Ukraine's Sectoral Integration Into the Eu

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Ukraine's Sectoral Integration Into the Eu UKRAINE’S SECTORAL INTEGRATION INTO THE EU: PRECONDITIONS, PROSPECTS, CHALLENGES The Project “Ukraine’s Sectoral Integration into the EU: Preconditions, Prospects, Challenges” was realized with the support of Konrad Adenauer Stiftung in Ukraine KYIV 2020 CONTENT UKRAINE’S SECTORAL INTEGRATION INTO THE EU: PRECONDITIONS, PROSPECTS, CHALLENGES .............................................................................................. 3 1. Integration Into the European Union: Current State, Peculiarities and Challenges ...................................... 4 1.1. European Integration Policy of the Current Government: Nature and Specifics .............................. 4 1.2. External Factors ............................................................................................................................... 8 1.3. Updating the Association Agreement and Prospects of the EU-Ukraine Relations ....................... 10 2. General Preconditions for Intensification of Sectoral Integration in the Economy ......................................15 2.1. New Priorities in EU-Ukraine Economic Cooperation in the Context of Fighting COVID-19, and Prospects of Structural Change of Economy ......................................................................... 15 2.2. Developing Mechanisms that Regulate Mutual Market Access under the Free Trade Area .......... 18 2.3. Mechanisms for Facilitating Sectoral Development and Sectoral Integration (Facilitation Institutions and Financial Instruments) ....................................................................... 22 3. Individual Areas of Sectoral Integration: Current State, Problems, Prospects ....................................... 24 3.1. EU-Ukraine Integration in the Energy Sector ................................................................................. 24 3.2. Development of Digital Economy and Its Sectors .......................................................................... 33 3.3. Eu-Ukraine Cooperation: Transport Infrastructure ......................................................................... 35 3.4. Cooperation in the Banking Sector ................................................................................................ 40 3.5. Environmental Dimenson of European Integration ......................................................................... 42 4. Conclusions and Proposals ................................................................................................................... 49 4.1. Movement Towards the EU: Specifics, Limitations, Challenges .................................................... 49 4.2. Trends and Problems in Some Spheres of European Integration .................................................. 50 4.3. Proposals and Recommendations for Certain Areas of EU-Ukraine Cooperation ......................... 51 PROGRESS TOWARDS THE EU: PROBLEMS, TASKS, PROSPECTS (Materials of Round Table by Correspondence between Government Officials and Independent Experts) ......................................................................................................................... 56 Dmytro KULEBA, Mykhailo FEDOROV, Taras KACHKA, Anatolii PETRENKO, Veronika MOVCHAN, Dmytro SHULHA, Volodymyr FESENKO, Yevhen MAHDA PATHS AND DIRECTIONS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION IN EXPERT ASSESSMENTS ................. 75 ARTICLES PROGRESS TOWARDS THE EU: COORDINATION, CONSISTENCY, RESULT Ivanna KLYMPUSH-TSINTSADZE ............................................................................................................ 86 IMMEDIATE ISSUES AND PROMISING AREAS IN UKRAINE’S EUROPEAN INTEGRATION Mykola KAPITONENKO ............................................................................................................................ 90 CHANGES TO THE EU-UKRAINE ASSOCIATION AGREEMENT MUST INTEGRATE UKRAINIAN BUSINESS INTERESTS AS MUCH AS POSSIBLE Olha KULYK .............................................................................................................................................. 94 PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS IN UKRAINE'S COOPERATION WITH THE EU IN THE SECURITY SECTOR Leonid POLIAKOV ..................................................................................................................................... 96 © Razumkov Centre, 2020 ISBN 978-966-7272-95-1 © “Zapovit” Publishing House, 2020 2 • RAZUMKOV CENTRE • UKRAINE’S SECTORAL INTEGRATION INTO THE EU: PRECONDITIONS, PROSPECTS, CHALLENGES Sectoral integration is an extensive, multi-vector and multi-speed process aimed at, so to speak, step-by-step construction of modern Europe in Ukraine – “digital”, “energy-sector”, “infrastructural”, “industrial”, “ecological”, etc. The indicator of efficiency of government's eurointegration activity is the level of implementation of the Association Agreement (overall and by sectors), which, regrettably, due to various subjective and objective circumstances is not satisfactory at the moment. Yet, another thing is also obvious, – the Agreement, approved back in 2011, now fails to match current circumstances and the potential of EU-Ukraine relations. Thus, a comprehensive update of this document is on the agenda with the objective of Ukraine’s active entry into EU's sectoral markets, including with high value added products, and overall – for efficient progress towards the “four freedoms” in relations between Kyiv and Brussels. Thus, the Agreement update entails a new quality of cooperation in key areas of sectoral integration. Ahead of us is the signing of important agreements with the EU: on “industrial visa-free regime” (ACAA), cooperation in the digital sector, common aviation area, etc. There are also discussions on Ukraine's accession to EU Common Transit System, cooperation in the framework of European Green Deal, etc. At the same time, new challenges bring adjustments to partnership priorities. Namely, the battle against COVID-19 brings to the forefront the issue of expanding cooperation in healthcare and pharmaceuticals, introduction of new contactless technologies, streng- thening cooperation in business and employment guarantees. That said, it should be noted that on the one hand, current technical assistance and potential of financial resources do not match the scale of transformational issues that Ukraine faces in the context of sectoral integration. And on the other – the Agreement does not contain an ultimate mobilising goal, i.e. the prospect of EU membership. Overall, there are grounds to talk about progress and achievements on the path towards Europe: from active political dialogue to implementation of a range of European norms in a number of sectors. However, progress towards the EU is restricted and complicated by a range of adverse internal factors, which include corruption in Ukraine, socio-economic troubles, quality of public administration system, limitations and failures of government policy, etc. At the same time, movement towards European community is slowed down by adverse geopolitical trends, centrifugal processes within the EU, Russian hybrid aggression, global pandemic outbreak. Unfortunately, so far we have failed to effectively convert eurointegration course into socio-economic changes tangible for Ukrainian citizens. It is rather obvious that Ukraine's overall eurointegration results, as well as the process of further Agreement implementation will be defined by how efficiently it overcomes its internal problems. Section one talks about the nature and specific aspects of government's eurointegration policy, achievements and problems on the path towards the EU, outlines internal circumstances and external conditions of Ukraine's progress towards the European community. Section two looks at some new priorities in Kyiv-Brussels’ cooperation, analyses preconditions for intensification of sectoral integration in the economy, outlines ways of Ukraine's progress towards EU markets, discusses efficiency of instruments that facilitate sectoral integration. Section three studies the current state, trends and prospects of EU-Ukraine integration in a number of specific sectors. Namely, in the sectors of energy, digital market, transport, banking and ecology. Section four provides generalised conclusions and a complex of proposals for intensifying and deepening EU-Ukraine sectoral integration. “Ukraine’s Sectoral Integration into the EU: Preconditions, Prospects, Challenges” report was prepared by the team of authors: M.Pashkov (Head of Project), Co-director of Foreign Policy and International Security Programmes of the Razumkov Centre; K.Markevych, Razumkov Centre Leading Expert on Economic and Social Programmes; V.Sidenko, Razumkov Centre Scientific Consultant on Economic Issues; P.Stetsiuk, Razumkov Centre Scientific Consultant on Legal Issues. M.Honchar, President of the Centre for Global Studies “Strategy XXI”; I.Stukalenko, Manager of Energy Programmes at the Centre for Global Studies “Strategy XXI”; • RAZUMKOV CENTRE • 3 / 1. INTEGRATION INTO THE EUROPEAN UNION: CURRENT STATE, PECULIARITIES AND CHALLENGES kraine’s European integration is a multi-layered, dynamic and lasting process with a Ucomplex and sometimes dramatic evolution, which depends on many internal and external factors. Stages, specifics and chronology of the development of Brussels-Kyiv relations are outlined in the previous project of the Razumkov Centre (2020).1 The first section of the report assesses the nature and peculiarities of the current govern- ment’s European integration policy, accomplishments and problems on the way to the
Recommended publications
  • Why Yulia Tymoshenko Will Remain Imprisoned
    Why Yulia Tymoshenko Will Remain Imprisoned Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 8 Issue: 204 November 4, 2011 06:14 PM Age: 49 days By: Taras Kuzio (Source: AP) Western policymakers and Ukrainian experts are perplexed as to why President Viktor Yanukovych agreed to the court quickly sentencing Yulia Tymoshenko on October 11 to a seven year sentence, a three year ban from political life and a fine of 1.5 billion hryvnia ($190 million). The “7+3” charges ban Tymoshenko from the next two presidential and three parliamentary elections. The sentence, refusal to heed the flood of Western criticism and the new charges against Tymoshenko only one day later led the EU to cancel the October 20 visit to Brussels by Yanukovych. The Ukrainian Security Service (SBU) has launched two new charges against Tymoshenko related to when she was CEO of United Energy Systems in 1995-1997 and the assassination of Viktor Yushchenko’s protégé Vadym Hetman in 1998. Ten factors explain how and why the Yanukovych administration dug itself into a hole. Feral elites: Ukraine’s elites have little connection to society whose citizens and voters they treat with contempt and do not feel any responsibility toward. Feral elites believe the world is Machiavellian and the ends justify the means. Most Western media coverage used language similar to the Economist (October 11) to describe Yanukovych as “thuggish and vindictive” (The Times, October 14, The New York Times, October 17). National interests: personal and business interests are of greater importance than Ukraine’s national interests. Revenge against Tymoshenko for removing the opaque gas intermediary RosUkrEnergo from the 2009 gas contract with Russia is more important for the feral elites than European integration.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom on the Net, Ukraine
    Ukraine https://freedomhouse.org/country/ukraine/freedom-net/2020 The COVID-19 pandemic saw the authorities prosecute users for spreading rumors online and launch several initiatives aimed at stopping the spread of the disease, including an app that monitors individuals in mandatory isolation, that infringe upon users’ privacy rights. Online journalists continued to face extralegal retaliation for their work. Cyberattacks remain a regular occurrence, affecting government and nongovernment targets alike. C1 1.00-6.00 pts0-6 pts Do the constitution or other laws fail to protect rights such as freedom of expression, access to 3.003 information, and press freedom, including on the internet, and are they enforced by a judiciary that 6.006 lacks independence? The right to free speech is granted to all citizens of Ukraine under Article 34 of the constitution, but the state may restrict this right in the interests of national security or public order, and it is sometimes restricted in practice. Article 15 of the constitution prohibits censorship.132 Ukrainian courts are hampered by corruption and political interference, and public trust in the judiciary remains low.133 Serious crimes against journalists often remain unresolved (see C7). President Zelenskyy’s administration has at times denied reporters access to information (see B5). The IMI recorded 21 COVID-19–related restrictions on the work of journalists from mid-March 2020 until the end of April 2020, including cases in which journalists were prohibited from attending government meetings or prevented from reporting.134 C2 1.00-4.00 pts0-4 pts Are there laws that assign criminal penalties or civil liability for online activities? 2.002 4.004 No dedicated law mandates criminal penalties or civil liability specifically for online activities.
    [Show full text]
  • Reforms in Ukraine After Revolution of Dignity
    REFORMS IN UKRAINE AFTER REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY What was done, why not more and what to do next This publicaon was produced with financial Responsibility for the informaon and views set out assistance from the EBRD-Ukraine Stabilisaon and in this publicaon lies enrely with the authors. The Sustainable Growth Mul-Donor Account, the EBRD makes no representaon or warranty, express donors of which are Denmark, Finland, France, or implied, as to the accuracy or completeness of the Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, informaon set forth in the publicaon. The EBRD Poland, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, has not independently verified any of the informaon the United States of America and the European contained in the publicaon and the EBRD accepts Union, the largest donor. The views expressed herein no liability whatsoever for any of the informaon can in no way be taken to reflect the official opinion contained in the publicaon or for any misstatement of the EBRD or any donor of the account. or omission therein. The publicaon remains the property of the EBRD. REFORMS IN UKRAINE AFTER REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY What was done, why not more and what to do next Editors Ivan Miklos Pavlo Kukhta Contents Foreword 4 Introducon What was done, why not more and what to do next: Ukrainian reforms aer the Revoluon of Dignity 7 Chapter 1 Polical economy of reforms: polical system, governance and corrupon 10 Chapter 2 Macroeconomic policies 35 Chapter 3 Rule of law 48 Chapter 4 Energy policy 75 Chapter 5 Business environment 87 Chapter 6 Land reform 101 Chapter 7 Privasaon and SOE reform 112 Chapter 8 Healthcare reform 132 Chapter 9 Ukraine and the European Union 144 Annex 1 Report on reforms in 2016-17 162 Annex 2 The role of the government and MPs in reform implementaon in Ukraine 167 About SAGSUR (Strategic Advisory Group for Support of Ukrainian Reforms) 173 Glossary of terms 174 Foreword Foreword | 4 Foreword Maeo Patrone and Peter M.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloading and Uploading Are Now Under Discussion
    Pandemic Economic Crisis: Changes and New Challenges to Society Scientific monograph edited by M. Bezpartochnyi VUZF University of Finance, Business and Entrepreneurship (Sofia, Bulgaria) 2020 1 Chief Editor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Grigorii Vazov Members: Prof. Doctor of Economic Sciences Metodi Hristov Prof. Dr. Radoslaw Grabowski Prof. Dr. Daniela Bobeva Prof. Dr. Emilia Milanova Prof. Dr. Virginia Zhelyazkova Prof. Dr. Grigor Dimitrov Assoc. Prof. Dr. Yakim Kitanov Assoc. Prof. Dr. Desislava Yosifova Assoc. Prof. Dr. Stanislav Dimitrov Assoc. Prof. Dr. Krassimir Todorov Assoc. Prof. Dr Daniela Ilieva Recommended for publication by the Editorial Board of the VUZF University of Finance, Business and Entrepreneurship Reviewers (international scientific editoral board): Radostin Vazov – Assoc. Prof. Dr., Vice-Rector, VUZF University of Finance, Business and Entrepreneurship, Bulgaria Piotr Jarosz – prof. dr hab., Vice-rector, University of Socio- Economics in Przeworsk, Poland Tetiana Cherniavska – Doctor in Economics, Professor at the State University of Applied Sciences in Konin, Poland Pandemic Economic Crisis: Changes and New Challenges to Society: scientific monograph / edited by M. Bezpartochnyi // VUZF University of Finance, Business and Entrepreneurship. – Sofia: VUZF Publishing House “St. Grigorii Bogoslov”, 2020. – 313 p. Reproduction or citation reference is mandatory. © Collective of Authors © VUZF Publishing House “St. Grigorii Bogoslov”, Sofia, 2020 ISBN 978-954-8590-92-1 2 Pandemic Economic Crisis: Changes and New Challenges to Society Contents INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………..…..… 7 Chapter 1 NEW CHALLENGES AND TRANSFORMATION OF INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC RELATIONS …………………. 8 Britchenko I., Bezpartochnyi M. Global pandemic economic crisis: consequences and opportunities for Ukraine …………………………………...………………...….. 8 Doronina I., Slyusarchuk O. Analysis of the new green course in the world …………….…….. 22 Kavkler A.
    [Show full text]
  • Biden and Ukraine: a Strategy for the New Administration
    Atlantic Council EURASIA CENTER ISSUE BRIEF Biden and Ukraine: A Strategy for the New Administration ANDERS ÅSLUND, MELINDA HARING, WILLIAM B. TAYLOR, MARCH 2021 JOHN E. HERBST, DANIEL FRIED, AND ALEXANDER VERSHBOW Introduction US President Joseph R. Biden, Jr., knows Ukraine well. His victory was well- received in Kyiv. Many in Kyiv see the next four years as an opportunity to reestablish trust between the United States and Ukraine and push Ukraine’s reform aspirations forward while ending Russia’s destabilization of Ukraine’s east. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is greatly interested in reestablishing a close US-Ukraine relationship, which has gone through a bumpy period under former US President Donald J. Trump when Ukraine became a flash point in US domestic politics. Resetting relations with Kyiv will not be simple. As vice president, Biden oversaw Ukraine policy, visited the country six times, and knows most of its players and personalities, which is an obvious advantage. But Zelenskyy is different from his immediate predecessor. He hails from Ukraine’s Russian- speaking east, was not an active participant in the Revolution of Dignity, has had little contact with the West, and took a battering during Trump’s first impeachment in which Ukraine was front and center. However, Zelenskyy is keen to engage with the new Biden team and seeks recognition as a global leader. The Biden administration would be wise to seize this opportunity. The first priority for the new Biden team should be to get to know the players in Ukraine and Zelenskyy’s inner circle (Zelenskyy’s team and his ministers are not household names in Washington) and to establish a relationship of trust after the turbulence of the Trump years.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ukrainian Weekly, 2020
    INSIDE: l State in a Smartphone app is launched – page 3 l ‘Peripheral Visions’ exhibit by the Yurchuks – page 11 l Community: Alberta, New York, New Jersey – pages 16-17 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association, Inc., celebrating W its 125th anniversaryEEKLY Vol. LXXXVIII No. 7 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 2020 $2.00 NEWS ANALYSIS Yermak replaces Bohdan Zelenskyy, with Yermak in new role, as the head of Presidential Office emphasizes continuity in foreign policy by Bohdan Nahaylo understood that it is necessary to change the Minsk accords of 2014-2015 because KYIV – When President Volodymyr they are not working, and he sensed that Zelenskyy fired the controversial head of even “Russia is preparing to think this his Presidential Office, Andriy Bohdan, and over.” This recognition of “Minsk flexibility” replaced him with Andriy Yermak, a non- was a step forward. In his view, the staff close adviser who has become increas- achieve ment of peace remains the goal, for ingly influential in recent months, the move in the end it will be not about winners and suggested a change in style and approach in losers but “a victory for everyone.” the domestic sphere. But the appointment Turning from the Donbas to Crimea, also reaffirmed Mr. Yermak’s position as the President Zelenskyy acknowledged that Ukrainian president’s chief negotiator with this issue was “even more complicated.” He the Kremlin and his stewardship over added cryptically: “But we are also working Ukraine’s foreign policy in general. on it. I cannot say more so far.” On the same day as the personnel The following day, at his first press con- change in Kyiv, Moscow confirmed that ference as head of the Presidential Office, or Dmitry Kozak had replaced Vladyslav chief of staff, Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ukrainian Weekly, 2019
    INSIDE: UWC leadership meets with Zelenskyy – page 3 Lomachenko adds WBC title to his collection – page 15 Ukrainian Independence Day celebrations – pages 16-17 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association, Inc., celebrating W its 125th anniversaryEEKLY Vol. LXXXVII No. 36 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 2019 $2.00 Trump considers suspension of military aid Zelenskyy team takes charge to Ukraine, angering U.S. lawmakers as new Rada begins its work RFE/RL delay. Unless, of course, he’s yet again act- ing at the behest of his favorite Russian dic- U.S. President Donald Trump is consid- tator & good friend, Putin,” the Illinois sena- ering blocking $250 million in military aid tor tweeted. to Ukraine, Western media reported, rais- Rep. Adam Kinzinger (R-Ill.), a member of ing objections from lawmakers of both U.S. the House Foreign Affairs Committee, tweet- political parties. ed that “This is unacceptable. It was wrong Citing senior administration officials, when [President Barack] Obama failed to Politico and Reuters reported that Mr. stand up to [Russian President Vladimir] Trump had ordered a reassessment of the Putin in Ukraine, and it’s wrong now.” aid program that Kyiv uses to battle Russia- The administration officials said chances backed separatists in eastern Ukraine. are that the money will be allocated as The review is to “ensure the money is usual but that the determination will not be being used in the best interest of the United made until the review is completed and Mr. States,” Politico said on August 28, and Trump makes a final decision.
    [Show full text]
  • NEGATIVE FACTORS THAT IMPEDE the DEVELOPMENT of TRANSPORT in UKRAINE Problem Statement
    T. A. Chernyavskaya УДК 338.47 T. A. Chernyavskaya, PhD (Economics), Novokahovsky Humanities Institute, Ukraine NEGATIVE FACTORS THAT IMPEDE THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRANSPORT IN UKRAINE Problem statement. Currently, solution of the services account for nearly 70% in imports — about economical development of Ukraine is one of the first 20%, resulting in transport of Ukraine shows a steady tasks for our country. Particular attention is drawn positive balance of foreign trade in services. transport, which has become a topic of everyday ordinary In 2008, the transportation system provided Ukrainian. For Ukraine’s economic development is transportation 1.9 billion tons of cargo and more than 8.3 important to enhance the role of transport that supports billion passengers. As the global financial crisis and lower the population, the development of the country’s economy, demand for major export commodities were falling volume saving capability and the ability to achieve high external of freight traffic on 29,1% for 9 months of 2009 compared economic relations of the country. The transport system to same period in 2008, passenger traffic — by 7%. of Ukraine is represented by different types of transport: According to the program document «Ukraine 2020: rail, road, sea, air, etc. national modernization strategy,» promising the economy Analysis of recent studies and publications. of Ukraine optimistically estimated as investment and Economic problems of the transport industry have devoted innovation, which must provide to enhance its their research such Ukrainian and foreign scientists as O.P. competitiveness. If the 2009-2012 biennium provides for Golikova, V.G. Shynkarenko A.I. Abramov, A.V.
    [Show full text]
  • The Mediaʼs Role
    7KH0HGLD૷V5ROH Sergii Leshchenko Journal of Democracy, Volume 25, Number 3, July 2014, pp. 52-57 (Article) Published by The Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: 10.1353/jod.2014.0048 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jod/summary/v025/25.3.leshchenko.html Access provided by username 'cohenf' (22 Aug 2014 15:19 GMT) The Maidan and Beyond THE MEDIA’S ROLE Sergii Leshchenko Sergii Leshchenko is a leading Ukrainian journalist and press-freedom activist. Since 2000, he has worked for Ukrayinska Pravda, where he specializes in anticorruption investigations and other political report- ing. From October 2013 to February 2014, he was a Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy. It all began with a simple Facebook post. On 21 November 2013, after word got out that President Viktor Yanukovych was doing an about-face and scrapping his promise to steer Ukraine toward closer integration with Europe, online journalist Mustafa Nayyem took to his page on the popular social-media site to invite any fellow Ukrainians who shared his unhappiness with the policy reversal to meet in Kyiv’s Independence Square (the Maidan) at 10:30 that night so they could peacefully voice their discontent. A few hundred of Nayyem’s Facebook friends showed up, to be joined within days by several thousand students and members of opposition parties. When the regime launched a brutal paramilitary assault against the Maidan on November 30, the crowds swelled to at least half a million people who came out to condemn the government’s actions.
    [Show full text]
  • No. 02, January 12, 2020
    INSIDE: l UCCA National Council welcomes UABA – page 4 l Koliadnyky from Kryvorivnia perform in New York – page 9 l Reflections: Ukrainians and the NYC Marathon – page 11 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association, Inc., celebrating W its 125th anniversaryEEKLY Vol. LXXXVIII No. 2 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY 12, 2020 $2.00 A difficult start to the New Year in Ukraine Ukrainian plane crashes in Iran, by Bohdan Nahaylo and to give a new look and feel to the tradi- killing all 176 people aboard tional speech from the country’s leader. It KYIV – For Ukraine, the New Year has contained few details and did not elaborate started with a roller-coaster effect, moving any precise plans for the year ahead. from seasonal festive joy to tragedy and The main message was the need for mourning. unity at a time of war, economic difficulties It began with an upbeat, unconventional and efforts to get reforms back on track. Mr. New Year’s Eve address to the nation by the Zelenskyy challenged his listeners to reflect country’s new president, Volodymyr Zelens- on what it is to be Ukrainian today, what kyy, which was warmly received by many, should unite Ukrainians and what threatens but antagonized those in opposition to him. to perpetuate mutual distrust, misunder- And, following Christmas celebrations standing and antagonism, what should be according to the old Julian calendar, it was the priorities today in this regard, and what followed by a very different presidential can be addressed later or more gradually. message to the Ukrainian people – a decla- Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • Volodymyr Zelensky: What Has Been Done in the Past Year? What’S Next?...1
    Nr 14 ROCZNIK INTEGRACJI EUROPEJSKIEJ 2020 ŁUKASZ DONAJ DOI : 10.14746/rie.2020.14.6 Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań ORCID: 0000-0002-7720-1260 Volodymyr Zelensky: What has Been Done in the Past Year? What’s Next?...1 Introduction Tadeusz Iwański, an analyst from the Center for Eastern Studies, has noted that the political situation in Ukraine after the Revolution of Dignity and the ensuing Russian aggression created a peculiar social context, in which the perception of traditional politicians has dramatically changed for the worse. After the revolution, the society has been eagerly expecting a thorough recovery of the state, combined with a new quality of governance and public empowerment. However, the 2014 presidential and parliamentary elections changed little in terms of the political elite, as the most im- portant state functions remained in the hands of politicians who first emerged in the 1990s, when the oligarchic system in Ukraine was being formed. The reforms intro- duced in the first two to three years after the revolution, mainly under pressure from Western creditors and the civil society, did not meet the society’s needs. Not only did they fail to improve the quality of life, but eventually led to the emigration of some 2 million Ukrainians, which placed an additional burden on the shoulders of the old and new elites. Initiated but never completed, the painful reforms have increased po- litical volatility and sapped public trust in the political class even further. A survey by Kyiv’s Razumkov Center showed that just before the presidential elections only 23 percent of respondents trusted the president.
    [Show full text]
  • No. 15, April 12, 2020
    THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXXVIII No. 15 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, APRIL 12, 2020 $2.00 Unprecedented quarantine measures Retired Metropolitan-Archbishop enacted to fight coronavirus in Ukraine Stephen Sulyk dies of COVID-19 PHILADELPHIA – Metropolitan-Arch- bishop emeritus Stephen Sulyk, who head- ed the Ukrainian Catholic Church in the United States in 1981-2000, died on April 6 at the age of 95. A day earlier, he had been hospitalized with symptoms of the corona- virus. Archbishop-Metropolitan Borys Gudziak wrote on Facebook on April 5: “A few hours ago, Archbishop Stephen was hospitalized. He is presenting the symptoms of COVID-19, and his vital signs are weak. The Archbishop is receiving comfort care. Everything is in the Lord’s hands.” Metropolitan Borys provided the follow- ing biography of the deceased hierarch. Stephen Sulyk was born to Michael and Mary Denys Sulyk on October 2, 1924, in Serhii Nuzhnenko, RFE/RL Balnycia, a village in the Lemko District of National deputies leave the Verkhovna Rada wearing protective masks. the Carpathian mountains in western Ukraine. In 1944, he graduated from high Retired Metropolitan-Archbishop Stephen Sulyk by Roman Tymotsko infectious diseases, a person faces criminal school in Sambir. After graduation, the events prosecution. of World War II forced him to leave his native with the additional responsibilities of chan- KYIV – As Ukraine enters the second Beginning on April 6, being in public land and share the experience of a refugee. cery secretary. month of its coronavirus quarantine, new places without a facemask or a respirator is He entered the Ukrainian Catholic From July 1, 1957, until October 5, 1961, restrictions were enacted on April 6.
    [Show full text]