Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya

Tim Gaved 576800

MA Linguistics

This dissertation is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MA Linguistics of the School of Oriental and African Studies (University of London).

Date: 15 September 2014 Number of Words: 10,001

Declaration I have read and understood regulation 17.9 of the Regulations for students of the School of Oriental and African Studies concerning plagiarism. I undertake that all material presented for examination is my own work and has not been written for me, in whole or in part by any other person. I also undertake that any quotation or paraphrase from the published or unpublished work of another person has been duly acknowledged in the work which I present for examination. I give permission for a copy of my dissertation to be held for reference, at the School’s discretion.

Tim Gaved 15 September 2014

i Acknowledgements

My thanks go to all those who have made my time at SOAS so fruitful and interesting; to all the speakers Mankanya with whom I have worked over the years; and to my wife and family for the their support, particularly as I completed this dissertation.

ii Abstract Mankanya is an under-described language spoken by about 75,000 people in Guinea-Bissau,

Senegal and the Gambia. Tense, aspect and mood are mostly expressed in Mankanya by means of auxiliary verb constructions. This dissertation describes some of those structures, and looks at them in within the context of grammaticalisation, the processes whereby over time lexical items become functional items.

iii iv Table of Contents 1. Introduction...... 1 2. Sociolinguistic background...... 2 3. Methodology...... 5 4. Language Overview...... 7 4.1. Phonology...... 7 4.2. Orthographic conventions...... 9 4.3. Morpho-Syntax...... 9 5. Theoretical orientation...... 16 6. Auxiliaries Verb Constructions in Mankanya...... 21 6.1. Overview...... 21 6.1.1. Tense constructions...... 21 6.1.2. Aspectual constructions...... 22 6.1.3. Modal constructions...... 24 6.2. Individual constructions in more detail...... 25 6.2.1. Past – bi...... 25 6.2.2. Future tense – luŋ, ya, bi...... 27 6.2.3. Habitual – ji...... 34 6.2.4. Ingressive – do...... 36 6.2.5. Progressive, Obligative and Epistemic – wo...... 39 7. Complex Auxiliary Verb Constructions...... 43 8. Conclusion...... 46 9. Bibliography...... 48 10. Appendix – Abbreviations used in glosses...... 50

v vi Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

1. Introduction Mankanya is a language of Guinea-Bissau and the Casamance area of Senegal. Though there are about 75,000 speakers (Lewis, Simons, and Fennig 2013), it is under-described with the only published work being a study of the basic phonology and morphology (Trifkovic 1969). It is, however, officially recognised as a national language in Senegal, and in recent years there been active promotion of the language by both local and international organisations.

In this dissertation I aim to increase the amount of available description by concentrating on a small part of the grammar – auxiliary verb constructions. Many tense, aspect and mode distinctions are made in Mankanya by the use of such constructions, and they show a range of different structures.

They also reflect different stages of grammaticalisation, the observed process whereby a lexical item changes over time to become a grammatical marker.

I hope that this work will be useful to those studying other Atlantic languages as well as those studying auxiliaries and grammaticalisation more broadly. I hope also that it will be in some way useful to the Mankanya themselves, and will be the first step in a more detailed description of the language.

1 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya

2. Sociolinguistic background According to the Ethnologue (Lewis, Simons, and Fennig 2013), Mankanya is a language spoken by approximately 75,000 people across the countries of Senegal, Guinea-Bissau and the Gambia.

Mankanya is an exonym, and they call themselves bahula, the people of Hula, (the original name for their chief town which is now called Bula), and the language is referred to as uhula. A small number of Mankanya refer to themselves as bawuh, reflecting their origins in the town of Co1.

Bula and Co are towns in the Cacheu region of Guinea-Bissau. However, over the years there has been a steady migration of Mankanya northwards. Trifkovic (1969:3) cites Carreira (1960) as putting the start of this migration in the first quarter of the 19th century. The same sources indicate that the migration was due to a number of causes: insufficient cultivable land, internal conflicts and abuse of power by the colonial authorities. The Mankanya first moved into southern Senegal, (the area known as the Casamance), particularly around Ziguinchor the regional capital, and eastwards along the southern bank of the River Casamance. Later they also moved into the Gambia. Like virtually all Senegalese languages, urban migration has additionally created Mankanya communities in most major urban centres.

Mankanya has been in contact with Upper Guinea Creole, a Portuguese based creole, probably since its origins around the beginning of the 17th century (Kihm 1994:4). For over 400 years this creole has been the language of wider communication in what is now Guinea-Bissau and the Casamance area of Senegal. In the past 30 years Wolof has begun to take over that role in the Casamance.

Mankanya had no widely accepted written form until recently. It is only in the last 20 years that an orthography was developed, resulting in Mankanya's official recognition as a “National Language” by the Senegalese government in 2005 (Republic of Senegal 2006). The Mankanya cultural association, Pkumel, has been running literacy classes (mostly in the Casamance and Guinea- 1 Bula/hula and Co[ko]/wuh may indicate a historical system of consonant mutation which no longer exists.

2 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

Bissau) since 2001 and a translation of the part of the Bible (Genesis and the New Testament) was published in 2014.

Mankanya, along with Manjaku and Pepel, form a group of closely related languages, often referred to as Manjaku, the largest of the three. This group is part of the Atlantic family of languages, which in turn is part of the Niger-Congo phylum.

Recent work by Segerer (2010) (and Personal Communication 22 May 2014) structures the Atlantic family as follows:

Central

Northern

Southern

In the Central group, all the languages apart from Bijogo were originally classified as part of the

BAK group in earlier work e.g. Sapir (1971). The BAK group has the common feature that some version of the bak- morpheme appears as a marker of the third person plural.

3 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya

Variation within Mankanya has not been formally described. Trifcovic (1969) treats Mankanya as one language without dialects. Anecdotally, Mankanya people say that there are only two dialects – the main one uhula, and a second minor one uwuh, spoken by Mankanya living in the region of Co.

More significant differences are influences from the languages of wider communication. For example, code switching with French for large numbers and dates is common in Senegal, but with

English in the Gambia. The lack of variation in Mankanya as compared to neighbouring languages like the Joola languages is a question for further research. One factor maybe that Mankanya society is hierarchical, with an overall king based in Bula. Another may be that the Mankanya put a high value on education, which results in an increase in mobility between the various Mankanya communities, both for schooling, and afterwards for work.

4 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

3. Methodology The structures in this study have been identified in data from a number of different sources.

Firstly I have a small corpus of 25 texts which were gathered over a number of years. Some of these texts are originally oral, and then transcribed into the official orthography by one of a number

Mankanya consultants. Others are texts that were written by Mankanya authors, for inclusion in new books in Mankanya – they have therefore undergone some editing.

Secondly I have a large body of elicited data, both from when I was doing some initial language learning, and as a result of later research. Over this period I mainly worked with four different language consultants, they were all men in the 30 – 40 age group, all with at least 5 years secondary education, and one had been to university. One of them had been brought up in Dakar, one had been brought up in a Mankanya neighbourhood in Sebikhotane a small town about 40km from Dakar.

The other two had been brought up in Ziguinchor, a town in the south of Senegal, with a large

Mankanya population. There was little variation amongst them, and the data I gathered also showed little variation when compared to that gathered by my wife, who worked with a number of women, of varying backgrounds.

As a secondary source to back these up, I also have access to the translation of the Bible in

Mankanya (the New Testament and some parts of the old Testament). The style of the translation was aimed to be common everyday Mankanya, acceptable to the majority, and by its nature it contains a number of different genres. Though as a translated text it must be treated with caution, as a holy text it went through a rigorous procedure of checking and editing, involving multiple speakers. Part of the checking was for it to be read to a panel of older men of different backgrounds who would comment on where it sounded wrong to them. Other checks where done amongst mixed groups of people and ages. In general there was little disagreement between groups.

5 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya

The structures that I am studying were mostly initially identified during elicitation. Their use was then examined in the text sources to see whether there were differences in the way that they were used. Further elicitation was used to investigate these differences. In some cases they were errors in transcription, in others they opened up new lines of enquiry, some of which were outside the scope of this dissertation.

6 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

4. Language Overview 4.1. Phonology There are 37 consonants in Mankanya (including 16 prenasals), and these are shown in Table 4.1.1 below. Graphemes from the official orthography (Republic of Senegal 2006) are given in brackets where they are different from the IPA symbol.

Labial Apical Retro- Palatal Velar flexes Voiceless p t ʈ (ţ) c k Plosives Prenasalised ᵐp (mp) ⁿt (nt) ⁿʈ (nţ) ᵑk (nk) Voiceless Plosives Voiced b d ɟ (j) g Plosives Prenasalised ᵐb (mb) ⁿd (nd) ᶮɟ (nj) ᵑg (ng) Voiced Plosives Nasals mm n ɲ (ñ) ŋŋ Vibrant ɾ (r) Prenasalised ⁿɾ (nr) Vibrant Fricatives f θ (ŧ) ʂ (ş) h Prenasalised ᵐf (nf) ⁿθ (nŧ) ⁿʂ (nş) ᵑh (nh) Fricatives Glides ww l j (y) Prenasalised ᵐw (nw) ⁿl (nl) ᶮj (ny) Glides

Table 4.1.1 – Consonant Phonemes in Mankanya

7 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya

Mankanya has 7 vowels, 6 of which can be either long or short. These are shown below in Table

4.1.2. The vowel [u] is rare. Graphemes from the official orthography (Republic of Senegal 2006) are given in brackets.

Front Central Back

Close i iː (i ii) u uː (ú úu)

Mid-close ʊ ʊː (u uu)

Mid e eː (e ee) ə (ë) o oː (o oo)

Open ɐ ɐː (a aa)

Table 4.1.2 – Vowel Phonemes in Mankanya

8 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

4.2. Orthographic conventions The examples in this dissertation follow the official orthography which uses the following conventions:

- Long vowels are represented by a repeated vowel e.g. /i:/ is represented by ii

- /ə/ is only written when stressed

- prenasal consonants are represented by n followed by the consonant except in the case of the labials b and p which are preceded by m. e.g. /ŋk/ is represented by nk and /mb/ by mb.

- certain consonants can be syllabic. Of particular note is the class prefix ŋ-, which can appear before any consonant, including homorganic ones. However these cases are phonologically different from prenasal consonants and so the grapheme ŋ is used in all cases.

- The letter s is used in certain borrowed words. It is either pronounced [s] or [θ] depending on the speakers familiarity with a language with an [s].

4.3. Morpho-Syntax Mankanya has a basic word order of Subject Verb Object. Noun modifiers follow the noun, and there is agreement between a noun and its modifier, and between the subject and the verb.

1 upi uweek ude maaj u- pi u- week u- de maaj C3S goat C3S big C3S eats C9\millet “The goat eats the millet”

Nouns are made up of a prefix and a stem, and most nouns have different prefixes for singular and plural, and some nouns also have a differentiation between an unspecified, indefinite plural, and a counted, definite one. Nouns can be divided into classes depending on which prefixes they take.

Unlike linguists working among Bantu languages, there is no widespread agreement amongst those

9 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya working in Atlantic languages about how to number classes. For example Trifcovic (1969), Sagna

(2008) and Ndao (2011) number each individual prefix, Karlik (1972) and Soukka (2000) assign a number to each singular/plural/count plural grouping, and others such as Segerer (2000) and

Cobbinah (2013) use the phonological form of each individual prefix.

In this dissertation I will label classes in the same way as as Karlik and Soukka, e.g. a noun which takes the na- prefix in the singular and ba- prefix in the plural will be considered class 2, with glosses C2S and C2P respectively. (The numbering is my own, and is arbitrary.) In this system what is important is not the form of the prefix, but rather which nouns it attaches to. Homophonous prefixes might therefore appear in different classes. For example p- prefix in pdunk “clay pot” is considered class 5 singular because it groups with i- in idunk “clay pots” and k- in kdunk ktëb “two clay pots”, whereas p- in plaak is considered class 7 singular as it groups with m- in mlaak “stones” and ŋ- in ŋlaak ŋtëb “two stones”. This is similar to the way Bantuists use “genre” (where numbered individual classes are grouped as singular/plural pairs), or to Cobbinah's (2013) “paradigm” (where phonologically labelled individual classes are grouped as pairs or triads to create number distinctions).

The primary reason for following this convention is that numbering individual classes like Sagna or labelling them with the phonological form like Cobbinah fails to capture in the gloss the number distinction inherent in the prefix, i.e. whether the prefix marks a singular noun and a plural one.

(Other information contained in the prefix which is available to a speaker of the language e.g. the default semantics, is still lost, but glosses always have to be a simplification). Also, whereas labelling classes with the phonological form can be useful in languages where vowel harmony changes the shape of the prefix (e.g. in Bijogo, Segerer's KO class includes kɔ-, ko- and ku- (Segerer

2000)), Mankanya does not have vowel harmony, the prefixes generally retain their shape and so this system gives little advantage.

10 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

Table 4.3.1 below summarises the noun prefixes. The column “Semantics” gives an indication of the main members of that class, and is not exclusive or exhaustive.

Class Sg Example Ind Example English Def Example Semantics Pl Pl (two ..) 1 a- ayin ba- bajin husband ba- bajin batëb Family abuk babuk child babuk batëb 2 na- napoţ ba- bapoţ child(ren) ba- bapoţ batëb Human nalët balët tailor(s) balët batëb 3 u- ubuş ŋ- ŋbuş dog(s) ŋ- ŋbuş ŋtëb Animals ujah ŋjah star(s) ŋjah ŋtëb 4 ka- kañen i- iñen hand(s) i- iñen itëb Body parts; katoh itoh house(s) itoh itëb parts of things 5 p(a)- pdunk i- idunk pot(s) k- kdunk ktëb paŧenda iŧenda cloth(s) kŧenda ktëb 6 b(a)- blaañ i- ilaañ wrap(s) k- klaañ ktëb batani itani flock(s) ktani ktëb 7 p- pmaŋa m- mmaŋa mango(s) ŋ- ŋmaŋa ŋtëb Plants and plaak mlaak stone(s) ŋlaak ŋtëb fruits 8 b- bmaŋa m- mmaŋa mango(s) ŋ- ŋmaŋa ŋtëb Trees bkem mkem oil ŋkem ŋtëb palm(s) 9 m(a)- mnlilan joy Mass meel water nouns; liquids 10 d- dko i- iko lieux k- kskoola ktëb Places; skoola iskoola école(s) Borrowed words

Table 4.3.1 Noun Classes

Certain stems can be used with prefixes from more than one class. For example ben can be class 8 bben “rhun palm”, class 7 pben “fruit of the rhun palm” or class 4 kben “ rhun palm branch”. The extreme case of this is ko which has a broad meaning of “thing”, the type of thing being indicated by the default semantics of the class prefix, for example ŋko “animals”, bko “tree”, dko “place”.

11 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya

Verbs normally agree with the subject in number, person, and for non-humans, class. Some simple examples are:

2 bantohi baţiini bantohi ba- ţiini C2P elder 3P speak “The elders talk”

3 upi ufeer u- pi u- feer C3S goat C3S graze “The goat grazes”

4 bben bajot b- ben b- a- jot C8S ronier C8S 3 fall "The rhun palm falls over"

Note that class prefixes that start with a consonant also require the prefix a- before the verb stem, and will be glossed as 3 to indicate 3rd person.

When this prefix a-stands alone it is either the third person singular human prefix, or the prefix used in clause chaining (see below).

5 naniw aboman katoh naniw a- boman katoh C2S mason 3S make C4S house "The builder builds the house"

6 ayin naan ade umaanan a- yin naan a- de u- maanan C1S husband 1S.GEN 3S eat C3S rice "My husband eats rice"

Mankanya also allows the possibility of clause chaining. In these cases the first verb agrees with the subject whereas the following verbs take only the prefix a- (or as will be seen later k- a-). Here the

12 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800 a- does not mean 3rd person singular, or even just 3rd person, and so in these situations it will be glossed as SER for serial.

7 bantohi babi ade adaan aţiş bantohi babi a- de a- daan a- ţiş C2P elder 3P come SER eat SER drink SER go_home "The elders came, ate, drank and went home"

Apart from the verb agreement the other main inflectional feature marked on the verb is the aspectual distinction between perfective and imperfective. With a main declarative verb, imperfective aspect is unmarked and perfective aspect is marked by the suffix -i. This is normally construed as a past event when used with verbs with an active meaning.

8 bben bajoti b- ben b- a- jot -i C8S ronier C8S 3 fall PERF "The rhun palm has fallen"

With change state verbs like dëm, glossed here as “get_bigger”, the perfective suffix -i usually results in the state being construed as current, with speakers giving a translation of “x is big”

9 bben badëm b- ben b- a- dëm C8S ronier C8S 3 get_bigger "The rhun palm is getting bigger"

10 bben badëmi b- ben b- a- dëm -i C8S ronier C8S 3 get_bigger PERF "The rhun palm is big"

In this example we can see that the perfective -i may in fact be reflecting a past change of state, i.e. the translation should be “The rhun palm has got bigger”. Though this is the probable original sense, this can't always be the correct interpretation. For example in 14 below (often spoken at

13 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya funerals), it is highly unlikely that any speaker is thinking “God has got bigger”, rather than “God is great”.

11 Naşibaţi adëmi Naşibaţi a- dëm -i God 3S get_bigger PERF "God is great!"

When used in a subordinate clause, it is now the imperfective aspect that is marked with the prefix k-, and perfective aspect is unmarked.

12 Wi bben bakjotuŋ , bañaaŋ bŧi bahuuran wi b- ben b- a- k- jot -uŋ ba- ñaaŋ bŧi bahuuran whilst C8S ronier C8S 3 IMPERF fall SUB C2P person all C2P cry_out maakan maakan very "When the rhun palm was falling everybody was screaming"

13 Wi bben bajotuŋ , bañaaŋ bŧi babi pwin wi b- ben b- a- jot -uŋ ba- ñaaŋ bŧi babi p- win whilst C8S ronier C8S 3 fall SUB C2P person all 3P come INF see ba . b- a C8S 3.OBJ "When the rhun palm had fallen, everybody came to look at it"

As we shall see later, this imperfective prefix k- also occurs in other contexts.

All other tense and aspect distinctions are marked by auxiliary verb constructions, the topic of this dissertation, and which I will explore in more detail later.

Example 13 also shows an example of the p- prefix, which forms a non-finite verb, and is glossed

INF for infinitive. This prefix can be used with any verbal stem.

14 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

In addition some stems can form action nominals with class prefixes. A common example is lemp

“work” which uses the class 3 prefixes u- and ŋ-.

14 Ulemp wi najaar , waanyoji u- lemp w- i najaar w- a- an- yoj -i C3S work C3S GEN C2S farmer C3S 3S NEG to_be_easy PERF "A farmer's work is not easy"

15 Nakakan du ŋlemp ŋi nan ! na- kak -an d- u ŋ- lemp ŋ- i nan 2P return IMP EXT LOC.DIST C3P work C3P GEN 2P.POSS "Return to your work!"

The infinitive form plemp “to work”, cannot replace the nominals in examples 14 and 15.

An example of a stem that forms an action nominal with the class 4 prefixes ka- and i-, is kit

“harvest”.

16 Baban ţi wal wi kakit ki baban ţ- i w- al w- i kakit k- i 3P arrive INT LOC.PROX C3S moment C3S GEN C4S harvest-time C4S GEN ŋdeey ŋŧeek kabaaŋ ajun jun ŋ- deey ŋ- ŧeek kaba -aŋ a- jun jun C3P grain C3P first C4S CMPLTV SUB SER begin begin "They arrived at the time that the harvest of the first grains had just begun"

17 .. woli udo wo ţi wal wi ijaar woli u- do wo ţ- i w- al w- i i- jaar when C3S INGR be INT LOC.PROX C3S moment C3S GEN C4P agriculture , këme ikit . këme i- kit or C4P harvest-time ".. this will happen even during planting times and harvests"

Again, using the infinitive form pkit in these examples would produce ungrammatical sentences.

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5. Theoretical orientation In this dissertation I will use the following definition of auxiliary verb: “an item on the lexical verb

– functional affix continuum, which tends to be at least somewhat semantically bleached, and grammaticalised to express one or more of a range of salient verbal categories...” (Anderson

2006:4). Anderson admits that this definition is somewhat vague, but contends that there probably cannot be a language independent formal criterion to determine whether a given element is a lexical verb or an auxiliary verb.

This definition is based on work about the processes of grammaticalisation e.g. Heine (1993) and

Heine and Kuteva (2002). Grammaticalisation is the combination of linguistic changes whereby over the course of time lexical items become grammatical items. In the context of auxiliaries, a common pattern has been found to be that lexical verbal items often become markers of tense, aspect and mode. Heine refers to this as the Verb-to-TAM chain, and which Anderson, in the definition above, calls the lexical verb – functional affix continuum. As lexical verbs move along this chain, they change semantically, morphosyntactically, morphonologically and phonetically, though often each aspect changes at a different rate.

As a consequence of this, along with the fact that any synchronic description is merely a snapshot of a language in flux, there are inevitably linguistic phenomena which cannot easily be categorised.

This is often the case with auxiliaries, and Heine describes them metaphorically as having an amphibious nature. He illustrates this with three uses of the English is going to (Heine 1993:112)

18 a. He is going to town.

b. He is going to work.

c. He is going to come.

In 18a is going to clearly has its full lexical meaning of motion towards something. In 18c is going

16 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800 to equally clearly has no lexical meaning (apart from anything else the deictics of going are incompatible with the deictics of coming). However it is example 18b, which shows the amphibious nature of auxiliaries – here is going to could have either lexical or grammatical meaning as shown by adding extra components to the sentences.

19 a. He is going to work by train.

b. He is going to work hard.

Heine therefore argues that it is impossible to apply classic categories with discrete boundaries to natural language data, and an approach centred around family likeness (similar to the idea of prototypes) works better.

There are many other different definitions for the term auxiliary. Heine (1993:3–26) gives an overview of the different viewpoints which overlap in some cases. He notes for example that some authors hold that auxiliaries must exhibit verb-like features whereas others apply it to a much wider range of phenomena (he gives the example of (Capell 1976)). Chomsky introduced the abbreviation

“Aux” to account for auxiliaries in English like has+taken, will+take (Chomsky 1957). However

Heine points out that since then, there has been confusion about “Aux” : whether it is the same as

“AUX”, and whether everything that are called auxiliaries are in the category AUX or not, and vice versa.

Linguists working within other frameworks have also treated auxiliaries. For example, Falk (1984) analyses English auxiliaries within the framework of Lexical Functional Grammar. (LFG). His analysis proposes that English verbal system can be broken down on the surface into Modals (e.g. have, must) and Verbs. In additions there are so called Helping Verbs (e.g. do) which lexically are specified as Verbs, but can appear in a Modal position. It is unclear from his analysis how he would deal with the auxiliary constructions like “going to” noted below. It is also unclear how this analysis

17 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya would be extended cross-linguistically as he includes a number of things that would seem to be specific to English (for example the F-structure features INF and PART).

More recent general introductions to LFG e.g. Bresnan (2000) or Dalrymple (2001) do not treat auxiliaries at all. Later work e.g. Frank and Zanean (2002) extends the LFG model to better cope with auxiliaries, but a detailed description of this is beyond the scope of this dissertation.

The topic of this dissertation is auxiliary verb constructions (hereafter referred to as AVCs) and not just auxiliary verbs. This is because very often an auxiliary verb is only partially responsible for the tense or aspect distinction brought to a clause, and it must be accompanied by other morpho- syntactic changes. This is illustrated in English by the progressive construction, be -ing. It is only the combination of the auxiliary verb be with the verbal morpheme -ing that gives the progressive meaning. Using one without the other results in an ungrammatical clause.

Anderson in his typological study on AVCs defines an auxiliary verb construction as a “mono- clausal structure minimally consisting of a lexical verbal element that contributes lexical content to the construction, and an auxiliary verb element that contributes some grammatical or functional content to the construction” (Anderson 2006:6). This is the definition I will use as the basis for my study.

At this point, it is important to discuss serial verb constructions (SVCs). SVCs are important in many West African languages, as well as Oceanic and Asian ones. A significant amount of research exists on them e.g. Foley and Olsen (1985), Aikhenvald (1999; 2006), Stewart (2001). However

Seiss (2009:504) states “In spite of this substantial body of research, still no agreed upon set of deﬁning features of serial verbs has been established”.

Probably the most common minimal set of features is that listed by Bowern (2008):

• the clause contains two (or more) verbs under a single intonation contour

18 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

• the verbs must be full lexical verbs which can head simple predicates in their own

right

• the verbs share at least one argument

• the verbs behave as a single unit for tense aspect and polarity marking

An example of a prototypical SVC would be the one below from Èdó (Stewart 2001) cited in (Seiss

2009)

20 Òzó dé èvbàré rhié nè Ìfuèkò Ozo buy food givc to Ifueko "Ozo bought the food and gave it to Ifueko"

However, Seiss goes on to conclude that “serial verbs cannot be compared as a whole class to complex predicates or auxiliaries. Careful language-speciﬁc studies are needed to decide whether certain kinds of serial verbs may be auxiliaries or complex predicates.” (Seiss 2009:506). From this we can see that it is not a question of whether a structure is an AVC or a SVC – it could be both at the same time.

Seiss makes an important note about the semantic differences between SVCs, auxiliaries and light verbs. She says that for many SVCs, the verbs denote single events which constitute a complex event together, while light verbs add information, and auxiliaries provide information about tense aspect or mood. (Seiss 2009:506).

In this dissertation the key feature of the auxiliaries in the AVCs that I will be studying is exactly this – that they provide information about tense, aspect or mood. Some of the structures are also

SVCs based on Bowern's criteria above.

A few examples will illustrate this point. Example 21 shows serial clause chaining in Mankanya, which would be considered as a SVC by Bowern's criteria, (though not by everyone). However

19 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya neither of the verbs provide information about tense, aspect or mood, hence are not considered auxiliaries.

21 aya afëţ pmeş a- ya a- fëţ p- meş 3S go 3S dwell C5S royal_compund "He went and lived in the palace"

Example 22 below shows the future using the verb luŋ as an auxiliary. By Bowern's criteria this would not be considered a SVC, as luŋ is not a full lexical verb which could head a simple predicates in its own right. It is an auxiliary construction, as luŋ provides information about tense.

22 aluŋ kaniw katoh a- luŋ k- a- niw katoh 3S FUT IMPERF SER build C4S house ‎‎"He will build the house"

Lastly example 23 below shows the future using the verb ya as an auxiliary. This structure is identical to that in example 22, apart from a different verb. By Anderson's definition above it is an auxiliary structure – ya provides future tense, and in this context is semantically bleached (it has lost its motion component). But now it is also a SVC by Bowern's criteria, as ya is also a full lexical verb in other contexts.

23 aya kaniw katoh a- ya k- a- niw katoh 3S FUT IMPERF SER build C4S house ‎‎"He will build the house"

20 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

6. Auxiliaries Verb Constructions in Mankanya As I stated in section 4.3 Morpho-Syntax, auxiliary verbs constructions are the main way in

Mankanya to express tense, aspect and mode distinctions. A detailed study of all of them is beyond the scope of this dissertation, so I will first give examples of the more frequent ones, and then later give a more detailed analysis of some of them. Lastly I will look at how some of these auxiliaries combine.

6.1. Overview 6.1.1. Tense constructions To indicate that something will happen in the future, it is possible to use three different auxiliaries: luŋ which cannot be used as a main verb, ya which as a main verb means “go, move away from the speaker”, and bi which as a main verb has the sense of “come, move towards the speaker”. Though there might have been differences in the past, current speakers do not consistently differentiate.

24 aluŋ kaniw katoh a- luŋ k- a- niw katoh 3S FUT IMPERF SER build C4S house "He will build the house"

25 aya kaniw katoh a- ya k- a- niw katoh 3S FUT IMPERF SER build C4S house ‎‎"He will build the house"

26 abi kaniw katoh a- bi k- a- niw katoh 3 FUT IMPERF SER build C4S house ‎‎"He will build the house"

The important common feature is that the lexical verb in the construction is marked with the prefix k- “imperfective”. This is especially important because using bi without the imperfective marker

21 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya gives the sense of something in the past.

27 abi niw katoh a- bi niw katoh 3S PAST build C4S house "He built the house"

For an explanation of why I have analysed ka- as k- a- in here and elsewhere, see section 6.2.2 below.

6.1.2. Aspectual constructions Some auxiliary constructions primarily express aspectual distinctions.

The auxiliary ji is used to denote a habitual aspect - defined by Comrie (1976:27) as “describing a situation which is characteristic of an extended period of time” It will be glossed as HAB.

28 aji alemp di Dakar a- ji a- lemp d- i Dakar 3S HAB 3S work C10S LOC.PROX Dakar "He works (all the time) in Dakar"

Events that are ongoing at the time of speaking and where the focus is on the fact that they have not finished are expressed with the auxiliary jon. This is referred to in some grammars as continuative, to distinguish it from the more general continuous aspect, which is often also called the progressive and which indicates that an event is ongoing without any other special focus.

29 ajon kalemp a- jon k- a- lemp 3S CONT IMPERF SER work "He's still working"

The progressive is indicated by an AVC which uses the verb wo which is otherwise normally translated as “to be”.

22 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

30 awo ţi ulemp a- wo ţ- i u- lemp 3S be INT LOC.PROX C3S work "He's working (lit. he is in work)"

When one event follows on from another, the verb şë is used. I have labelled this as sequential, glossed as SEQ. The amount of time between the two events is not significant, and in certain situations can in fact be simultaneous.

31 aya Dakar , aşë nug ŋţëb a- ya Dakar a- şë nug ŋ- ţëb 3S go Dakar SER SEQ buy C3P fish "He went to Dakar and then bought some fish"

Focus on the beginning of the event is known as ingressive aspect (glossed INGR), and this is indicated in Mankanya by using the verb do. (which phonologically becomes doo in the example below. See section 6.2.4 for more explanation)

32 aya adoo ban ubeeka a- ya a- do -o ban u- beeka 3S go SER INGR arrive C3S town "He went, until he arrived at the town"

An event that is happening for a second time or is being done in addition to a previous action can be indicated by using the verb kak as an auxiliary. This will be glossed as REP for repetitive.

33 akak abi a- kak a- bi 3S REP SER come “He's coming back again” or “He's also coming”

The completive structure, focussing on the completion of an event, is different from the others in that the auxiliary ba, which as a full verb has the sense “to finish”, is placed after the verb it is modifying.

23 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya

34 ade ba daan a- de ba daan 3S eat CMPLTV drink "He drank after he had eaten (Lit. he finished eating and then drank)"

I will not investigate this in detail, but it should be noted that this construction appears to be an areal feature. Ndao comments that this is a feature borrowed from Upper Guinea Creole (Ndao

2011:183). This is supported by the fact that a post-verbal morpheme ba indicating anteriority is described in Kihm's grammar of Upper Guinea Creole (1994:99–108)

6.1.3. Modal constructions Auxiliary constructions are also used to make modal distinctions.

The verb hinan (which appears in free variation with hilan) has the sense of “to be able to”. It appears in two constructions, either with the infinitive prefix p- or with the imperfective k- and serial a-.

When used with the infinitive marker p- generally has the more lexical meaning “to have the ability to do something”.

35 ahinan pyeeh a- hina p- yeeh 3S be_able_to INF sing "He can sing"

With the k- a- combination it has a more modal meaning. The exact sense depends on context, ranging from a permissive “Let him do something”, to a more conditional “he could do something”.

36 ahinan kayeeh a- hina k- a- yeeh 3S be_able_to IMPERF SER sing "Let him sing"

24 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

37 ahinan kaŧokun ulemp a- hina k- a- ŧok -un u- lemp 3S be_able_to IMPERF SER ruin 1s.OBJ C3S work "He could ruin our work"

The verb wo, seen above in the progressive construction is also used in two related modal constructions. Like hinan, the difference is in the prefixes on the lexical verb, either the infinitive p- or with the imperfective k- and serial a-. Both structure uses the genitive marker i-.

With the infinitive marker the sense is more obligative.

38 awo i plemp a- wo i p- lemp 3S be GEN INF work "He must work"

The k- a- combination once again gives a more indefinite sense.

39 awo i kabi a- wo i k- a- bi 3 be GEN IMPERF SER come “He should be coming (if nothing has stopped him)”.

6.2. Individual constructions in more detail 6.2.1. Past – bi The verb bi “come” can be used as an auxiliary to indicate past tense in the following construction.

40 abi niw katoh (Repeat of example 27) a- bi niw katoh 3S PAST build C4S house "He built the house"

25 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya

41 Ñiinţ abi ya du uŧaak unlowuŋ ñ- iinţ a- bi ya d- u u- ŧaak u- n- low -uŋ C2S man 3S PAST go EXT LOC.DIST C3S country C3S COREF be_apart SUB "The man went to a far country (lit: a country that was far)"

The lexical verb in this structure is just a bare stem, without prefixes, and this is invariable.

This verb which is being used as an auxiliary in this structure has a lexical meaning of “come, motion towards”.

42 uñiiŋ na umaalu ŋabi anaţ ţi pŧoof u- ñiiŋ na u- maalu ŋ- a- bi a- naţ ţ- i p- ŧoof C3S hyene and C3S hare C3P 3 come SER stand INT LOC.PROX C5S half “Hyena and Hare came and stood in the middle.”

Note that in example 42 the verb following bi is not a bare stem, but is instead prefixed with a-, the serial prefix.

However, when bi is used as an auxiliary in a structure where the subordinate marker -uŋ is needed, the stem is now also prefixed by the serial marker a-. This would seem to indicate that the auxiliary structure has developed from the serial structure and that the serial a- has been elided after the i of bi.

43 Ul abiiŋ aya du Yeŧu na uŧejan ul a- bi -iŋ a- ya d- u Yeŧu na u- ŧejan 3S.SUBJ 3s PAST SUB SER go EXT LOC.DIST Jesus and C3S nuit "It was he who went to Jesus at night"

Further research is need to determine whether this structure could be ambiguous. In the above example bi must be an auxiliary with past meaning, because it is being used with ya “go”, and that is incompatible with the semantic component of motion within bi.

If the sentence was adapted to use instead the verb de “eat”, it would seem that this sentence could mean either “It was he who came and ate the mango”, or “It was he who ate the mango”. This may

26 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800 be an example of Heine's “amphibious nature” of auxiliaries.

44 Ul abiiŋ ade pmaŋa ul a- bi -iŋ a- de p- maŋa 3S.SUBJ 3S PAST SUB SER eat C7S mango "It was he who ate the mango"

45 Ul abiiŋ ade pmaŋa ul a- bi -iŋ a- de p- maŋa 3S.SUBJ 3S come SUB SER eat C7S mango "It was he who came and ate the mango"

In the negative, the negative prefix is applied to the auxiliary bi.

46 Naala aambi buk Naala a- am- bi buk Nala 3S NEG PAST produce "Nala hadn't borne any children"

The grammaticalisation chain of a verb meaning “come” to a past tense marker is not uncommon. It occurs in French:

47 Je viens de manger

1S.SUB come.PRES from to_eat

"I just ate" and in other languages e.g. Yoruba (Heine and Kuteva 2002:73)

48 O ti lɔ he come:out go "He has gone".

6.2.2. Future tense – luŋ, ya, bi As noted in section 6.1.1 above there are three different auxiliaries that can be used to indicate future time: luŋ, ya, and bi. However, all three are used in the same structure.

27 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya

I will start with the structure that uses luŋ.

49 aluŋ kaniw katoh (repeat of example 24) a- luŋ k- a- niw katoh 3S FUT IMPERF SER build C4S house "He will build the house"

Let us first look at the lexical verb, which in this structure has the form kaniw. This is the stem niw

“build” plus some prefixes. These prefixes are invariable. I have analysed these as k- “imperfective” and a- “serial”, but an alternative might seem to be the class 4 singular prefix ka-. Firstly, it is not unexpected to find an imperfective prefix used with the future as a future act is clearly not yet complete. Secondly when luŋ is used with the word woli “when”, the k- is dropped, though the future sense remains.

50 ... woli naluŋ aya ŋrisiya ţi dmaas woli na- luŋ a- ya ŋrisiya ţ- i dmaas when 2p FUT SER go church INT LOC.PROX Sunday dakmbiiŋ ŋya na baka d- a- k- m- bi -iŋ ŋ- ya na baka C10S 3S IMPERF COREF come SUB 1P go and C2P.OBJ "..when you go to church this Sunday, we will go with you"

Why this should be needs further research, but it at least indicates that either there are two prefixes k- and a- or that ka- has been replaced by a-. If ka- were the class 4 singular nominal prefix then a- would also be expected to be a nominal prefix, the singular prefix of class 1. However that prefix is only used elsewhere on a very small group of kinship terms, e.g. aşin “father”, so it seems unlikely.

A further argument against an analysis of ka- here is, though ka- is used to create nominals (see section 4.3), it is only used with certain stems. For example, lemp “work” does not forms a nominal with ka- but with the class 3 prefixes u- and ŋ-, e.g. ulemp. However, when is used in the future construction with luŋ it still takes k- and a-.

28 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

51 aluŋ kalemp faan a- luŋ k- a- lemp faan 3S FUT IMPERF SER work tomorrow "He will work tomorrow"

Turning now to the auxiliary luŋ, it no longer exists as an independent lexical verb. It is therefore furthest along the grammaticalisation chain from lexical verb to functional affix than the other auxiliaries I investigate in this dissertation. In that sense it is the most like a prototypical auxiliary verb, and is probably the oldest of the three future forms. What it might have developed from is not clear. One possibility is that it might have originated from a verb terminated with the subordinating suffix -uŋ. A candidate for this could be la “look for”, which inherently has a semantic component of incompleteness. There is a similar notion of futurity in the English expression “looking to do something” as in “I'm looking to work in the field of linguistics”. la and uŋ could have combined to form luuŋ which then shortened to luŋ. Evidence in favour of this possibility is that when used in a situation where the -uŋ suffix would normally be used, e.g. in a relative clause, luŋ does not take this suffix.

52 Unuur wi akluŋ kakeţ u- nuur w- i a- k- luŋ k- a- keţ C3S day C3S GEN 3S IMPERF fut IMPERF SER die "The day when he will die"

Compare this to another verb that ends with uŋ - juŋ “cook”

53 kapoom ki ajuŋuŋ kapoom k- i a- juŋ -uŋ C4S bread C4S GEN 3S cook SUB "The bread that she had baked"

Another possibility is found in the fact that uŋ also exists as a distal demonstrative stem. Spatial distance is sometimes a metaphor for temporal distance – compare, for example, the English

29 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya expression “in the far future”.

However, neither of these grammaticalisation chains are documented in Heine and Kuteva (2002).

The second future auxiliary structure that I will look at is that which is formed by using ya as an auxiliary.

54 aya kaniw katoh (repeat of example 25) a- ya k- a- niw katoh 3S FUT IMPERF SER build C4S house ‎‎"He will build the house"

The lexical meaning of ya is “go, move away from the speaker”

55 Bantohi baya untabanka bantohi baya u- ntabanka C2P elder 3P go C3S village “The elders are going to the village”

However it can also be used with a verbal complement, a stem with the infinitive p- prefix, with the sense of going somewhere with the purpose of doing something.

56 Şompi aya pyit aşin Şompi a- ya p- yit a- şin Shompi 3S go INF meet C1S father "Shompi is going to meet his father"

This is like some uses of the English “is going to do something” construction, e.g. the response to

“Where's Tim going?” “He's going to buy a newspaper”. This is part of the way along the path from a lexical verb to a TAM marker. The idea of motion away is still present (the English example just cited would not make sense if Tim was not just leaving), but the event of buying is clearly in the future.

The grammaticalisation of verbs meaning “go” into future auxiliaries and other markers of the

30 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800 future is attested in many languages. Here are a couple of examples

57 Zulu (Heine and Kuteva 2002:163) a baya eGoli baya e- Goli 3:PL- go LOC- Johannesburg “They are going to Johannesburg” b bayakufika baya- ku- fika

3:PL- go INF arrive “They will arrive”

58 Igbo (Heine and Kuteva 2002:164) a ó gà àbyá he go come:NOMIN “He's going to come”

The third way of indicating future is with the verb bi as an auxiliary.

59 abi kaniw katoh (Repeat of example 26) a- bi k- a- niw katoh 3 FUT IMPERF SER build C4S house ‎‎"He will build the house"

As seen in section 6.2.1, this verb has a lexical meaning of “come, motion towards”.

The grammaticalisation chain of a verb with the sense of “come” into a future tense marker is, like go, not unusual. Here are some further examples from Heine and Kuteva:

60 Bambara (Heine and Kuteva 2002:76) a ù tɛ nà 3:PL NEG:AUX come “They didn't come”

31 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya b à ná sà 3:SG FUT die “He will die” (=everyone has to die someday)

61 Zulu (Heine and Kuteva 2002:77) a ngiyeza ngi- ye- za 1:SG- ?- come “I'm coming” b uzakufika u- za- ku- fika

2:SG- come INF arrive “He'll arrive”2

It is interesting that Zulu uses both come and go, za- and ya- for future markers like Mankanya.

According to information in Heine and Kuteva, za- refers to immediate future and ya- to remote future. The Mankanya speakers I have asked do not seem to be able to make a similar distinction between the three different auxiliaries used to form the future in their language. Some mention the motion component in ya and bi. Others have the intuition that ya and bi refer to nearer future than luŋ. However there seems to be no consistent distinction.

It would seem fairly unusual for bi to have grammaticalised both as a future auxiliary and as a past auxiliary. The fact that bi as a past auxiliary seems to have developed along the chain abi ade >

(abii de ?) > abi de might indicate that the process of changing to the past marker has been going on for some time. This would in turn suggest that bi as a future marker is a more recent innovation.

Further research is needed, including a comparison with related and neighbouring languages, to be more certain.

When used in the negative, all the future structures have the negative prefix on the auxiliary.

2 This is the translation given in Heine and Kuteva, though if the gloss is correct it should be “You'll arrive”

32 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

62 pşih pi nul paankluŋ p- şih p- i nul p- a- an- k- luŋ C7S kingdom/throne C7S GEN 3S.POSS C7S 3 NEG IMPERF FUT kaba k- a- ba IMPERF SER finish "His kingdom will not end"

63 baankya kaŧoka da b- a- an- k- ya k- a- ŧok -a d- a C6S 3 NEG IMPERF FUT IMPERF SER break PSV C10S 3.OBJ "They will not be ruined there"

64 aankbi kaţënk baka a- an- k- bi k- a- ţënk baka 3S NEG IMPERF FUT IMPERF SER help C2P.OBJ "He is not going to help them"

Note also, that in the negative, these future structures require the imperfective k- on the auxiliary.

Compare this to the negative version of the past use of bi in example 46.

Another interesting thing is that example 63 is passive, and the passive suffix is attached to the lexical verb.

When these structures are used in a situation that requires the -uŋ suffix, for example a relative clause, it is the auxiliary ya or bi that takes the suffix (as noted above luŋ does not take this suffix) and requires a k- prefix, but the lexical verb still takes the k- and a- prefixes. For example:

65 Baţi uko wi bañaaŋ bakbiiŋ ba- ţi u- ko w- i ba- ñaaŋ ba- k- bi -iŋ 3P be_afraid_of C3S thing C3S GEN C2P person 3P IMPERF FUT SUB kado k- a- do IMPERF SER do "They were afraid of what the people would do"

33 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya

6.2.3. Habitual – ji The habitual construction uses the verb ji, which when used lexically means “to say”.

66 woli baţij pde baji “ pde pi bayaanţ woli ba- ţij p- de baji p- de p- i ba- yaanţ when 3P bring c7s meal 3P say C7S meal C7S GEN C2P stranger pi pi ” p- i p- i C7S DEM.PROX C7S DEM.PROX “When they brought the meal they said 'This is the strangers' meal' ”

It can also be used as a quotative marker with other speech verbs.

67 Kë bangooli başë ŧeema aji nayaanţ aloŋ kë bangooli ba- şë ŧeem -a a- ji na- yaanţ a- loŋ DS C2P soldier 3P SEQ reply 3.OBJ SER say C2S stranger C1S INDEF ankuŋiiŋ pdunk akbiiŋ aşë yeeh , a- n- kuŋ -i -iŋ p- dunk a- k- bi -iŋ a- şë yeeh 3S COREF be_burdened PSV SUB C5S pot 3S IMPERF come SUB SER SEQ sing abi bi pla meel a- bi bi p- la meel SER come come INF seek water “The soliders responded that a stranger carrying a pot was coming along singing, and he was coming to look for water”

This grammaticalisation chain from the verb “to say” to an auxiliary giving the habitual meaning is not documented in Heine and Kuteva (2002), and so may be unusual.

A feature of the habitual which is different from all the other AVCs in Mankanya is that the lexical verb agrees with the subject. In addition the prefixes used are an unusual set. With any non-human subject, and with 1st, 2nd and 3rd plural human subjects, the lexical verb takes the same subject prefixes as the auxiliary, that is to say the normal verb prefixes. For example:

34 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

68 Bniim baji batan na uwit waaţ b- niim b- a- ji b- a- tan na u- wit w- aaţ C6S marriage C6S 3 HAB C6S 3 secure and C3S cow C3S female "The marriage is normally secured with a cow."

However, for singular human subjects a different set is used. For 1st person singular human subjects the lexical verb takes the prefix ka-. This seems to be different to the combination of k-

“imperfective” and a- “serial” found in other constructions, in that in those constructions the k- a- is invariable as regards the person, number and class of the subject. Also apart from the invariable serial a-, everywhere else a- is associated with the 3rd person subjects. It also unlikely to be the class

4 singular prefix ka-, which would also be very unusual if attached only to the 1st person singular.

A 2nd person singular human subject takes the prefix k-. For similar reasons to those stated above this seems to be different from the imperfective k-.

For 3rd person singular subjects the lexical verb takes no prefix.

Using ka- for 1st person singular, and k- for 2nd person singular is also attested in a different structure. That is in a clause following a clause introduced by woli, where the second cause depends on the condition of the first clause.

69 Woli uunwo , kame woli u- un- wo kame if C3S NEG be 1s_HAB know “If it is not so, I will know.”

70 Woli iwo naşih , kţupun woli i- wo na- şih k- ţup -un if 2S be C2S chief 2S_HAB announce 1P.OBJ “If you are the king, tell us.”

I can see no relationship between the two structures. I suggest that these are maybe traces of a historical system of prefixes. It is interesting that Karlik notes that one of the prefix sets in Manjaku

35 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya also has ka- and k- (Karlik 1972:266). This seems to parallel the Mankanya usage with woli, but not that of the habitual.

In the negative, it is the auxiliary ji that takes the negative prefix. Note that unlike the future negative structures, the imperfective prefix k- is not required.

71 Unuur ji wuŋ waanji uţilma u- nuur ji w- uŋ w- a- an- ji u- ţilma C3S day like C3S DEM.DIST C3S 3 NEG HAB C3S forget "A day like that will not be forgotten"

If the habitual auxiliary ji is used with the -uŋ subordinate marker, they combine in an unusual way to form jaaŋ. For example:

72 Ajaaŋ ajuŋ a- ja -aŋ a- juŋ 3S HAB SUB 3S cook “It is she who does the cooking.”

In no other place in Mankanya do /i/ and /ʊ/ combine to form /aa/. More usually the -uŋ added to stem ending in i results in a long vowel. For example with the verb bi to come.

73 Naala awo wo ţi ŋwooni wi Dama abiiŋ Naala a- wo wo ţ- i ŋ- wooni wi Dama a- bi -iŋ Nala 3S be be INT LOC.PROX C3P tears whilst Dama 3S come SUB “Naala was crying when Dama came”

This maybe an indication that the verb was originally ja.

The other thing to note in example 72 is that now the lexical verb has the prefix a-. This is similar behaviour to the lexical verb used with the past auxiliary bi in example 43.

6.2.4. Ingressive – do The verb do is used in an AVC to give an ingressive aspect, an emphasis on the beginning of the action or state described by the verb. It can be followed either by a bare verbal stem or by a stem

36 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800 prefixed by k- “imperfective” and a- “serial”.

The verb do has the lexical meaning of “to do, to make”.

74 ado uko ji ŋşubal ŋtëb ŋwajënţ a- do u- ko ji ŋ- şubal ŋ- tëb ŋ- wajënţ

3S do C3S thing like C3P year C3P two C3P three “He does this thing for two or three years...”

75 Ddo bane uniw afoyan katoh naan d- do bane u- niw a- foy -an katoh naan 1S do last_year C3S wall SER encircle CAUS C4S house 1S.GEN "Last year I built a wall around my house."

Heine and Kuteva (2002) do not document this as a grammaticalisation chain.

When used with a bare stem, do becomes doo. This seems to indicate that the underlying form is in fact do followed by the stem prefixed with the a- “serial” prefix, and that there has been an assimilation of the a- to produce a long o.

76 kë bantohi badoo win kë Nabanka Biyagi apel baka kë bantohi bado -o win kë Nabanka Biyagi a- pel baka DS C2P elder 3P INGR see DS Nabanka Biyagi 3S be_more C2P.OBJ "The elders came to see that Nabanka Biyagi was stronger than them"

This analysis is confirmed when do is used in a subordinate clause and is therefore followed by -uŋ

(which phonologically becomes -oŋ). The a- prefix on the stem is now reveals itself.

77 Tenan , Naala , i nayiţuŋ , andooŋ ten -an Naala i na- yiţ -uŋ a- n- do -oŋ look_at IMP Nala GEN 2P be_related_to SUB 3S COREF INGR SUB awo naţaf awo kak na kayiŋ a- wo na- ţaf a- wo kak na ka- yiŋ 3S be C2S elderly 3S be again and C4S stomach "Look, Naala, your relative, who has reached old age, is also pregnant"

37 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya

This construction can sometimes have the sense of “even” as in the following example:

78 Ŋko ŋi uţeeh ŋabi bŧi pmaar ŋ- ko ŋ- i u- ţeeh ŋ- a- bi bŧi p- maar C3P animals C3P gen C3S field C3P 3s come all INF be_present wa kë umaalu umpokuŋ ulemp udoo bi w- a kë u- maalu u- m- pok -uŋ u- lemp u- do -o bi C3S 3.OBJ DS C3S hare C3S COREF refuse SUB C3S work C3S INGR came . "All the wild animals came to witness it, even Hare who had refused to work came"

When used with the imperfective k- on the stem, the meaning is generally “in order to”

79 apën ado kadu kë ŋko ŋi uţeeh a- pën a- do k- a- du kë ŋ- ko ŋ- i u- ţeeh 3S go_out SER INGR IMPERF 3S call DS c3p animals c3p GEN C3S field bŧi bŧi all "He went out, in order to call all the wild animals"

In some contexts it can indicate that an action or state is going start immediately.

80 Naţoon ţi na un , uŧaak wi uwo na- ţo -on ţ- i na un u- ŧaak w- i u- wo 2P sit IMP INT LOC.PROX and 1P.SUBJ C3S country C3S GEN C3S be wi nan , nafëţ na un nado kapoş jibi w- i nan na- fëţ na un nado k- a- poş jibi C3S GEN 2P.POSS 2P dwell and 1P.SUBJ 2P INGR IMPERF SER walk like naŋali na- ŋal -i 2P like PERF "Stay with us, this country is yours, live with us, walk where you want"

In the negative, it is the auxiliary do that takes the negative prefix. When the lexical verb is prefixed with the imperfective k- then do also requires k-.

38 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

81 Bakale uko udo baankdo kaŧiink baka -le u- ko u- do ba- an- k- do k- a- ŧiink 3P have IRLS C3S thing C3S do 3P NEG IMPERF INGR IMPERF SER hear ŋţup ŋi ŋţilan ŋuŋ ŋ- ţup ŋ- i ŋ- ţilan ŋ- uŋ C3P speech C3P GEN C3P lie C3P DEM.DIST "If they have this thing to do, then they will not listen to those lies"

82 Baluk bi kli bakreŋ baandoo baluk b- i k- li bakreŋ b- a- an- do -o C6S payment C6S GEN C5P.DEF moon EIGHT C6S 3 NEG INGR këş pa ñaaŋ andoli ayeenk bnduŋ këş pa ñaaŋ a- ndoli a- yeenk b- nduŋ be_enough in_order_to person C1S each 3S receive C6S bit "Eight months wages would not be enough for each person to have a bit (of food)"

6.2.5. Progressive, Obligative and Epistemic – wo The verb wo is used in three AVCs, to express progressive aspect, and obligative and epistemic modality.

The verb wo, when not used in an AVC is normally translated by “to be”, and is used in existential and descriptive clauses.

83 katim naan kawo Naala katim naan k- a- wo Naala C4S name 1s.GEN C4S 3 be Nala "My name is Naala"

84 Naweek awo Dama aşë wo aannuura ţi naweek a- wo Dama a- şë wo a- an- nuura ţ- i C2S elder_sibling 3S be Dama SER SEQ be 3S NEG be_good INT LOC.PROX bten , natëbënţën awooŋ nanuura maakan awo Naala b- ten na- tëb -ënţën a- wo -oŋ nanuura maakan a- wo Naala C6S looks C2S two ORD 3S be SUB C2S beauty very 3S be Nala "The eldest was Dama who was not beautiful to look at; it was the second who was a great beauty, she was called Naala"

39 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya

The AVC used to describe the progressive aspect uses wo ţi and then usually the infinitive form of the verb. The word ţi is a preposition meaning “inside something near”. So the literal sense of this structure is to be “in the doing of something”.

85 Dwo ţi pboman uniw kë ukaaru uşë jotna d- wo ţ- i p- boman u- niw kë u- kaaru u- şë jotna 1s be INT LOC.PROX INF make C3S wall DS C3S car C3S SEQ dive wa awat w- a a- wat C3S 3.OBJ SER bring_down "‎‎I was building the wall when the car knocked it down."

86 Kë bantohi bawo ţi plaţar wal kë bantohi bawo ţ- i p- laţ -ar w- al DS C2P elder 3P be INT LOC.PROX INF contradict RCP C3S moment mënţan wuŋ baŧum mënţan w- uŋ ba- ŧum that C3S DEM.DIST C2P many "And during that time many of the elders were in discussion"

Sometimes an action nominal is preferred instead of the infinitive, and the most frequent occurrence of this is with lemp “work”, where the noun ulemp is preferred to the infinitive plemp.

87 Dama awo ţi ulemp Dama a- wo ţ- i u- lemp Dama 3S be INT LOC.PROX C3S work "Dama is working"

This structure does not appear in the negative in my data.

Two other AVCs use wo in conjunction with the genitive marker i. They seem to express alethic and epistemic modality. Alethic modality indicates that something must be done because it is required, or because it is a logical necessity. It is illustrated in the English sentence “If you swim underwater then you must take a big breath first”. Epistemic modality indicates more that the speaker believes something should happen. This is illustrated in English by “He should be coming as he told me

40 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800 yesterday that he would come”. The two AVCs differ in that alethic modality is expressed using the infinitive prefix p-, whereas epistemic modality is expressed with the stem prefixed by the k-

“imperfective” and a- “serial” prefixes.

88 Ddo bane uniw afoyan katoh naan aşë d- do bane u- niw a- foy -an katoh naan a- şë 1s do last_year C3S wall 3S encircle CAUS C4S house 1s.GEN SER SEQ wo i pwat wa hënkuŋ . wo i p- wat w- a hënkuŋ be GEN INF bring_down C3S 3.OBJ now "Last year I built a wall around my house, but this year I have to knock it down."

89 Kë woli iwo i pya ţiki inuh katoh ki kë woli i- wo i p- ya ţiki i- nuh katoh k- i DS if 2s be GEN INF go because_(of) 2s miss C4S house C4S GEN şaaş ... şaaş your_father "If you must go because you miss your father's house.."

90 Iko mënţ iwo yi kawo . i- ko mënţ i- wo y- i k- a- wo C4P thing that 2S be C4P gen IMPERF SER be "These things must happen"

However this distinction is not all that clear, and further research is needed to clarify the situation.

The i after the wo agrees with the subject of wo for non-human subjects (see example 90 above). I have analysed it as the genitive marker even though this is an unusual place for it (it is usually between two nominals).

However in some situations it does occur in that position:

91 Baji meel muŋ manwo mi baka baji meel m- uŋ manwo m- i baka 3P say water C9 DEM.DIST C9 be C9 GEN C2P.OBJ "They said that this water is theirs"

41 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya

There are two other possibilities analytical possibilities, either the demonstrative i and or a new homophonous particle. I rule out the first as I have no evidence of the demonstrative in that position. For the second, it seems to unnecessarily complicate the system when an existing particle has already been identified as being used in that position.

In the negative, the auxiliary wo takes the negative prefix.

92 Ñaaŋ aloŋ aanwo i kame kë abi ñaaŋ a- loŋ a- an- wo i k- a- me kë a- bi person C1S INDEF 3S NEG be GEN IMPERF SER whether DS 3S come ţi dko di ţ- i d- ko d- i INT LOC.PROX C10S place C10S DEM.PROX "No-one must know that someone has come to this place"

Similarly when used in a relative clause, it is the auxiliary wo that takes the subordinate suffix -uŋ

93 uko wi bawooŋ i kado u- ko w- i bawo -oŋ i k- a- do C3S thing C3S GEN 3P be SUB GEN IMPERF SER do "The thing they must do"

42 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

7. Complex Auxiliary Verb Constructions Auxiliaries can be combined to give create more complex AVCs.

A common combination is the ingressive do followed by the past bi. This gives a combined meaning that is translated by the English adverb “already”. The emphasis is on the fact that the start of the event has happened in the past. If the semantics of the verb describe an action, then the action is understood to be complete.

94 Bañaaŋ mënţ ado bi dat dat baka . ba- ñaaŋ mënţ a- do bi dat dat baka C2P person that 3S do PAST choose choose C2P.OBJ "These people he had already chosen."

95 Bado bi wo baristoŋ ţi ŋrisiya evanjelik bado bi wo ba- ristoŋ ţ- i ŋrisiya evanjelik 3P INGR PAST be C2P Christian INT LOC.PROX church Evangelical "They were already Christians in the Evangelical church"

If the root is prefixed by the k- “imperfective” and a- “serial” prefixes, then, as expected, the event is not complete and is still ongoing.

96 Ŋme na manjoonan kë nado bi kado haŋ ŋ- me na manjoonan kë nado bi k- a- do haŋ 1P know and C9 truth DS 2p INGR PAST IMPERF SER do DEM "We really know that you are already doing this"

The order of auxiliaries is fixed; the ingressive do must proceed the past bi. Inverting the order gives an ungrammatical sentence, or sentence with a different meaning. For example:

43 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya

97 ţiki abi kado karab napoţ ţiki a- bi k- a- do k- a- rab na- poţ because_(of) 3S PAST IMPERF SER INGR IMPERF SER search_out C2S child pa pfiŋa pa p- fiŋ -a in_order_to INF kill 3S.OBJ "... because he was going to start looking for the child in order to kill him"

When the do bi combination is used in a subordinate clause, for example a relative clause, it is the ingressive do which takes the subordinate marker -uŋ (which phonologically changes to -oŋ).

98 ... kë bakak awo bukal batëb bŧi bañaaŋ kë bakak a- wo bukal ba- tëb bŧi ba- ñaaŋ DS 3P REP SER be 3P.SUBJ C2P two all C2P person bandooŋ abi ţaf ţaf ba- n- do -oŋ a- bi ţaf ţaf 3P COREF INGR SUB SER PAST grow_old grow_old "They were also, both of them, already very old."

It is interesting that in this situation, the past bi is now preceded by the serial prefix a-. This would seem to indicate again that the structure has developed from a serial verb structure. However in the simple form do bi is not doo bi, as in example 76 where do is used on its own as an ingressive. This suggests that do bi has undergone a further step of grammaticalisation towards becoming a single word dobi. This process can be seen in English in the development of the Modern English word

“because” from the two words in Middle English “by cause”. Further evidence to strengthen this proposition is that many newly literate Mankanya will write do bi as dobi.

In the negative it is the first auxiliary do that takes the negative marker.

99 Baando bi wata wal mënţ ukalabuş ba- an- do bi wat -a w- al mënţ u- kalabuş 3P NEG INGR PAST bring_down 3S.OBJ C3S moment that C3S prison "They had not yet at that time put him in prison"

44 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

The sequential marker şë is always the first auxiliary when used in combination with other auxiliaries.

100 kë unŧaayi uşë do bi neej ţi Şompi kë u- nŧaayi u- şë do bi neej ţ- i Şompi DS C3S spirit C3S SEQ INGR PAST enter INT LOC.PROX Shompi ".. but the spirit had already entered Shompi"

101 Kë bañaaŋ baŧum başë ji baya du a kë ba- ñaaŋ ba- ŧum ba- şë ji baya d- u a DS C2P person C2P many 3P SEQ HAB 3P go EXT LOC.DIST 3.OBJ "And many people kept coming to where he was"

The habitual ji proceeds do and bi.

102 aloŋ aji do bi banën da uŧeek a- loŋ a- ji do bi ban -ën d- a u- ŧeek C1S INDEF SER HAB INGR PAST arrive CAUS C10S 3.OBJ C3S first "Someone always gets there first"

However I have also found this example where the ingressive do precedes the habitual

103 ido kaji kaluŋ kabi i- do k- a- ji ka- luŋ k- a- bi

2S INGR IMPERF SER HAB 2S.HAB FUT IMPERF SER come "You should come regularly"

So it seems that the order of the auxiliaries is not completely fixed, and some can be moved to create different nuances. Further research is needed in this area.

45 Tim Gaved 576800 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya

8. Conclusion In this dissertation, I have attempted to increase the amount of published description of the

Mankanya language by looking at one small part of the language, that of auxiliary verb constructions. This is interesting for Mankanya, because it is the main way that tense, aspect and mode distinctions are made.

Due to lack of space I was not able to cover all of the auxiliaries used in Mankanya, but those that I did describe showed a range of structures, and a range of functions.

I have shown that the most common structure is for the auxiliary to be first, followed by a lexical verb. It is the auxiliary that agrees with the subject, and takes negative and subordinate affixes when appropriate. The lexical verb generally does not agree with the subject (apart from the case of the habitual), but may, according to the semantics of the structure, take the imperfective prefix. There have also been examples of the passive suffix on the lexical verb.

There are many avenues for further research, even within this fairly restricted part of the language.

Firstly, taking the three future auxiliaries, a closer look at their variation across speakers would be interesting. Are older speakers more likely to use the apparently older future auxiliary luŋ? Is there any regional variation about which auxiliary is used? Is there a tendency to use different auxiliaries for different temporal distances? Such a study would ideally be based on a large language corpus, but as it is unlikely that would be feasible, other methods would need to be considered. One possibility might be some of sort of controlled story telling along the lines of the Pear Story (Chafe

1980).

Further investigation is needed on structures that use the word woli, which is usually translated “if” or “when”. In this context, the future auxiliary structures seem not to need the imperfective k-, and the unusual agreement prefixes found with the habitual ji are also found with woli.

46 Auxiliary Verb Constructions in Mankanya Tim Gaved 576800

Another area of research would be to investigate the scope of auxiliaries. The examples in this dissertation are all of structures where there is only one lexical verb. However, Mankanya allows serial clause chaining – so how do auxiliaries work in that context? Is the scope of the auxiliary the whole clause chain or something less?

Finally, more comparison with the closely related languages Manjaku and Pepel, and with other neighbouring languages would be interesting. This might give clues to the diachronic development of some of the auxiliaries, and also help to determine which things might be genetic features of the group, and which might be areal features.

The Mankanya language lacks a full grammatical description. I hope this dissertation makes a small contribution towards the goal of achieving that.

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9. Bibliography AIKHENVALD, ALEXANDRA. 2006. Serial verbs constructions in a typological perspective. Oxford University Press. AIKHENVALD, ALEXANDRA Y. 1999. Serial constructions and verb compounding evidence from Tariana (North Arawak). Studies in language 23.469–497. ANDERSON, GREGORY DS. 2006. Auxiliary verb constructions. Oxford University Press. BOWERN, CLAIRE. 2008. The diachrony of complex predicates. Diachronica 25.161–185. BRESNAN, JOAN. 2000. Lexical-Functional Syntax. 1st ed. Wiley-Blackwell. CAPELL, ARTHUR. 1976. Simple and Compound Verbs: Conjugation by Auxiliaries in Australian Verbal Systems: Rapporteurs Introduction and Summary. CARREIRA, ANTÓNIO. 1960. Regiao dos manjacos e dos Brâmes. Boletim cultural da Guiné portuguesa XV.735–784. CHAFE, WALLACE L. 1980. The Pear Stories: Cognitive, Cultural, and Linguistic Aspects of Narrative Production. Ablex. CHOMSKY, NOAM. 1957. Syntactic structures. The Hague:: Mouton. COBBINAH, ALEXANDER YAO. 2013. Nominal classification and verbal nouns in Baïnounk Gubëeher. University of London. COMRIE, BERNARD. 1976. Aspect: An Introduction to the Study of Verbal Aspect and Related Problems. Cambridge University Press. DALRYMPLE, MARY. 2001. Lexical-Functional Grammar. 1st ed. Vol. 34. Syntax and Semantics. Emerald Group Publishing Limited. FALK, YEHUDA N. 1984. The English Auxiliary System: A Lexical-Functional Analysis. Language 60.483–509. FOLEY, WILLIAM A.; and MIKE OLSON. 1985. Clausehood and verb serialization. Grammar inside and outside the clause.17–60. FRANK, ANETTE; and ANNIE ZAENEN. 2002. Tense in LFG: Syntax and morphology. How we say WHEN it happens: Contributions to the theory of temporal reference in natural language. HEINE, BERND. 1993. Auxiliaries: Cognitive forces and grammaticalization. Oxford University Press New York. HEINE, BERND; and TANIA KUTEVA. 2002. World lexicon of grammaticalization. Cambridge University Press. KARLIK, JAN. 1972. A Manjako grammar with special reference to the nominal group. London: University of London. KIHM, ALAIN. 1994. Kriyol syntax: The Portuguese-based creole language of Guinea-Bissau. Vol. 14. John Benjamins Publishing. LEWIS, M. PAUL, GARY F. SIMONS, and CHARLES D. FENNIG (eds.) 2013. Ethnologue: Languages of the World, 17th Edition. Seventeenth. SIL International. NDAO, DAME. 2011. Phonologie, morphologie et structures syntaxiques du Pepel. Dakar: Université Cheikh Anta Diop. REPUBLIC OF SENEGAL. 2006. DECRET n° 2005-984 du 21 octobre 2005 relatif à l’orthographe et la séparation des mots en mankaañ. Journal Officiel de la Gouvernement du Sénégal. SAGNA, SERGE. 2008. Formal and semantic properties of the Gújjolaay Eegimaa. University of London. SAPIR, J. D. 1971. West Atlantic: An inventory of the languages, their noun class systems and consonant alternation. Current trends in linguistics 7.45–112. SEGERER, G. 2000. Description de la langue bijogo (Guinée Bissau). L’UNIVERSITE PARIS III.

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SEGERER, G. 2010. “Isolates” in “Atlantic”. Paper presented at the Language Isolates in Africa, Lyon. SEISS, MELANIE. 2009. On the difference between auxiliaries, serial verbs and light verbs. Proceedings of the LFG09 Conference, ed. by Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King, 501– 519. SOUKKA, M. 2000. A descriptive grammar of Noon: A Cangin language of Senegal. Lincom Studies in African linguistics 40. STEWART, OSAMUYIMEN THOMPSON. 2001. The serial verb construction parameter. New York/London: Garland. TRIFKOVIC, M. 1969. Le Mancagne: étude phonologique et morphologique: étude phonologique et morphologique. Institut fondamental d’Afrique noire.

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10. Appendix – Abbreviations used in glosses

C class INT internal CAUS causative IRLS irrealis COMPLTV completive LOC locative CONT continuative NEG negative COREF coreference OBJ object DEM demonstrative ORD ordinal DIST distal P plural DS different subject PAST past EXT external PERF perfective FUT future POSS possessive GEN genitive PROX proximal HAB habitual PSV passive IMP imperative RCP reciprocal IMPERF imperfective S singular INDEF indefinite SEQ sequential INF infinitive SER serial INGR ingressive SUB subordinate