant SDP merger? had greater potential. He was a dif- that Jonathan Evans won. I felt that I think it would have been bet- ferent kind of leader. Steel had got leader. the issue of hunting had been the ter in 1987 if there had been no involved in Wales during election decisive factor. The Tories cam- independent SDP. The Alliance times; his helicopter tours to Cere- paigned on this issue strongly. I had was no longer as strong as it had digion during election time were always been pro-hunting but this been, and standing as a Liberal very useful. Ashdown was much didn’t become evident enough in candidate proved to be of a better more active within Wales, though. the campaign and it cost me the vital advantage. We no longer had the There was a large Liberal faction votes I needed to keep the seat. Also, money and resources we once had. in favour of Beith in Wales, as he during the campaign I put too much Both Labour and the Conservatives was seen as a traditional Liberal. time in as the Welsh party leader in heavily outspent us in this election Ashdown’s disciplined lifestyle, other constituencies. This was at the in Wales and the results showed. however, had made him a greater expense of my own constituency We had to merge because there political force. Therefore I got and my support there suffered. was no longer any reason to be involved in Ashdown’s campaign In Ceredigion it was felt that apart. The Liberals, however, from the very start. During the Geraint had stood for one elec- retained the dominant position in campaign we met in his flat in Lon- tion too many. Plaid Cymru also Wales. The SDP weren’t able to don every morning. Thankfully, targeted the constituency and the get any MPs and few councillors although the first few years were hunting issue was important there elected in Wales. Although most not that fruitful, Ashdown’s leader- too, transferring some votes to the of the SDP merged in Wales eas- ship provided us with some of our Tories. We also had no idea that ily, the continued existence of the greatest post-war successes. there would be such a surge in the Owenites mudded the waters. At Plaid Cymru vote. It was one of the the Richmond by-election in Eng- In the 1989 Pontypridd by-election largest swings to Plaid Cymru up land, the SDP helped the Liber- Tom Ellis lost his deposit; Frank Levers until that time. als lose and William Hague get lost his in the 1989 Vale of Glamorgan in for the Conservatives. There by-election. Yet Frances David gained How did you regain your Brecon and was also a huge hostility to them a quarter of the vote in the 1991 Mon- Radnorshire seat in 1997? across Wales. Many in the Labour mouth by-election. Why was this? After my defeat I spent a lot of Party hated what they saw as the I went and campaigned in all time unemployed before I was able ‘SDP traitors’. Liberals were not three of these Welsh by-elections, to find some work with the Agri- treated with the same brush and we on an almost daily basis. In Pon- cultural Training Board. Then in retained more cordial relations with typridd, Labour’s Dr Kim How- 1985 I left the board and spent the Labour MPs. ells was a seen as being a very good next two and a half years working candidate and a hard act to defeat. in the constituency. Both the Welsh Why did you become leader of the Welsh Although the seat had a strong Lib- and the Federal party targeted the party in 1988? eral tradition, Tom Ellis was seen as seat, which gave us a lot of resource I said that the leadership was an outsider from the SDP. Labour there. We were also able to do a pri- too early for me at this time, but resented this former Labour MP vate opinion poll in the seat that Geraint Howells insisted. I wanted standing in the seat and this made meant we could target the messages the party to be a great deal more them campaign all the harder. we needed to win the seat. The three organised. I wanted it to cover the In the Vale of Glamorgan, Frank agents I had in my career at Brecon whole of Wales. I wanted to get Levers’ lost deposit was quite a and Radnorshire – Willie Griffith MPs elected in Cardiff, Swansea shock. The SDP had done well in in 1983, Celia Thomas in 1987 and and Wrexham to join the rural Lib- the seat in 1987 general election. 1992, and finally James Gibson Watt eral Democrats. The old division in But for this election there were not in 1997 – were also instrumental in Wales, which had occurred between enough activists in the constitu- winning back the seat. When [in the North and South Wales Liberals ency and this was reflected in the 1997] the result was announced the federations continued in practice, poor vote. following day, it was the last result

40 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 in Wales. My victory there ensured that Wales became ‘Tory free’ for the first time since 1906. Report

What was your role in the 1997 Welsh Assembly referendum? This referendum and the result- Survival and Success: Twenty-Five Years of ing ‘Yes’ vote majority, which led the Liberal Democrats to the establishment of the Welsh Assembly, was the height of my Conference fringe meeting, 15 September 2013, with political career. During the campaign the political parties worked Duncan Brack, John Curtice, Mark Pack and Julie Smith; well together. The eastern part of chair: Lord Ashdown Wales in this campaign was still largely hostile to the idea of a Welsh Report by Douglas Oliver Assembly. We had to campaign therefore to try and get as much of n Sunday 15 September councillor and vice-chair of the the ‘Yes’ vote out as possible. The 2013, at the Liberal Dem- Federal Policy Committee. legacy of Tory rule in Wales helped Oocrat Conference in Glas- Duncan Brack outlined the the ‘Yes’ campaign. The organisa- gow, the History Group celebrated scope of discussion. The seminar tion of the ‘Yes’ campaign was also the party’s first quarter-century was designed to help build on top- much better than the ‘No’ cam- with a discussion of its successes and ics discussed in the History Group’s paign. All of this helped us get a failures, across a series of key crite- 2011 book Peace, Reform and Libera- narrow ‘Yes’ win. ria, in the years from its foundation tion and help ferment the thoughts on 3 March 1988. of three of the speakers, in readi- Did you consider standing for the Welsh Introducing the meeting from ness for their contribution to a Assembly elections? the chair, Paddy Ashdown – who forthcoming special edition of the I had considered standing myself was elected the party’s first leader in Journal. for the Assembly but I felt I would July 1988 – spoke of the importance In broad terms, Brack outlined I would be too old to stand in the of history and of his admiration for six key reasons for the party’s sur- 2003 elections, which was the the group’s study of Liberal Demo- vival and improved circumstances first opportunity I had to stand crat history: ‘If we don’t remem- from its unpropitious beginning in down from Westminster. There ber our past we are condemned to 1988. First, local government rep- would have been no point in start- repeat it!’ Ashdown reminded the resentation: the growing town hall ing a political career then. For the 100-strong audience at the Campa- base throughout the 1990s served as 1999 Assembly elections I thought nile Hotel that the difficulties of the an important positive-conditioning Roger Williams would be the can- party’s early years cast the party’s factor affecting voters’ attitudes didate for Brecon and Radnor- current mid-term-government to the party. Second, Westminster shire. In the event Kirsty Williams unpopularity into a relatively posi- by-elections: victories in places became the candidate because she tive light; in the late 1980s, after the like Eastbourne in 1990 and Brent had campaigned so effectively in party’s formation from the rem- East in 2006 were instrumental in winning the nomination in 1998. nants of the Alliance, the position developing the party’s momentum of the Social and Liberal Demo- and confidence. Third, targeting: In the 1999 Federal leadership elec- crats in one opinion poll was above a better focus on areas of political tion, why did you back Kennedy when zero by a statistically insignificant potential helped the party over- the bulk of the Welsh party supported amount, and in the spring of 1989, come its long-standing problem of Hughes? the party fell below the Green vote dispersal. Fourth, leadership: I was a good personal friend of Party in elections to the European the largely positive images held by Simon Hughes. He was also a good Parliament. Liberal Democrat leaders helped the friend of the Welsh party. Charles In order to cover the scope of the party as a whole maintain a positive Kennedy, however, was a better- period, four themes were identi- image. Fifth, policy: this provided a known television performer and fied for discussion: party leadership; constructive foundation to back up he presented himself as a good psephology; the nature of the Lib- and strengthen the public’s favour- and popular leader. He had a good eral Democrat voter; and the evolu- able impression of the party. Finally, knowledge of the rural economy, tion in campaigning and the shape the decline of two-party politics: a which was import to both me and of policy. The four topics were broader factor affecting the party’s Brecon and Radnorshire. I felt he introduced respectively by Duncan status – and reinforced by the image was ‘the right man for the time’. Brack, current vice-chair of the Lib- of the party as seeking to rise above eral Democrat Federal Policy Com- class politics – was the electorate’s Professor Russell Deacon is lecturer in mittee; well-known psephologist increasing eschewal of the Con- Politics and History at Coleg Gwent Professor John Curtice, of the Uni- servative and Labour parties, whose and an Honorary Research Fellow at versity of Strathclyde; Mark Pack, combined vote share fell to below Swansea University. He has written former editor of the Liberal Demo- two-thirds of the total in 2010. extensively on Welsh Liberal and Lib- crat Voice blog and head of digital Focusing on leadership, Brack eral Democrat history, including a full campaigning in the 2005 elec- argued that the media shadow cast history of the party. tion; and Julie Smith, Cambridge by the Conservative and Labour

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 41 report: survival and success – twenty-five years of the liberal democrats parties, and Britain’s consequent drift’. While Kennedy was lucky Democrats’ overall campaign strat- ‘two-and-a-half-party’ system, with events, such as the other two egy, Pack emphasised the impor- meant that the role of Liberal parties’ support for the unpopu- tance of the party’s neighbourhood Democrat leader was particularly lar Iraq War, and although he brand of politics, citing it as a key crucial. Leading a ‘liberal’ party responded well to urgent political reason for the party’s development was, he noted, perhaps inevitably priorities, he was prone to extended and electoral success since 1988. He difficult to manage. As Ashdown periods of inertia during times also hailed the radical impact the had described upon his retirement of relative political quiet. In 2005 Liberal Democrat approach has had from the role in 1999: ‘[Liberal there was a feeling that although on the way the other parties now Democrats are] inveterately scep- the general election had brought fight campaigns: ‘we may not have tical of authority, often exasper- modest political progress, the party broken the mould of politics [as the ating to the point of dementia, as could have done better if the leader Gang of Four hoped in 1981], but difficult to lead where they don’t had shown greater drive. Whilst we have broken the mould of cam- want to go as a mule …’. In order to Leading Kennedy was of course affected by paigning in this country’. overcome these challenges, Brack his drinking problems, Brack felt In the present period, the Lib- outlined a series of key competen- a ‘liberal’ that his difficulties as leader were eral Democrats use ‘micro-target- cies for a potential job brief: inter- not due to primarily to alcolho, but ing’ to focus on issues that affect nal and external communication party was, were inherent, particularly in the people in a small area and are very skills, a distinct message, manage- period after 2003. Ashdown con- local to people’s lives. So-called ment skills, self-belief, and stam- he noted, tested certain aspects of Brack’s ‘pavement politics’ has been spear- ina. Finally, it was important that analysis, stating his belief that Ken- headed by the Focus leaflet, writ- despite the party’s occasional dis- perhaps nedy ‘was a brilliant communica- ing about issues such as local public dain, and as long as the member- tor, well suited to the times’. transport and potholes in the roads. ship could at least show respect for inevitably Brack was more positive about Pack acknowledged that the tone their leader, the critical factor in the the leadership of Menzies Camp- of such campaigning is often not as party–leader relationship was that difficult to bell, Kennedy’s successor in 2006, ‘aspirational’ as Liberal Democrats the leader loved their party and its despite his lack of luck with the might like: ‘We want to change the principles, rather than necessarily manage. As political weather. Campbell was a world’. However, the evolution in the other way around. much better party manager, imple- campaigning since 1988 had left With Paddy Ashdown sitting Ashdown had menting policy changes in areas a transformative legacy, and was, beside him, Brack praised the for- such as taxation, climate change, Pack felt, central to Liberal Demo- mer Yeovil MP for the extent to described energy and schooling, that went on crat success in 2010. Pack explained which he matched this job descrip- to become key elements of govern- that, until the 1970s, Liberals fight- tion. His effective communication upon his ment policy after the 2010 election. ing in target seats would typically skills, and his immense energy and retirement However, Brack felt that Camp- only deliver three leaflets during enthusiasm had served as a catalyst bell was ultimately hamstrung a whole campaign. Today, in such in pulling the party upward from from the role by communication failures in his battleground constituencies, daily its low post-merger base. Though early period as leader, and brutal delivery rounds to each address are reform in Westminster failed – the in 1999: ‘[Lib- treatment at the hands of the press, very common. key goal of ‘The Project’, initi- which meant that his successes were Another big change in campaign ated by Ashdown and Tony Blair eral Demo- never sufficiently appreciated. Ash- strategy over recent decades, accel- – following the Labour landslide down asserted at this point that erated since 1988, is the way that the in 1997, with hindsight his efforts crats are] leaders takes two forms: ‘position- Liberal Democrats now focus on could largely be considered, Brack takers’, including the likes of Mar- seats where they might realistically felt, to be a worthwhile gamble. inveterately garet Thatcher, David Owen and win. Pack explained that ‘targeting’ Brack gave a more variable himself – taking positions and had begun in the early 1970s under assessment of Charles Kennedy, sceptical of sticking to them – and ‘position- Jeremy Thorpe, but it was on a who succeeded Ashdown in August ers’, of whom Kennedy and David small scale compared to the strategy 1999. Positing an ‘iron law’ of poli- authority, Steel were strong examples, care- the Liberal Democrats developed in tics, he argued that parties tended fully positioning the party to its the 1990s. As a result of it, the party to choose leaders as different as often exas- best advantage in the political envi- was able to overcome its problem possible from their predecessors. ronment. Ultimately, Ashdown of vote dispersal, achieving a 1997 Where Ashdown was driven and perating to claimed, the party benefited from breakthrough result which dou- intense, Kennedy was relaxed and the sagacious choice of the party bled its Westminster representation, laid-back. He could, neverthe- the point of membership: ‘they have always despite actually losing over 1 per less, be a good communicator who dementia, as made an excellent choice of leader!’ cent of its nationwide vote share. came across as an ‘ordinary guy’. Mark Pack contributed to Peace, Like Columbus’ upright egg, While Brack felt that Kennedy difficult to Reform and Liberation, and is well such changes seem obvious with the demonstrated notably sound stra- known within the party for his benefit of hindsight, but required tegic judgement with his decision lead where political blogging and his expertise vision and foresight to secure their to abandon the Joint Consultative in political campaigns. In 2012 he initial adoption. That said, Pack Committee with Labour after 2001, they don’t released his book 101 Ways to Win an identified four factors that had and to tackle the Tories successfully Election, inspired in part by his years changed in recent years, and which at the Romsey by-election in 2000, want to go as of experience working in cam- previously might have precluded his leadership was – he believed paigns at Liberal Democrat head the current Liberal Democrat – often ‘unfocused and prone to a mule …’. office. In considering the Liberal campaign strategy. First, election

42 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 report: survival and success – twenty-five years of the liberal democrats swings were more uniform in poll, which accurately predicted Pack con- However, this was little more than immediate post-war period: with the party’s loss of seats; he began incidental, as by the start of this voter allegiance to the other two his discussion by describing how cluded that decade, it was very unclear that parties based more tightly on class he had followed the fortunes of the there was any significant sense of than it is today, it was harder to party and its rivals, from a disinter- the catalysts Nonconformist identity left within woo a more limited pool of float- ested vantage point, for much of his the UK: ‘it is not a reflection of ing voters. In contrast to much of professional life. Curtice stated that involved in Liberalism – in truth there are few the last century, voters are now he wished to use the discussion to Nonconformists left!’ more open to partisan heteroge- delineate the evolution of the par- bringing Curtice argued that the evolu- neity and therefore more open to ty’s vote since the late 1980s. tion of the party on the left–right effective targeting. Second, defeat Describing the typical percep- about the and big state–small state spectrum bred a defeatist attitude: where tion of the party at its inception, revolution in was one of the most interesting expectations were low, even run- Curtice argued that the Liberal dynamics since 1987. In that year’s ning a candidate in a constituency Democrats saw themselves as anti- the party’s election, polling evidence indi- was considered a form of success class, and consequently lacked a cated that the typical Alliance voter – as late as 1970, the Liberals only definite social constituency, hoping campaign was to the left of the Conservatives contested 322 Westminster seats. to be equally popular (or unpopu- and to the right of Labour, near the Finally, and perhaps counter-intu- lar) throughout the country, and strategy middle of the political compass, itively, the quirky nature of larger- across its demographic groupings. but still slightly closer to the lat- than-life personalities like Clement Seeking to appeal to the entire were the per- ter than the former. Nonetheless Freud or Cyril Smith, had disad- population from a position in the Curtice stated that it was a myth vantages, as it led to a false sense political centre ground, the party sonal drive of that the Tory success in the 1980s that without a stand-out personal- was consequently prone to unique was caused by the Alliance splitting ity, the party was unable to repli- challenges and opportunities; one Paddy Ash- the vote. The conception from the cate success elsewhere. facet of this was that it accrued 1950s and 1960s, that the Old Liber- Pack concluded that the cata- advantages in terms of public polit- down and als were allied to Toryism, retained lysts involved in bringing about the ical sympathy, but disadvantages in some salience in the public mind: revolution in the party’s campaign terms of a lack of political distinc- chief execu- 52 per cent of Liberal and SDP vot- strategy were the personal drive of tiveness. Thinly dispersed around ers in 1983 said their second choice Paddy Ashdown and chief execu- the nation, the Liberal Democrat tive Chris would have been Conservative, tive Chris Rennard in the 1990s. vote also appeared volatile and compared to a figure 20 per cent Thanks to their focus on the cam- uncommitted: ‘it was often a pro- Rennard in lower for the Labour Party. paign methods described above, test – a point of departure – with the 1990s. However, things changed the party was able to treble its ratio the result that most people had throughout the 1990s, and the par- of seats to vote share in 1997. Pack voted Lib Dem at some point in Thanks to ty’s previous aim of equidistance lauded their commitment to pro- their lives; just not, unfortunately, was abandoned progressively dur- viding support from the centre all at the same time!’ their focus ing the leadership of Paddy Ash- while balancing the need for local Curtice sought to examine these down. In 1992 the party decided to campaign groups to focus on issues perceptions and whether they had on the focus on raising income tax to fund flexibly and independently. Ulti- changed in recent years. Whilst education; in the run-up to the 1997 mately, the change of gear in cam- stating that there was not much campaign election, Ashdown talked openly paigning over the quarter-century difference between Lib Dem sup- about a new form of progressive to 2013 altered British politics sig- port amongst ABC and DE vot- methods politics to usurp Conservatism. nificantly: although a coalition ers in 1987 – 26 per cent to 20 per The growing focus on anti-Con- might have occurred without it, cent – he felt that the slight empha- described servatism and social liberalism Pack felt it was unlikely that the sis toward the former reflected the was reflected, Curtice argued, in Liberal Democrats would have had relative attachment of the party above, the the voting patterns shown at the so much leverage over Conserva- to the middle classes, and this had 1997 election: 64 per cent of Lib- tive policy in the absence of the not changed during the last quar- party was eral Democrat voters stated that Lib Dem MPs elected as a result of ter-century. By 2010, however, their second alternative would be it. As testament to this change, the 33 per cent of those who had been able to treble Labour. This trend developed fur- big campaign danger for the Lib- university educated voted Liberal ther once Tony Blair’s government eral Democrats, Pack felt, looking Democrat, while amongst those its ratio of took office, and in the years sur- to 2015 and beyond, is that the two with no educational qualifications seats to vote rounding the Iraq War and Charles other parties will learn from its suc- at all the party received only 14 Kennedy’s leadership, the party cess, and start utilising ‘two-horse per cent. The connection between share in 1997. faced the 2001 and 2005 elections race’ bar charts of their own. the party and the educated middle aiming at a similar centre-left voter Professor John Curtice is a classes therefore remained close, at ‘market’ to Labour. nationally renowned psephologist, least until 2010. Another factor that Curtice determined that this based at Strathclyde University. remained unchanged, obviously, perceived movement to the centre- Ashdown introduced him by say- was the even geographical dispersal left and statism, intentional or oth- ing that he spoke with the kind of of the party’s vote. erwise, made the party extremely authority and sagacity that always The biggest change that Curtice vulnerable when it came to sharing made his ‘ears prick up’. Curtice said he could identify in twenty- power with Britain’s main party of was an architect of the famously five years was the loss of alignment the centre-right. Despite the slight precise 2010 general election exit with the Nonconformist vote. rightward evolution of the party’s

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 43 report: survival and success – twenty-five years of the liberal democrats political platform under Menzies time in ninety years, Liberals will from Labour in 2005, in part due Campbell and Nick Clegg – which have the chance to talk about the to the Liberal Democrat stance on saw social democratic policies like positive policies we have imple- that issue, was one of several exam- the 50p tax rate on earnings over mented in government; as the elec- ples around the country where the £100,000 dropped – the party’s tion gets closer it is our job to make party’s policy had intersected with ‘market’ in the electorate was still that message clearer’. the public mood to achieve tangi- seen as being much more similar to Cambridge councillor and aca- ble political success. She contrasted Labour’s and the left. This meant, demic Julie Smith offered con- this with examples of policy that in Curtice’s view, that adapting cluding remarks about the party’s the party had failed on, such as the economic policy in the late summer policy-making process, and the infamous pledge to block tuition fee of 2010 in line with the plans of the degree to which the party’s various rises in 2010. deficit-focused Tories was always stances intersect with the imagi- In conclusion, Smith argued that likely to be difficult. nation and awareness of the wider the party had to retain its opposition In this context, Curtice deliv- public. Smith pointed out that to the curtailment of individual lib- ered a conclusion almost totally each member of the panel, with the erty ‘by poverty, ignorance, or con- lacking in political sanguinity exception of Curtice, had at one formity’, as stated in the preamble for the Liberal Democrats. In his point served on the party’s Federal to its constitution. She felt that sup- view, over the twenty-five-year Policy Committee. She felt that porting this framework of liberal period the party had made virtu- from that position of relative politi- philosophy with strong policy was ally no progress in terms of reduc- cal enthusiasm, it was possible to lose particularly relevant now, when in ing its electoral volatility, and in empathy with a public that is some- government, as the Conservative relying too much on the politics times apparently apathetic to party element of the coalition sought to of protest, the party had become politics. Indeed, she even found that exercise its own tendencies towards extremely vulnerable to the chal- the abstruse nature of policy-mak- reaction, particularly in policy areas lenges of incumbency once it ing was occasionally off-putting such as crime and immigration. entered government. Acknowledg- to regular party delegates: when The broad discussion was fol- ing the importance of local gov- discussing her policy specialism lowed by a brief question and ernment power, as described by – international affairs – at federal answer session, which could have Brack and Pack, Curtice pointed conference, she would often speak lasted longer if the conference out that most of the party’s progress to a largely empty hall. In that con- schedule had allowed. Looking since the 1970s at town hall level text, it was vital that the party made ahead to 2015, Paddy Ashdown con- had been all but removed by mid- policy that was clear and accessible cluded on a bullish note. Accord- term hammerings in 2011, 2012 and to the wider public. Related to that, ing to Lord Ashcroft, polling in the 2013. One third of the whole Lib- Smith felt, it was vital that policy seats in which the party is second to eral Democrat voter base from 2010 was not only clearly enunciated the Tories show the Liberal Demo- was now inclined to vote Labour. and expressed, but that the party’s crat vote remaining apparently Curtice accepted that the party policy-making process needed to robust, with only 1 per cent of the was performing better in areas maintain its uniquely democratic vote lost compared to 2010. Look- with incumbent MPs and an asso- foundation – an unusual feature, ing to the next quarter-century, ciated favourable political ‘micro- compared to the other two parties. Ashdown was bullish too. Where climate’, but the difference was, so Within her own field of personal the party works hard it tends to far, very small: in seats with MPs interest, Smith highlighted the role win: ‘our [political] market is the Lib Dem vote has declined by of the 2003 Iraq War in demonstrat- strong, because our principles are’. 10.5 per cent, compared to an aver- ing the values and principles of the age national drop of 12 per cent. party, pointing out that her con- Douglas Oliver is Secretary of the Lib- The only thin lining of silver that stituency of Cambridge, gained eral Democrat History Group. Curtice claimed to be able to offer was the fact that the Tory boundary review had been stopped, thus pre- Liberal Democrat History Group online serving the existing constituency boundaries in which local Liberal Email Democrat MPs can foster their Join our email mailing list for news of History Group meetings and publications – the fastest and earliest community’s affection. way to find out what we’re doing. Fill in the form at: http://bit.ly/LDHGemail. Paddy Ashdown (who is leading the party’s 2015 election campaign) Website accepted the difficult situation Cur- See www.liberalhistory.org.uk for details of our activities and publications, guides to archive sources, tice described, but challenged the research resources, and a growing number of pages on the history of the party. degree of his pessimism. Whilst incumbency can lead to the charge Facebook page of culpability in a nation’s difficulty, News of the latest meeting and publications, and a discussion forum: it also provides the potential boon www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup. of enhanced credibility – a particular asset for the Liberal Democrats Twitter who had often been tarred with the The History Group is now on Twitter! A daily posting of Liberal events on this day in history. Follow us at: accusation of being a ‘wasted vote’. LibHistoryToday. Ashdown declared that ‘for the first

44 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 scope of authors means that those who wish to craft speeches should Reviews be able to find suitable quotations to pepper their prose, whatever their style may be. Equally, those looking for suitably spiked retorts Of Liberals and Liberalism could do a lot worse than to dwell Duncan Brack (ed.), The Dictionary of Liberal Quotations around the pages dedicated to Vio- let Bonham-Carter. (Biteback Publishing, 2013) I suspect that some copies will Reviewed by Sam Barratt have inevitably have some sections more thumbed than others – which is probably unavoidable in a book ublished by Biteback in aim more effectively – though this that includes Adam Smith and Karl paperback, this second edi- would break with the form of a Marx, which is in part the enjoy- Ption of The Dictionary of Lib- dictionary! ment in reading. Alongside quota- eral Quotations has seen a sizeable This is, it should be conceded, tions that some readers will find overhaul from the original (1999) nit-picking. Most sections in themselves reciting before they volume, with around a fifth of the the book feel well balanced, and have got beyond the first word book being new material. The vol- while some sections are notice- are more unusual examples from ume itself stands at some just over ably substantial, the quality of authors whose identification relies 400 pages and is part of Biteback’s quotes included seldom wanes. on the accompanying biographical trilogy of political dictionaries Whilst I suspect personal prefer- summary. which also encompasses a Dictionary ence would see some readers hap- Whether it is something that of Conservative Quotations and a Dic- pily abridge some areas, the editors is dipped in and out of, or heav- tionary of Labour Quotations. have afforded similar space to com- ily annotated and ‘borrowed from’ Since the 1999 offering, the Lib- parable figures for the most part, when someone else has encapsulated eral Democrats have entered gov- something I imagine to be a diffi- an idea in words that just resonate ernment and amongst more recent cult task. that little bit more, it is a book that examples of quotations from party What is especially striking anyone with an interest in liberalism figures such as Paddy Ashdown, about this collection is the breadth and liberal history will find value in. Shirley Williams and an expanded of figures quoted, from the thir- selection for Menzies Campbell, teenth-century Persian poet Sa’di Sam Barratt is Treasurer of the Liberal new additions include Nick Clegg, – ‘The hand of liberality is stronger Democrat History Group and is study- Kirsty Williams and Tim Far- than the arm of power’ – through ing for a PhD at the University of Leeds, ron. There are also new additions to Voltaire – ‘I disapprove of what focusing on Liberal Democrat leadership beyond the Liberal Democrats: you say but I will defend to the and policy development. Barack Obama has been included, death your right to say it – and on Nelson Mandela’s section extended to twentieth-century British Liber- and there is also a nice selection als such as Jo Grimond – ‘You must from Aung San Suu Kyi. have some touch of idealism in poli- Looking back at Tony Greaves’ tics’ – the collection, though more review of the 1999 edition (Journal focussed than the previous edition, of Liberal History 26, spring 2000), he still draws from a wide pool of lit- will be pleased to see the removal of erature and speakers. a quotation from Mein Kampf, along Some quotes have, as with many with several others. As Duncan things, aged especially well; Paddy Brack notes in his introduction, the Ashdown’s comments to the Liberal new edition has sought to remove Democrats’ 1999 conference being quotations which he describes as one such example: ‘In Jo Grimond’s ‘generic references and vaguely rel- time we used to have a slogan: “We evant concepts’ in favour of more hate the Tories. But we distrust from liberals, Liberals and Liberal the state.” It’s not a bad one for the Democrats – though there are a years ahead.’ number of offerings from Social In terms of utility, the index, as Democrats too. Sections of the Greaves noted with the first edi- book feel richer for this approach. tion, could be improved with indi- Brack also notes the dual aim of vidual authors and themes being the book: to provide quotes from included in one list; however, with significant figures and to include a book of this style this is unlikely interesting quotes about liberalism to trouble many. and its associated themes. It is a bal- This does very much feels like ance that is struck reasonably well, a book that is to be used as much though at times one does wonder as it is enjoyed. While the con- whether a companion thematic tent will of course appeal to those chapter may convey this latter with a interest in liberalism, the

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 45 reviews

Morley and the Liberal Party nearly 600 pages and some 1,500 footnotes; Jackson draws upon Patrick Jackson, Morley of Blackburn (Fairleigh Dickinson Morley’s private papers, corre- University Press, 2012) spondence, and diaries, many of which have only recently become Reviewed by Dr Luke Blaxill available at the Bodleian Library. The book’s other major claim to originality is the detailed consid- ohn Morley (1838–1923) was Morley became Secretary of State eration it gives to three aspects of an important if occasionally for India and played a central role Morley’s life which are dealt with Joverlooked figure in late-Vic- alongside viceroy Lord Minto in unsatisfactorily in other accounts torian Liberal politics. He was a establishing a fledgling democratic – namely his literary career, his genuine intellectual who achieved government. In his final years in involvement with the Irish home high repute in both the literary frontbench politics, before resign- rule campaign, and his close rela- and political spheres without quite ing over the declaration of war tionship with Gladstone. attaining the first rank in either. with Germany in 1914, Morley There is much to commend in Morley was editor of the influen- expressed concern over some of the Morley of Blackburn. Its treatment tial progressive journal, The Fort- socialistic aspects of the emerging of Morley and Irish home rule (to nightly Review for fifteen years, New Liberalism, especially Lloyd which three chapters and over 100 between 1867 and 1882, as well as George’s People’s Budget, and was pages are devoted) is thorough and The Pall Mall Gazette in the early critical of the early Labour Party. authoritative, as is its analysis of 1880s. He was also a prolific writer Philosophically, Morley remained the impact of the writing of the of articles and books, of which the to the end very much a mid-Victo- Life of Gladstone on Morley him- best remembered is undoubtedly rian radical inspired by the legacy self, and on Liberal politics more his epic biography of his political of Cobden, Mill, and Bright, and generally when it was published in mentor, friend, and hero, William was never quite at ease with the 1903. It also deserves credit for its Ewart Gladstone. Despite his repu- statist direction that progressive close attention to Morley’s relation- tation as an intellectual (especially politics was increasingly taking. ship with his Newcastle constitu- as a Millite classical liberal and Morley’s private life was a troubled ency between 1883 and 1895, and anti-imperialist, with controver- one. Fragile physical and mental his role in electoral politics at the sial agnostic and even anti-religious health, a challenging marriage, and grassroots and nationally. This is views), Morley was also a strong prolonged quarrels with family unusual in biographies of British party man. He used his positions in members and political peers (espe- statesmen, which routinely neglect the literary world to help advance cially Chamberlain and Harcourt) or even entirely ignore elections the interests of the Liberal Party, certainly did his career no favours. especially its radical wing where his Overall, it might be said that sympathies firmly lay. Morley was not a man of new Much of Morley’s parliamen- ideas, but excelled in adapting and tary career, which began when he expressing those of others. He was was returned for Newcastle in 1883 a politician of the moment who was (at the comparatively mature age a central engine in progressive poli- of forty-five), coincided with that tics of his era, achieving fame and unhappy two-decade period in Lib- high repute as a statesman, writer, eral Party history between the great platform orator, and parliamen- home rule split of 1886 and the par- tary debater. But somehow his life ty’s re-ascent from 1906 under New and deeds did not linger in popu- Liberalism. The Liberals – shorn of lar memory. His books (with the Hartington, Goschen, Chamber- exception of his Life of Gladstone) lain, Forster, and others – were in were seldom read or reprinted after opposition for seventeen of these his death, and he inspired precious twenty years. From 1886, Morley few statues, busts, and paintings. was one of the few heavyweight In Morley of Blackburn, Patrick Jack- Liberals on a sparsely populated son has continued his commend- deck and, like his contemporary able mission of breathing new life Harcourt, devoted his best years into under-studied and passed-over to dogged opposition. He was Victorian statesmen like Morley. Gladstone’s first lieutenant in the This is book is the latest in his series doomed crusade to enact Irish home of biographies (the others being on rule, and was also notable for advo- Lord Hartington, W. E. Forster, cacy of temperance reform, and his and William and Lewis Harcourt). strong attack on what he saw as the Morley of Blackburn is the first pig-headed militaristic jingoism of biography of Morley for more Salisbury and Chamberlain, espe- than 40 years – the last being D. A. cially during the Boer War. Hamer’s Liberal Intellectual in Poli- Under Campbell-Banner- tics (Oxford, 1968). It is a dense and man’s government formed in 1905, thoroughly evidenced volume of

46 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 reviews and electioneering in favour of a Overall, a clearly complex and fragile man available. However, it is a dense and narrow focus on high-level politi- very much take a back seat to a tra- occasionally over-focused study cal manoeuvre, doctrine, and the Morley of ditional examination of his public that will (especially at this price) relationships between elites at acts and political writings. be of most interest to professional Westminster (the so-called ‘high Blackburn is Partly because of this, many historians and postgraduate stu- political’ approach). will findMorley of Blackburn a heavy dents. Jackson certainly deserves Most substantially, Morley of an authori- read. It is largely a traditional work considerable credit for writing an Blackburn challenges Hamer’s rather of ‘high politics’. There is nothing ambitious and thorough book that critical interpretation, recasting tative and wrong with that in itself (indeed, has helped reclaim Morley’s repu- Morley as a more principled and less high political works are subjected tation. But a lighter touch and a self-interested figure. His legacy, mature work to much unfair criticism) but the broader focus would have helped Jackson argues, was as an influencer of scholar- book also relies on a strong pre- both contextualise and bring to life and moulder of Liberal opinion, existing knowledge of the era, this important but rather forgotten especially during the barren years ship, and doing relatively little to illuminate statesmen for a wider audience. of opposition, whose impact was and explain the issues and contro- greater than his seemingly meagre can reason- versies that Morley wrestled with, Luke Blaxill is Visiting Research Fellow record of public achievements seem or the wider political world that he in History at King’s College London. to suggest. Morley’s suspicion of ably claim to operated in. From late 2013, he will also be the Drap- government intervention to seek Overall, Morley of Blackburn is ers’ Company Junior Research Fellow in rapid fixes to social problems also be the most an authoritative and mature work History at Herford College, Oxford. He emerges more favourably today of scholarship, and can reasonably completed his doctorate, on the language than it did in works written in the complete claim to be the most complete and of British Electoral politics, 1880–1914, more statist and sociologically satisfactory biography currently at King’s College London in 2012. influenced 1960s. When Hamer and satisfac- was writing, it was easy to see Mor- ley as a classical throwback and an tory biogra- obstruction to the march of pro- gressivism. While Jackson doesn’t phy currently do enough to conclusively reclaim Don’t buy this book! Morley’s reputation, he has cer- available. tainly reopened the debate. Jesse Russell and Ronald Cohn, Wallace Lawler (Bookvika The book, however, is certainly Publishing, 2012) not without its shortcomings. The most major is that it contains lit- Reviewed by Graham Lippiatt tle that is especially new. The impact of Morley’s newly released o not buy this book. You online booksellers, or if you happen diaries and papers is a little disap- may think you are get- across one on a bookshelf. Clon- pointing. Given that the book (like Dting a proper biography ing like this is not illegal. Indeed, most biographies from this era) of Wallace Lawler, the Liberal MP Wikipedia cautions its contribu- is overwhelmingly evidenced by who won the Birmingham Lady- tors that their work can and will be politician’s private papers and cor- wood by-election in 1969. You are reproduced. Now, I have nothing respondence, the 120 footnotes that not. What you do get is the infor- against Wikipedia. I have contrib- Morley’s papers generate through- mation about Lawler which appears uted to it and I also wrote an arti- out is greatly outweighed by refer- on Wikipedia, the free online ency- cle for the Journal of Liberal History, ences to several other established clopaedia. This amounts to the published in issue 65, exploring the collections which have already been first six pages of this publication possibilities and limitations of using heavily mined by historians. The and there are a further two pages Wikipedia to find out about Liberal result is that, while an occasional about the Ladywood by-election history. My conclusion at that time, interesting insight and quotation itself. The rest of the book consists and I would not change it today, adds the odd jewel to the prose, the of other Wikipedia material about was to agree with those academics Morley that emerges is mostly a Birmingham, parliament, Lawler’s and teachers who advise that, while very familiar figure. Indeed, some predecessor and successor as Lady- Wikipedia cannot be accepted or recent biographies (such as Jenkins’ wood MP and finally, making up cited as an authoritative source, it work on Gladstone and Kuhn’s on most of the content, the Wikipedia remains a useful starting point from Disraeli) have explored the per- pages about the United Kingdom – which to gain contextual informa- sonality and character of the pub- all with pages and pages of printed tion about your subject matter and lic men who shaped the political notes and sources. To repeat, under can point the way to more reliable landscape of Britain and the empire no circumstances pay money for and fuller source material. in this definitive and fascinating this book. Everything it offers Of course, while there may age. Despite access to the private has been cloned from Wikipedia, be lots of good, factual informa- papers, and writing that they ‘tell which is of course free online. tion free on Wikipedia, its con- us a good deal about their subject’s To be fair, the book does adver- tent is distributed under open human weakness’ Jackson does tise itself as ‘high quality content licence and there is nothing to stop relatively little to bring the human by Wikipedia articles’ and this can anyone reusing or redistribut- side of Morley to life. The person- usually be seen on the image of the ing it at no charge. You can find ality, character, and emotions of front cover viewable on the sites of such ‘mirror sites’ on the internet

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 47 A Liberal Democrat History Group evening meeting decline and fall the Liberal Party and the elections of 1922, 1923 and 1924

For the Liberal Party, the three general elections of 1922, 1923 and 1924 represented a terrible journey from post-war disunity to reunion, and near-return to government to dramatic and prolonged decline. Arguably, this was the key period which relegated the Liberals to the third-party status from which they have never escaped.

The Liberal Democrat History Group winter meeting will look in detail at these elections and what they meant for the Liberal Party and the changes they brought about in British politics.

Speakers: Michael Steed (Honorary Lecturer in Politics, University of Kent, and noted psephologist); Professor Pat Thane (Professor of Contemporary History, King’s College, London). Chair: Dr Julie Smith (Cambridge University).

7.00pm, Monday 10 February (following the History Group AGM at 6.30pm) Lady Violet Room, National Liberal Club, 1 Whitehall Place, SW1A 2HE

A Liberal Democrat History Group fringe meeting social reformers and liberals: the rowntrees and their legacy

Joseph and Seebohm Rowntree were successful businessmen, pioneers of social investigation – and committed Liberals.

Discuss their careers and political legacy at the History Group’s meeting at the Liberal Democrat spring conference, with Ian Packer (Lincoln University), and Tina Walker and Lord Shutt (Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust). Chair: Lord Kirkwood.

8.00pm, Friday 7 March Riverside Room, Novotel Hotel, Fishergate, York YO10 4FD (no conference pass necessary)

and increasingly in print-on- LLC and the German publisher author as being an established a connection to Wikipedia demand (POD) or print-to- VDM and its subsidiaries which academic or subject mat- cloning. order (PTO) book format. That have done the same. ter expert, do look closely at Oh, and did I mention is what the publishers Book- So, if you see an advert for the cover image or publisher’s already? Do not buy this book. vika have done with this Lawler a book about a figure from information. Before you part publication and dozens more Liberal history (or any topic with your money always check Graham Lippiatt is a Contribut- like it. There are other publish- which interests you, really) the author’s name or publishing Editor to the Journal of Liberal ers, such as the US firm Books and you do not recognise the ing house to see if there is History