An Analysis of the Parliamentary Opposition to the National Government's Handling of the International Situation, November 1935 - May 1940
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Giles, Donald (1976) An analysis of the parliamentary opposition to the national government's handling of the international situation, November 1935 - May 1940. PhD thesis, University of Nottingham. Access from the University of Nottingham repository: http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11388/1/456635_VOL1.pdf Copyright and reuse: The Nottingham ePrints service makes this work by researchers of the University of Nottingham available open access under the following conditions. · Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. · To the extent reasonable and practicable the material made available in Nottingham ePrints has been checked for eligibility before being made available. · Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not- for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. · Quotations or similar reproductions must be sufficiently acknowledged. Please see our full end user licence at: http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/end_user_agreement.pdf A note on versions: The version presented here may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the repository url above for details on accessing the published version and note that access may require a subscription. For more information, please contact [email protected] 'AN ANALYSIS OF THE PARLIAMENTARY OPPOSITION TO THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT'S HANDLING OF THE INTERNATIONAL SITUATION NOVEMBER1935 - MAY 1940, TWO VOLUMES by Donald Giles, B. A. LbýT r z :VOLUME Il 0 Ir Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy October 1976 C0NTENTS VOLUME I. Chapter Page INTRODUCTION 1 1 THE 193.5 GENERAL ELECTION 8 2 REARMAMENT 6o 62 Critics on the National Benches The Labour Party 117 The Liberal Party 194 3 THE APPROACH TO FOREIGN AFFAIRS 209 'Conservatives Sharing Misgivings over Recent Developments in Germany 209 The Labour Party 281 The Liberal Party 326 4 THE INTER-PARTY MOVEMENTS AND THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR 343 The Inter-Party Movements 343 Spain and the Later Fronts 357 VOLUME ii. 5 THE RESIGNATIONOF ANTHONYEDEN 415 6 THE CZECHCRISIS OF 1938 455 7 FROMMUNICH TO WAR 551 The Tory Rebels 551 Inter-Party Contacts and the Popular Front 582 The Descent into War 607 8 THE WARAND THE DOWNFALLOF CHAMBERLAIN 632 9 CONCLUSION 738 BIBLIOGRAPHY ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Several people who were involved in the events described in this thesis gave me valuable background information which made the record of the 1930's more meaningful. One or two of these have since died, but I wish to place on record my appreciation of the interest shown and assistance given by Sir Richard Acland, Alfred Barnes, Lord Citrine, Sir Frederick Messer, Philip Noel-Baker, M Phillips Price, Lord Sorensen, and one other person who prefers no acknowledgement. Although this thesis commenced under the supervision of Karl Stadler, the bulk of it was written under Dr Michael Watts. Although our views are not always identical, I have benefited greatly from his advice, criticism and above all, patience. I should also like to record the debt to my wife, Irene, who painstakingly undertook the typing of what proved to be a substantial thesis. ABSTRACT The following pages are devoted to Members of Parliament - Labourites, Liberals, Nationals, Independents - who expressed dissent at the National Government's handling of foreign and defence affairs. Each of these groups was studied separately, but care was taken to view the Opposition in toto, so that similarities of view or approach were ascertained. Any efforts made to effect a united opposition were traced, as were the inter-party movements that originated in these years. Finally, research was undertaken to discover what factors - sociological, economic, electoral - differentiated dissidents from loyalists in the governing coalition or rival factions within the Opposition Parties. It appeared that the Government's opponents, despite divergencies, began to move towards a common goal of limited collective security. Nevertheless, so divided were they by rival creeds and calculations that little co-operation was affected until the outbreak of war. Separately, howeverl the dissidents achieved little, primarily because each group was crippled by a lack of cohesiveness within its own ranks. The end result was that the Government had a freer hand than it would otherwise have had. The counsel offered by the Opposition looked to the fortification of peace to deter the dictatorsq or to overawe them it aggression occurred. Although insufficient thought had been given to how the allies would have fared in the event of war, the grand alliance policy was - and was recognised by the public to be - an alternative to appeasement. As to the flimsy dividing line between both Coalition loyalists and dissidents and groupings within the opposition Parties it would seem that the only significant difference was that of aggregate experience. In effect, dissent or specialism in foreign or defence matters was found to be primarily connected with members being placed in close relations with overseas interests or serving either in the Forces or in a related department. 1. INTRODUCTION November 1935 to May 1940 were especially five momentous years in Britain's political life. Crisis followed crisis in rapid succession, so that in a brief span of time not only was the hope of the twenties - the maintenance of peace through disarmament and the establishment of the effective authority of the League of Nations - finally shattered, but Britain was committed to a total war that she could not win, and would not have done so, Churchill or no Churchill, save for the unforeseen interven- tion of Russia and the United States. In retrospect observers have -found it hard to account for the short-sightedness of Britain's statesmanship, which might have used the country's strength in the struggle to maintain the rule of law without paying the terrible price ultimately exacted of her. The main burden of responsibility for Britain's inability to put up effective resistance to successive aggressions must undoubtedly lie upon the National Governments, which held sway during these years. The original National administration had been formed by Ramsay MacDonald in 1931, and drew support from Conservatives, Liberals and but a few Labour Members. MacDonald handed over to Stanley Baldwin, the Conservative leader, in June 1935, who in turn was succeeded by Neville Chamberlain, in May 1937. Formed to take the country out of crisis, albeit financialq it was to plunge the British Empire into the most formidable struggle it ever had to meet. The foreign policy of the National Government has been chronicled by many writers from many different points of view. Indeed the students of the National Government's policy have been legion. The origins of that policy have been much debated; the attempts of British statesmen to implement the policy have been recorded in minute detail. The validity 2. of the total policy, particularly Chamberlain's share in it, is still passionately discussed. In all that has been written, however, there has been little attempt to trace the activities of the group of members who expressed dissent over the Government's foreign policy. In fact it is misleading to speak of them as a group at all, but rather heterogeneous elements. They included the Labour Party, Liberal Party and men independent of all political affiliations. Furthermore, as Duff Cooper commented, foreign policy t1cut clean across existing party lines", and there were a number of dissident Conservatives and National Government supporters that 1 can be added to the list of opposition elements. These opposition elements have been relatively ignored until of late, when a number of historians, particularly American ones, have made contribu- tions in this field. John F. Naylor's book Labour's International Policy has given us an admirable account of that party's outlook and activities on foreign affairs in the thirties. The Liberal Party has not been so fortunate, for the only recent works on the partys those of Trevor Wilson 2 and Roy Douglas, largely skate over the period. Excepting Winston Churchill, Anthony Eden and Harold Macmillang the supporters of the National Government who protested at the country's foreign policy were virtually ignored until the publication of Neville Thompson's The Anti-Appeasers, a sharply critical account - perhaps too critical - of their endeavours. Moreover, there has been no real attempt to examine the opposition in totog viewing the respective criticisms of Government policies, alternative Duff Cooper continued: "It (division of opinion over foreign affairs) produces strange phenomena, such as the majority of the Tory Party vociferously cheering the ultra-pacifism of Lansbury while regarding the Duchess of Atholl as a dangerous revolutionary. " The Second World War, p-67. 2 Wilson, The Downfall of the Liberal Party, 1914-35; Douglas, The History of the Liberal Party, 1895-1970- 3. policies and activities as a whole. The nearest to this is WR Rock's Appeasement on Trial, which is merely concerned with February 1938 - September 1939, and is much in need of revision. The only other major works touching the opposition as a whole are KW Watkins' Britain Divided, the Effect of the Spanish Civil War on British Political Parties, which concentrates on Churchill and the Labour Partycompletely ignoring the Liberals and other National dissidents, and M Cowling's Impact of Hitler: British Politics and British History, 1933-40 which is similarly concerned with leading political figures, concentrating heavily on Chamberlain's peace-time premiership.