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Temptation to Control
PrESS frEEDOM IN UKRAINE : TEMPTATION TO CONTROL ////////////////// REPORT BY JEAN-FRANÇOIS JULLIARD AND ELSA VIDAL ////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// AUGUST 2010 /////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// PRESS FREEDOM: REPORT OF FACT-FINDING VISIT TO UKRAINE ///////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 2 Natalia Negrey / public action at Mykhaylivska Square in Kiev in November of 2009 Many journalists, free speech organisations and opposition parliamentarians are concerned to see the government becoming more and more remote and impenetrable. During a public meeting on 20 July between Reporters Without Borders and members of the Ukrainian parliament’s Committee of Enquiry into Freedom of Expression, parliamentarian Andrei Shevchenko deplored not only the increase in press freedom violations but also, and above all, the disturbing and challenging lack of reaction from the government. The data gathered by the organisation in the course of its monitoring of Ukraine confirms that there has been a significant increase in reports of press freedom violations since Viktor Yanukovych’s election as president in February. LEGISlaTIVE ISSUES The government’s desire to control journalists is reflected in the legislative domain. Reporters Without Borders visited Ukraine from 19 to 21 July in order to accomplish The Commission for Establishing Freedom the first part of an evaluation of the press freedom situation. of Expression, which was attached to the presi- It met national and local media representatives, members of press freedom dent’s office, was dissolved without explanation NGOs (Stop Censorship, Telekritika, SNUJ and IMI), ruling party and opposition parliamentarians and representatives of the prosecutor-general’s office. on 2 April by a decree posted on the president’s At the end of this initial visit, Reporters Without Borders gave a news conference website on 9 April. -
The Pennsylvania State University Schreyer Honors College
THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF GLOBAL AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES OLIGARCHIC PLURALISM IN THE 2014 EUROMAIDAN: HOW THE RISE OF OLIGARCHS IN GOVERNMENT SHAPED DEMOCRACY UN UKRAINE SIOBHAN FRANCES LEONARD SPRING 2020 A thesis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a baccalaureate degree with honors in Comparative Literature and International Studies with honors in Global and International Studies Reviewed and approved* by the following: JOSEPH WRIGHT PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Thesis Supervisor JONATHAN ABEL PROFESSOR OF COMPARATIVE LITERATURE AND JAPANESE Honors Adviser * Electronic approvals are on file. ABSTRACT During the 1990s, Ukraine experienced a change in its political system, becoming a nominal liberal democratic with contested multiparty elections in combination with post-Soviet oligarch community. These newly established dimensions impacted two major revolutionary periods in Ukraine, dating from 1992-2004 and 2005-2014, reaching a climax of violent civil unrest during the Ukrainian Revolution of 2014. The Ukrainian Revolution, also known as the Euromaidan and Revolution of Dignity, illustrates the stages of modernization in a post-Soviet society. The Euromaidan mobilized a variety of regional and ethno-linguistic groups to demand political and economic reform. Members of oligarch clans, consisting mostly of ethnically Russian economic elites, are often appointed in regional government positions largely in the East, and hold substantial power in Ukrainian politics. My research question poses: “How did oligarchic concentration of economic and media power influence government functions such as public service delivery, and shape corruption patterns preceding the protest uprising in 2014?” In my thesis, I seek to study the impact of oligarch clans as holding centralized power, and how this system may affect Ukrainian national politics as seen under the leadership of former democratically elected, Pro-Russian president, Viktor Yanukovych, during the Ukrainian Revolution of 2014. -
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock Or Re-Start? Ukraineukraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine Has Over the Past Ten Years Developed a Very Close Partnership with NATO
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start? UkraineUkraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine has over the past ten years developed a very close partnership with NATO. Key areas of Deadlock or Re-start? consultation and co-operation include, for instance, peacekeeping operations, and defence and Deadlock or Re-start? security sector reform. NATO’s engagement serves two vital purposes for Ukraine. First, it enhan- Jakob Hedenskog ces Ukraine’s long-term security and serves as a guarantee for the independence of the state; and JAKOB HEDENSKOG second, it promotes and encourages democratic institutionalisation and spreading of democratic norms and values in the country. JAKOB HEDENSKOG Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start NATO’s door for Ukraine remains open. The future development of the integration depends on Ukraine’s correspondence to the standards of NATO membership, on the determination of its political leadership, and on an effective mobilisation of public opinion on NATO membership. This report shows that Ukraine has made progress in reaching the standards for NATO membership, especially in the spheres of military contribution and interoperability. However the absence of national consensus and lack of political will and strategic management of the government hamper any effective implementation of Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration. It is also crucial to neutralise Russia’s influence, which seriously hampers Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic course. Leading representati- ves of the current leadership, especially Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions of Ukraine, prefer for the moment continued stable relations with Russia rather than NATO mem- ? bership. Jakob Hedenskog is a security policy analyst at the Swedish Defence Re- search Agency (FOI) specialised on Ukraine. -
Предвыборный Дискурс Украинских СМИ: Политические Стратегии Медиаконцерна «Starlightmedia» (На Примере Газеты «Факты И Комментарии»)
Гуманитарный вектор. 2012. № 2 (30) Политология УДК 070.12.(070.13, 070.481) ББК Ч612.113 Ольга Викторовна Дегтярёва, аспирант, Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет (Санкт-Петербург, Россия), e-mail: [email protected] Предвыборный дискурс украинских СМИ: политические стратегии медиаконцерна «StarLightMedia» (на примере газеты «Факты и комментарии») Впервые в отечественной историографии политические стратегии кон- кретного украинского медиаконцерна стали центральным предметом научного исследования. Однако при рассмотрении вопросов управления украинским ме- диабизнесом нельзя обойти вниманием вопросы политического и социально- го влияния медиаиндустрии. Поэтому автор проанализировал предвыборный дискурс публикаций газеты «Факты и комментарии» накануне парламентских выборов 2002 г. и показал механизмы отражения политических приоритетов владельца медиаконцерна «StarLightMedia», в состав которого входит изда- ние. При исследовании стратегии медиапредприятия автор пришёл к выводу, что для владельца СМИ в Украине служат не столько источником прибыли, сколько инструментом лоббирования собственных интересов. «Факты и ком- ментарии» представили парламентские выборы 2002 г. как дело только поли- тиков, а не как шанс и обязанность избирателей изменить ситуацию. Циклич- ное повторение выборов на страницах газеты ослабило внимание избирателей и превратило событие в тривиальное действие «сезонного», «сериального» характера. Оппозиционные силы были представлены как нарушители обще- ственной стабильности. Таким образом, владелец медиакомпании -
MRM: Russia, Ukraine and Poland, the Leading TV Markets in Eastern Europe Poland: Audience Share (July 15-21, 2013 % All 4+)
SPECIAL REPORT | TV MARKETS | EUROPE BY ARTEM VAKALYUK MRM: RUSSIA, UKRAINE AND POLAND, THE LEADING TV MARKETS IN EASTERN EUROPE POLAND: AUDIENCE SHARE (JULY 15-21, 2013 % ALL 4+) RUSSIA satellite communications complexes owned by rate reach 27%. after the analogue terrestrial switch off that is The Russian Federation is by far the largest the Russian Satellite Communications Company In 1H 013, 24% of the 53 million TV homes in planned for summer 2015. The number of digital country in the world, with an area of 17,075,400 at teleports which ensure the transmission of Russia were equipped for Direct-to-Home satellite terrestrial TV nets that will have national-wide km². With nearly 142 million people, it is ranked channels to all five time zones in Russia via the reception, making satellite the country’s leading coverage will increase to 32. the ninth largest in terms of population. The total space vehicles of RTRN. platform for digital television. The number of Private TV broadcasters owned by Ukrainian number of television households is 53 million The digitalization process in Russia can be satellite homes across Russia maintains a strong tycoons play the lead role on the local market. while it is estimated that there are 100 million broken down into two stages: the introduction dynamic, increasing by 25% between 2011 and There are four dominant TV Groups in Ukraine: television sets in use. of DVB-T and the transition to the DVB-T2 2013 from 8 million to 12.6 million. 10% of these StarLight Media (belongs to Viktor Pinchuk, Television is the most popular operates STB, ICTV, Novy Channel, M1, RUSSIA: AUDIENCE SHARE (AUGUST 19-25, 2013 % - ALL 4+) M2 and QTV channels), Inter Media Group medium in Russia, with 74% of Source: AGB Nielsen Media Research the population watching national (belongs to Dmitry Firtash, runs Inter, NTN, K1, K2, Mega, Enter-film, MTV Ukraine, television channels routinely and Russia. -
Contemporary Media Use in Ukraine
Contemporary Media Use in Ukraine Just one-tenth of Ukrainians outside Crimea (10.7%) say their media habits have changed as a result of the shutting down of some Russian TV channels; two-thirds As the crisis in Ukraine escalates, the media environment (67.7%) of those whose habits have changed are using in the country is becoming increasingly fragmented and Ukrainian sources more, while 6.2% are using foreign dangerous. sources more. In 2013, Freedom House ranked Ukraine’s press “Not Free,” writing that “the Ukrainian government has failed to Overall, eight of the ten most-named top news sources fulfill its pledge to protect the freedom of expression.” are Ukrainian TV channels, in particular 1+1 channel, followed by Inter, 5 Kanal, ICTV and STB, the only Reporters Without Borders notes that there are sources named as most important by more than 10% of “increasingly systematic attacks on media personnel adults One in ten adults named the Russia-based social covering the tension in eastern Ukraine” and that the networking site VKontakte as a top news source (up from frequency of journalist abductions in the region is rising. less than 1% in 2012), and the portal site Ukr.net also broke into the ten most-named top news sources. Media Environment and Newsgathering Asked to name their three most important sources of Television is the dominant news medium in Ukraine. news and information, Crimeans’ five most commonly Almost all Ukrainians (96.8%) watch TV for news at least named media outlets include four TV channels owned by weekly, including 95.7% of Crimeans. -
Must-Carry Rules, and Access to Free-DTT
Access to TV platforms: must-carry rules, and access to free-DTT European Audiovisual Observatory for the European Commission - DG COMM Deirdre Kevin and Agnes Schneeberger European Audiovisual Observatory December 2015 1 | Page Table of Contents Introduction and context of study 7 Executive Summary 9 1 Must-carry 14 1.1 Universal Services Directive 14 1.2 Platforms referred to in must-carry rules 16 1.3 Must-carry channels and services 19 1.4 Other content access rules 28 1.5 Issues of cost in relation to must-carry 30 2 Digital Terrestrial Television 34 2.1 DTT licensing and obstacles to access 34 2.2 Public service broadcasters MUXs 37 2.3 Must-carry rules and digital terrestrial television 37 2.4 DTT across Europe 38 2.5 Channels on Free DTT services 45 Recent legal developments 50 Country Reports 52 3 AL - ALBANIA 53 3.1 Must-carry rules 53 3.2 Other access rules 54 3.3 DTT networks and platform operators 54 3.4 Summary and conclusion 54 4 AT – AUSTRIA 55 4.1 Must-carry rules 55 4.2 Other access rules 58 4.3 Access to free DTT 59 4.4 Conclusion and summary 60 5 BA – BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 61 5.1 Must-carry rules 61 5.2 Other access rules 62 5.3 DTT development 62 5.4 Summary and conclusion 62 6 BE – BELGIUM 63 6.1 Must-carry rules 63 6.2 Other access rules 70 6.3 Access to free DTT 72 6.4 Conclusion and summary 73 7 BG – BULGARIA 75 2 | Page 7.1 Must-carry rules 75 7.2 Must offer 75 7.3 Access to free DTT 76 7.4 Summary and conclusion 76 8 CH – SWITZERLAND 77 8.1 Must-carry rules 77 8.2 Other access rules 79 8.3 Access to free DTT -
Viktoriya Havrylyuk Marek Jachimowski
ISSN 2312-8933 Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona. 2018. Вип.8 Viktoriya Havrylyuk Marek Jachimowski Uniwersytet Śląski PRZESTRZEŃ MEDIALNA UKRAINY: POSTKOMUNISTYCZNE DOŚWIADCZENIE Viktoriya Havrylyuk, Marek Jachimowski. The media space of Ukraine: the post-communist experience. Based on a review of the extensive related literature, the changes that have taken place in the media and information space of Ukraine since Soviet times for the first twenty years of independence of that state have been shown in this article. The authors of the publication try to show the multiple conditions affecting the shaping of these spaces: from historical, social, political and economic to technological. They also indicate global phenomena that also influence the processes that shape contemporary periodic media and mediated communication of Ukraine. Key words: information space, media system, communication, television, on line media, social media. Wstęp System medialny Ukrainy w ciągu dwudziestu lat od głasnosti1 [15] do pomarańczowej rewolucji2 [74] podlegał ogromnym zmianom. Ukraina wycofała się z zamkniętego, scentralizowanego sowieckiego systemu medialnego i zaczęła rozwijać zróżnicowane, nowoczesne środowisko medialne, zintegrowane z globalnymi systemami komunikacyjnymi. Przed rokiem 1991 przestrzeń medialna Ukrainy objęta była radzieckim systemem mediów. Systemy medialne na poziomie republikańskim (Ukrainy) dysponowały mniejszymi finansami niż system ogólnozwiązkowy (ZSRR). W konsekwencji systemy republikańskich mediów nie rozwijały się technologicznie, a przez to nie zyskiwały na popularności. W sierpniu 1991 r. parlament Ukrainy ogłosił niepodległość państwa. Po przejęciu kontroli nad przestrzenią medialną/informacyjną rząd Ukrainy potwierdził prawo własności prywatnej oraz zniesienie cenzury i likwidację barier w kontaktach międzynarodowych. To sprawiło, iż nastąpił wzrost liczby mediów drukowanych, kanałów telewizyjnych, a dla dziennikarzy otworzyła się nieznana wcześniej możliwość wolności słowa. -
Analyzing the Ground Zero. What Western Countries Can Learn from Ukrainian Experience of Combating Russian Disinformation
Kremlin Watch Report 11.12.2017 Analyzing the Ground Zero. What Western Countries can Learn From Ukrainian Experience of Combating Russian Disinformation Kateryna Kruk Kremlin Watch is a strategic program which aims to expose and confront instruments of Kremlin Watch Special Fellow Russian influence and disinformation operations focused against Western democracies. Analyzing the Ground Zero The report analyses different ways in which Ukraine tried to combat Russian information attacks, covering the period from the annexation of Crimea until the end of 2017. It provides the assessment of the effectiveness of the activities of the state and civil society according to the following response areas: putting hostile disinformation efforts on the foreign and security policy agenda, publicly challenging supporters of the Kremlin-sponsored efforts, disclosing disinformation campaigns substance and vehicles, systematically building resilience within free societies (see the table below). Adoption of the Doctrine of information security was warmly welcomed as an important step to increase information defense capacities. However, so far the implementation of the Doctrine has a limited impact due to the lack of the effective system of efforts coordination among state and civil society actors. Political will to make decisive steps is another important element of the success of disinformation fight. Example of Ukrainian Ministry of Information Policy shows that creating a new government body to fight disinformation only makes sense if there is a sufficient political will and consensus between the leading political actors to ensure that it receives enough staff, budgetary allowances, and proper division of labour with existing institutions. However controversial, opinion polls indicate that the decision to ban Russian TV channels from the Ukrainian media space was correct. -
Under Assault: Ukraine's News Media and the 2004 Presidential Elections
Under Assault: Ukraine’s News Media and the 2004 Presidential Elections Jeremy Druker and Dean Cox No one should underestimate the political, social, and economic importance of the presidential election scheduled in Ukraine for October 2004. It is clear that this election offers an important opportunity for a new beginning for Ukraine, a country mired in official corruption. Yet given Ukraine’s recent history, including its last presidential and parliamentary elections, the next four months do not bode well for the independence of the country’s news media. President Leonid Kuchma (who under Ukraine’s constitution cannot run for a third term) and his allies will look to secure at all costs the victory of a chosen successor. The election of an opposition candidate could portend a sea change in the upper echelons of power and enable sorely needed reform of the political system. In the past, analysts in Ukraine and news media watchdog organizations outside this east European country have criticized Ukraine’s news media for performing poorly and failing to provide fair political and electoral information to the voting public. The financial dependency of the media and strict control of media companies by the ruling regime, local and regional administrations, and political parties have increased dramatically since President Kuchma’s 1999 reelection and intensified during the 2002 parliamentary elections, when intimidation of reporters and media outlets reached its highest point since the consolidation of Ukraine’s post-communist independence. Given the immense implications of a change in state power and the strong showing of opposition forces in recent polls, there is a danger that many news media outlets—particularly broadcast media—will outdo even their past efforts to skew the news agenda. -
The Conflict in the Donbas Between Gray and Black: the Importance of Perspective
The Conflict in the Donbas between Gray and Black: The Importance of Perspective Report to DHS S&T Office of University Programs and DoD Strategic Multilayer Assessment Branch December 2016 National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism A Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Center of Excellence Led by the University of Maryland 8400 Baltimore Ave., Suite 250 • College Park, MD 20742 • 301.405.6600 www.start.umd.edu National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism A Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Center of Excellence About This Report The author of this report is Evgeny Finkel, PhD, Assistant Professor of Political Science and International Affairs at George Washington University. Questions about this report should be directed to Barnett S. Koven at [email protected]. This report is part of START project, “Shadows of Violence: Empirical Assessments of Threats, Coercion and Gray Zones,” led by Amy Pate. This research was supported by a Centers of Excellence Supplemental award from the Department of Homeland Security’s Science and Technology Directorate’s Office of University Programs, with funding provided by the Strategic Multilayer Assessment (SMA) Branch of the Department of Defense through grand award number 2012ST061CS0001-05 made to the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START). The views and conclusions contained in this document are those of the authors and should not be interpreted as necessarily representing the official policies, either expressed or implied, of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, the U.S. -
Culture and Customs of Ukraine Ukraine
Culture and Customs of Ukraine Ukraine. Courtesy of Bookcomp, Inc. Culture and Customs of Ukraine ADRIANA HELBIG, OKSANA BURANBAEVA, AND VANJA MLADINEO Culture and Customs of Europe GREENWOOD PRESS Westport, Connecticut • London Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Helbig, Adriana. Culture and customs of Ukraine / Adriana Helbig, Oksana Buranbaeva and Vanja Mladineo. p. cm. — (Culture and customs of Europe) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978–0–313–34363–6 (alk. paper) 1. Ukraine—Civilization. 2. Ukraine—Social life and customs. I. Buranbaeva, Oksana. II. Mladineo, Vanja. III. Title. IV. Series. DK508.4.H45 2009 947.7—dc22 2008027463 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright © 2009 by Adriana Helbig, Oksana Buranbaeva, and Vanja Mladineo All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2008027463 ISBN: 978–0–313–34363–6 First published in 2009 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. www.greenwood.com Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48–1984). 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 The authors dedicate this book to Marijka Stadnycka Helbig and to the memory of Omelan Helbig; to Rimma Buranbaeva, Christoph Merdes, and Ural Buranbaev; to Marko Pećarević. This page intentionally left blank Contents Series Foreword ix Preface xi Acknowledgments xiii Chronology xv 1 Context 1 2 Religion 30 3 Language 48 4 Gender 59 5 Education 71 6 Customs, Holidays, and Cuisine 90 7 Media 114 8 Literature 127 viii CONTENTS 9 Music 147 10 Theater and Cinema in the Twentieth Century 162 Glossary 173 Selected Bibliography 177 Index 187 Series Foreword The old world and the New World have maintained a fluid exchange of people, ideas, innovations, and styles.