One of the Most Commonly Used Methods of Pressure on Journalists and Bloggers Is an Arbitrary
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Why Yulia Tymoshenko Will Remain Imprisoned
Why Yulia Tymoshenko Will Remain Imprisoned Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 8 Issue: 204 November 4, 2011 06:14 PM Age: 49 days By: Taras Kuzio (Source: AP) Western policymakers and Ukrainian experts are perplexed as to why President Viktor Yanukovych agreed to the court quickly sentencing Yulia Tymoshenko on October 11 to a seven year sentence, a three year ban from political life and a fine of 1.5 billion hryvnia ($190 million). The “7+3” charges ban Tymoshenko from the next two presidential and three parliamentary elections. The sentence, refusal to heed the flood of Western criticism and the new charges against Tymoshenko only one day later led the EU to cancel the October 20 visit to Brussels by Yanukovych. The Ukrainian Security Service (SBU) has launched two new charges against Tymoshenko related to when she was CEO of United Energy Systems in 1995-1997 and the assassination of Viktor Yushchenko’s protégé Vadym Hetman in 1998. Ten factors explain how and why the Yanukovych administration dug itself into a hole. Feral elites: Ukraine’s elites have little connection to society whose citizens and voters they treat with contempt and do not feel any responsibility toward. Feral elites believe the world is Machiavellian and the ends justify the means. Most Western media coverage used language similar to the Economist (October 11) to describe Yanukovych as “thuggish and vindictive” (The Times, October 14, The New York Times, October 17). National interests: personal and business interests are of greater importance than Ukraine’s national interests. Revenge against Tymoshenko for removing the opaque gas intermediary RosUkrEnergo from the 2009 gas contract with Russia is more important for the feral elites than European integration. -
Crimea Beyond Rules. Issue № 4. Information Occupation
Crimea Issue № 4 beyond Information occupation rules Thematic review of the human rights situation under occupation UHHRU RCHR CHROT РЕГІОНАЛЬНИЙ ЦЕНТР ПРАВ ЛЮДИНИ Regional Centre for Human Rights - NGO, the nucleus of which consists of professional lawyers from Crimea and Sevastopol, specializing in the field of international human rights law. REGIONAL CENTRE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS rchr.org.ua Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union - non-profit and non-political organization. The largest association of human rights organizations in Ukraine, which unites 29 NGOs, the purpose of which is to protect human rights. Ukrainian Helsinki Human helsinki.org.ua Rights Union CHROT - expert-analytical group, whose members wish to remain anonymous. Some results of work of this group are presented at the link below : precedent.crimea.ua Dear readers, Crimean events at the beginning of 2014 have challenged the post-war system of international security. They stirred up the whole range of human emotions - from the loss of directions in life to the euphoria, from joyful hope to fear and frustration. Like 160 years ago, Crimea attracted the attention of the whole Europe. In this publication we have tried to turn away from emotions and reconsider the situation rationally through human values and historical experience. We hope that the publication will be interesting to all, regardless of their political views and attitudes towards these events. S. Zayets R. Martynovskyy D. Svyrydova Table of contents Introduction 4 1. International standards 5 2. International criminal liability for crimes, 10 related to abuse of freedom of speech 3. Review of national legislation and regulation of occupation regime Ukraine 13 Russian Federation 17 Crimea 24 4. -
Freedom on the Net, Ukraine
Ukraine https://freedomhouse.org/country/ukraine/freedom-net/2020 The COVID-19 pandemic saw the authorities prosecute users for spreading rumors online and launch several initiatives aimed at stopping the spread of the disease, including an app that monitors individuals in mandatory isolation, that infringe upon users’ privacy rights. Online journalists continued to face extralegal retaliation for their work. Cyberattacks remain a regular occurrence, affecting government and nongovernment targets alike. C1 1.00-6.00 pts0-6 pts Do the constitution or other laws fail to protect rights such as freedom of expression, access to 3.003 information, and press freedom, including on the internet, and are they enforced by a judiciary that 6.006 lacks independence? The right to free speech is granted to all citizens of Ukraine under Article 34 of the constitution, but the state may restrict this right in the interests of national security or public order, and it is sometimes restricted in practice. Article 15 of the constitution prohibits censorship.132 Ukrainian courts are hampered by corruption and political interference, and public trust in the judiciary remains low.133 Serious crimes against journalists often remain unresolved (see C7). President Zelenskyy’s administration has at times denied reporters access to information (see B5). The IMI recorded 21 COVID-19–related restrictions on the work of journalists from mid-March 2020 until the end of April 2020, including cases in which journalists were prohibited from attending government meetings or prevented from reporting.134 C2 1.00-4.00 pts0-4 pts Are there laws that assign criminal penalties or civil liability for online activities? 2.002 4.004 No dedicated law mandates criminal penalties or civil liability specifically for online activities. -
Russian Federation State Actors of Protection
European Asylum Support Office EASO Country of Origin Information Report Russian Federation State Actors of Protection March 2017 SUPPORT IS OUR MISSION European Asylum Support Office EASO Country of Origin Information Report Russian Federation State Actors of Protection March 2017 Europe Direct is a service to help you find answers to your questions about the European Union. Free phone number (*): 00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11 (*) Certain mobile telephone operators do not allow access to 00800 numbers or these calls may be billed. More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://europa.eu). Print ISBN 978-92-9494-372-9 doi: 10.2847/502403 BZ-04-17-273-EN-C PDF ISBN 978-92-9494-373-6 doi: 10.2847/265043 BZ-04-17-273-EN-C © European Asylum Support Office 2017 Cover photo credit: JessAerons – Istockphoto.com Neither EASO nor any person acting on its behalf may be held responsible for the use which may be made of the information contained herein. EASO Country of Origin Report: Russian Federation – State Actors of Protection — 3 Acknowledgments EASO would like to acknowledge the following national COI units and asylum and migration departments as the co-authors of this report: Belgium, Cedoca (Center for Documentation and Research), Office of the Commissioner General for Refugees and Stateless Persons Poland, Country of Origin Information Unit, Department for Refugee Procedures, Office for Foreigners Sweden, Lifos, Centre for Country of Origin Information and Analysis, Swedish Migration Agency Norway, Landinfo, Country of -
Temptation to Control
PrESS frEEDOM IN UKRAINE : TEMPTATION TO CONTROL ////////////////// REPORT BY JEAN-FRANÇOIS JULLIARD AND ELSA VIDAL ////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// AUGUST 2010 /////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// PRESS FREEDOM: REPORT OF FACT-FINDING VISIT TO UKRAINE ///////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 2 Natalia Negrey / public action at Mykhaylivska Square in Kiev in November of 2009 Many journalists, free speech organisations and opposition parliamentarians are concerned to see the government becoming more and more remote and impenetrable. During a public meeting on 20 July between Reporters Without Borders and members of the Ukrainian parliament’s Committee of Enquiry into Freedom of Expression, parliamentarian Andrei Shevchenko deplored not only the increase in press freedom violations but also, and above all, the disturbing and challenging lack of reaction from the government. The data gathered by the organisation in the course of its monitoring of Ukraine confirms that there has been a significant increase in reports of press freedom violations since Viktor Yanukovych’s election as president in February. LEGISlaTIVE ISSUES The government’s desire to control journalists is reflected in the legislative domain. Reporters Without Borders visited Ukraine from 19 to 21 July in order to accomplish The Commission for Establishing Freedom the first part of an evaluation of the press freedom situation. of Expression, which was attached to the presi- It met national and local media representatives, members of press freedom dent’s office, was dissolved without explanation NGOs (Stop Censorship, Telekritika, SNUJ and IMI), ruling party and opposition parliamentarians and representatives of the prosecutor-general’s office. on 2 April by a decree posted on the president’s At the end of this initial visit, Reporters Without Borders gave a news conference website on 9 April. -
International Crimes in Crimea
International Crimes in Crimea: An Assessment of Two and a Half Years of Russian Occupation SEPTEMBER 2016 Contents I. Introduction 6 A. Executive summary 6 B. The authors 7 C. Sources of information and methodology of documentation 7 II. Factual Background 8 A. A brief history of the Crimean Peninsula 8 B. Euromaidan 12 C. The invasion of Crimea 15 D. Two and a half years of occupation and the war in Donbas 23 III. Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court 27 IV. Contextual elements of international crimes 28 A. War crimes 28 B. Crimes against humanity 34 V. Willful killing, murder and enforced disappearances 38 A. Overview 38 B. The law 38 C. Summary of the evidence 39 D. Documented cases 41 E. Analysis 45 F. Conclusion 45 VI. Torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 46 A. Overview 46 B. The law 46 C. Summary of the evidence 47 D. Documented cases of torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 50 E. Analysis 59 F. Conclusion 59 VII. Illegal detention 60 A. Overview 60 B. The law 60 C. Summary of the evidence 62 D. Documented cases of illegal detention 66 E. Analysis 87 F. Conclusion 87 VIII. Forced displacement 88 A. Overview 88 B. The law 88 C. Summary of evidence 90 D. Analysis 93 E. Conclusion 93 IX. Crimes against public, private and cultural property 94 A. Overview 94 B. The law 94 C. Summary of evidence 96 D. Documented cases 99 E. Analysis 110 F. Conclusion 110 X. Persecution and collective punishment 111 A. Overview 111 B. -
The Mediaʼs Role
7KH0HGLDV5ROH Sergii Leshchenko Journal of Democracy, Volume 25, Number 3, July 2014, pp. 52-57 (Article) Published by The Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: 10.1353/jod.2014.0048 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jod/summary/v025/25.3.leshchenko.html Access provided by username 'cohenf' (22 Aug 2014 15:19 GMT) The Maidan and Beyond THE MEDIA’S ROLE Sergii Leshchenko Sergii Leshchenko is a leading Ukrainian journalist and press-freedom activist. Since 2000, he has worked for Ukrayinska Pravda, where he specializes in anticorruption investigations and other political report- ing. From October 2013 to February 2014, he was a Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy. It all began with a simple Facebook post. On 21 November 2013, after word got out that President Viktor Yanukovych was doing an about-face and scrapping his promise to steer Ukraine toward closer integration with Europe, online journalist Mustafa Nayyem took to his page on the popular social-media site to invite any fellow Ukrainians who shared his unhappiness with the policy reversal to meet in Kyiv’s Independence Square (the Maidan) at 10:30 that night so they could peacefully voice their discontent. A few hundred of Nayyem’s Facebook friends showed up, to be joined within days by several thousand students and members of opposition parties. When the regime launched a brutal paramilitary assault against the Maidan on November 30, the crowds swelled to at least half a million people who came out to condemn the government’s actions. -
The Peninsula of Fear: Chronicle of Occupation and Violation of Human Rights in Crimea
THE PENINSULA OF FEAR: CHRONICLE OF OCCUPATION AND VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN CRIMEA Kyiv 2016 УДК 341.223.1+342.7.03](477.75)’’2014/2016’’=111 ББК 67.9(4Укр-6Крм)412 Composite authors: Sergiy Zayets (Regional Center for Human Rights), Olexandra Matviychuk (Center for Civil Liberties), Tetiana Pechonchyk (Human Rights Information Center), Darya Svyrydova (Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union), Olga Skrypnyk (Crimean Human Rights Group). The publication contains photographs from public sources, o7 cial websites of the state authorities of Ukraine, the Russian Federation and the occupation authorities, Crimean Field Mission for Human Rights, Crimean Human Rights Group, the online edition Crimea.Realities / Radio Svoboda and other media, court cases materials. ‘The Peninsula of Fear : Chronicle of Occupation and Violation of Human Rights in Crimea’ / Under the general editorship of O. Skrypnyk and T. Pechonchyk. Second edition, revised and corrected. – Kyiv: KBC, 2016. – 136 p. ISBN 978-966-2403-11-4 This publication presents a summary of factual documentation of international law violation emanating from the occupation of the autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol (Ukraine) by the Russian Federation military forces as well as of the human rights violations during February 2014 – February 2016. The publication is intended for the representatives of human rights organizations, civil activists, diplomatic missions, state authorities, as well as educational and research institutions. УДК 341.223.1+342.7.03](477.75)’’2014/2016’’=111 ББК 67.9(4Укр-6Крм)412 ISBN 978-966-2403-11-4 © S. Zayets, O. Matviychuk, T. Pechonchyk, D. Svyrydova, O. Skrypnyk, 2016 Contents Introduction. -
Seeking Justice for Pavel Sheremet
July 20, 2017 IN BRIEF One Year Later: Seeking Justice for Pavel Sheremet Concerning Trends for Press Freedom in Ukraine When investigative journalist Pavel Sheremet died in a car explosion in central Kyiv on July 20, 2016, his assassination garnered global media attention. Upon learning the tragic news, then- OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media Dunja Mijatović condemned the murder, saying, “This killing and its circumstances must be swiftly and thoroughly investigated, and the 1 perpetrators brought to justice.” However, one year later, virtually no progress has been made on his case. Furthermore, the An internationally acclaimed journalist, Pavel Sheremet received the International escalating harassment and attacks against jour- Press Freedom Award from the Committee nalists in Ukraine, coupled with a culture of im- to Protect Journalists in 1998, and the punity for perpetrators, is worrisome for OSCE’s Prize for Journalism and Democracy Ukraine’s democratic future. To ensure they in recognition of his human rights reporting meet the aspirations of the Ukrainian people, in the Balkans and Afghanistan in 2002. (Photo credit: Okras) authorities in Kiev must reaffirm their com- mitment to freedom of the press by ensuring the perpetrators of Sheremet’s murder—and left Russia—again as a result of mounting hos- similar cases of killing, assault, and harass- tility from the host regime he criticized—and ment—are brought to justice. moved to Kyiv. At the time of his death, Shemeret had lived in Kyiv for five years with Investigative Journalist and Outspoken Critic Ukrainska Pravda editor-in-chief Olena Prytula. A regular contributor to popular news site Ukrainska Pravda, Sheremet was known for In 2000, Sheremet’s cameraman, Dmitry Zavad- challenging the authorities in his home country sky, disappeared in Minsk after shooting a doc- of Belarus as well as in his adopted homes of umentary about the war in Chechnya. -
Ukraine's Sectoral Integration Into the Eu
UKRAINE’S SECTORAL INTEGRATION INTO THE EU: PRECONDITIONS, PROSPECTS, CHALLENGES The Project “Ukraine’s Sectoral Integration into the EU: Preconditions, Prospects, Challenges” was realized with the support of Konrad Adenauer Stiftung in Ukraine KYIV 2020 CONTENT UKRAINE’S SECTORAL INTEGRATION INTO THE EU: PRECONDITIONS, PROSPECTS, CHALLENGES .............................................................................................. 3 1. Integration Into the European Union: Current State, Peculiarities and Challenges ...................................... 4 1.1. European Integration Policy of the Current Government: Nature and Specifics .............................. 4 1.2. External Factors ............................................................................................................................... 8 1.3. Updating the Association Agreement and Prospects of the EU-Ukraine Relations ....................... 10 2. General Preconditions for Intensification of Sectoral Integration in the Economy ......................................15 2.1. New Priorities in EU-Ukraine Economic Cooperation in the Context of Fighting COVID-19, and Prospects of Structural Change of Economy ......................................................................... 15 2.2. Developing Mechanisms that Regulate Mutual Market Access under the Free Trade Area .......... 18 2.3. Mechanisms for Facilitating Sectoral Development and Sectoral Integration (Facilitation Institutions and Financial Instruments) ...................................................................... -
Baltic States And
UNCLASSIFIED Asymmetric Operations Working Group Ambiguous Threats and External Influences in the Baltic States and Poland Phase 1: Understanding the Threat October 2014 UNCLASSIFIED UNCLASSIFIED Cover image credits (clockwise): Pro-Russian Militants Seize More Public Buildings in Eastern Ukraine (Donetsk). By Voice of America website (VOA) [Public domain], via Wikimedia Commons, http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:VOAPro- Russian_Militants_Seize_More_Public_Buildings_in_Eastern_Ukraine.jpg. Ceremony Signing the Laws on Admitting Crimea and Sevastopol to the Russian Federation. The website of the President of the Russian Federation (www.kremlin.ru) [CC-BY-3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons, http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Ceremony_signing_ the_laws_on_admitting_Crimea_and_Sevastopol_to_the_Russian_Federation_1.jpg. Sloviansk—Self-Defense Forces Climb into Armored Personnel Carrier. By Graham William Phillips [CCBY-3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons, http://commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File:BMDs_of_Sloviansk_self-defense.jpg. Dynamivska str Barricades on Fire, Euromaidan Protests. By Mstyslav Chernov (http://www.unframe.com/ mstyslav- chernov/) (Own work) [CC-BY-SA-3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons, http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Dynamivska_str_barricades_on_fire._ Euromaidan_Protests._Events_of_Jan_19,_2014-9.jpg. Antiwar Protests in Russia. By Nessa Gnatoush [CC-BY-2.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0)], via Wikimedia Commons, http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Euromaidan_Kyiv_1-12-13_by_ Gnatoush_005.jpg. Military Base at Perevalne during the 2014 Crimean Crisis. By Anton Holoborodko (http://www. ex.ua/76677715) [CC-BY-SA-3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons, http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:2014-03-09_-_Perevalne_military_base_-_0180.JPG. -
Russia Self-Rule INSTITUTIONAL DEPTH and POLICY SCOPE The
Russia Self-rule INSTITUTIONAL DEPTH AND POLICY SCOPE The Russian Federation has two (in some areas, three) tiers of regional governance: eighty-five subyekty federacii or subyekty (federal units or “subjects”), which since 2000 have been organized within eight federalnyye okruga (federal districts); and, in most subyekty federacii, raionabi (districts).1 Raionabi have an average population under 150,000 in all subyekty.2 The most powerful intermediate tier consists of the subyekty federacii, which are composed of twenty-two respubliki (republics), forty-six oblasti (provinces), nine kraya (territories), four avtonomnyye okruga (autonomous districts), one avtonomnaya oblast (autonomous province), and the three federalnyye goroda (federal cities) of St Petersburg, Moscow, and Sevastopol (C 1993, Art. 65). Russia began in 1993 with eighty-nine subyekty, but six have since been merged.3 Each boundary change requires the consent of the affected subyekt as well as of the federal government (C 1993, Art. 67.3). Sevastopol and the Republic of Crimea were annexed as Russian federal subjects in 2014. Respubliki and avtonomnyye okruga have an ethnic base; oblasts and krais are non-ethnic 1 In 2014, the ministry for regional development selected 16 ‘pilot projects’ to establish metropolitan governance structures. In most subyekty federacii, a coordination council was established consisting of the mayors of the participating municipalities and some subyekty federacii also created an executive agency to implement the council’s decisions. The ‘pilot project’ is awaiting federal legislation, participation of the municipalities is voluntary, the decisions of the coordination council are non-binding, and by law municipal budget funds cannot be spent beyond municipal boundaries (Kinossian 2017).