I Setting Off from Macau

Setting Off from Macau

Modernity through the Prism of Jesuit History

Edited by

Robert A. Maryks (Boston College)

Editorial Board

James Bernauer S.J. (Boston College) Louis Caruana S.J. (Pontificia Università Gregoriana, Rome) Emanuele Colombo (DePaul University) Paul Grendler (University of Toronto, emeritus) Yasmin Haskell (University of Western Australia) Ronnie Po-chia Hsia (Pennsylvania State University) Thomas M. McCoog S.J. (Fordham University) Mia Mochizuki (New York University Abu Dhabi and Institute of Fine Arts, New York) Sabina Pavone (Università degli Studi di Macerata) Moshe Sluhovsky (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem) Jeffrey Chipps Smith (The University of Texas at Austin)

VOLUME 5

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/js iii Setting Off from Macau

Essays on Jesuit History during the Ming and Qing Dynasties

Tang Kaijian

LEIDEN | BOSTON iv

Cover illustration: Andrew Ljungstedt, An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements in China and of the Roman Catholic Church and Mission in China (Boston: J. Munroe, 1836). Courtesy of the Burns Library at Boston College.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Tang, Kaijian, author. Title: Setting off from Macau : essays on Jesuit history during the Ming and Qing dynasties / by Tang Kaijian. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, [2016] | Series: Jesuit studies, ISSN 2214-3289 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2015036025| ISBN 9789004305519 (hardback : alk. paper) | ISBN 9789004305526 (e-book) Subjects: LCSH: Jesuits--China--Macau--History. | Jesuits--Missions--China--Macau--History. | Catholic Church--China--History. | Macau (China)--Church history. | China--Church history. Classification: LCC BV2290 .T3613 2016 | DDC 271/.5305126--dc23 LC record available at http://lccn.loc. gov/2015036025

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This book is printed on acid-free paper. ContentsContents v Contents

Acknowledgments vii List of Maps, Tables, and Figures viii

Introduction 1

1 Origins and Development of Catholicism in Macau during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties 5

2 Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties 36

3 Japanese Christians in Macau and the Guangdong Government’s Response 90

4 The Rise and Fall of Catholicism in Hainan during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties 129

5 Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties 151

6 Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties 182

7 Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties 224

8 Jesuit Clock Diplomacy and the Use of Western Clocks during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties 257

Bibliography 283 Index 299 Figures 325 vi Contents

Contents Contents v Acknowledgments vii List of Map, Tables and Figures viii Introduction 1 Chapter 1 5 Origins and Development of Catholicism in Macau during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties 5 Chapter 2 36 Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties 36 Chapter 3 90 Japanese Christians in Macau and the Guangdong Government’s Response 90 Chapter 4 129 The Rise and Fall of Catholicism in Hainan during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties 129 Chapter 5 151 Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties 151 Chapter 6 182 Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties 182 Chapter 7 224 Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties 224 Chapter 8 257 Jesuit Clock Diplomacy and the Use of Western Clocks during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties 257 Bibliography 283 Index 299 Figures 301 AcknowledgmentsAcknowledgments vii Acknowledgments

This book could not have been completed without the assistance of Professor Rui Paulo da Silva Martins, who is in charge of research at the University of Macau. As this book could never have been published in the absence of the generous funding he provided for the translations and other work it involved, I would like to take this opportunity to express my sincere gratitude to him and for all of the support he has provided. I would also like to express my thanks to Professor Yin Shuxi from the Ren- min University of China for his work in translating the book from Chinese. Thanks are additionally due to Mr. Jason L. Standquist and Hsin-Fang Wu from the University of Pennsylvania for proofreading the original manuscript, which further improved the quality of the translation. I would also like to express my sincere gratitude to Professor Ronnie Po-chia Hsia, of the Department of History at the University of Pennsylvania, who is a fellow of Academia Sinica and a renowned scholar of Chinese Catholic history. His support was crucial in publishing this book. Finally, I would like to thank Professor Robert Aleksander Maryks, the asso ciate director of the Institute for Advanced Jesuit Studies at Boston College and the editor-in-chief of Brill’s Jesuit Studies book series, and Ivo Romein, the editor of religious studies at Brill. I would also like to thank Tim Page for the copy- editing work and Raymond DePew-Paas for his work in compiling the index. viii List of Map, Tables, and FiguresList Of Map, Tables, And Figures List of Maps, Tables, and Figures

Map

1 Map of Macau from A Description of the Empire of China and Chinese-Tartary by Jean-Baptiste du Halde, translated by Emanuel Bowen, printed by T. Gardner, London, 1738, Jesuitica Collection, John J. Burns Library, Boston College 4

Tables

2.1 Students and teachers at St. Joseph’s Seminary, 1728–62 68 2.2 Students at St. Joseph’s Seminary, 1791–1848 71 3.1 Table of Japanese martyrs whose remains are preserved in Macau 127 4.1 Missionaries in Hainan, 1655–64 142 4.2 Number and location of Catholics in Hainan, 1746 150 6.1 François de Rougemont’s expenditure on Catholic paintings, October 1674– September 1675 215

Figures

1 Portrait of Álvaro Semedo from Relatione della grande monarchia della Cina by Álvaro Semedo, printed by Hermann Scheus, Rome, 1643, from the Jesuitica Collection, John J. Burns Library, Boston College 324 2 Portrait of Ferdinand Verbiest from A Description of the Empire of China and Chinese-Tartary by Jean-Baptiste du Halde, translated by Emanuel Bowen, printed by T. Gardner, London, 1738, Jesuitica Collection, John J. Burns Library, Boston College. Available online at http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1846 325 3 Portrait of St. Ignatius of Loyola from vol. 5 of Galerie illustree de la Compagnie de Jesus by Alfred Hamy, Paris, 1893, Jesuitica Collection, John J. Burns Library, Boston College 326 4 Portrait of Matteo Ricci from vol. 7 of Galerie illustree de la Compagnie de Jesus by Alfred Hamy, Paris, 1893, Jesuitica Collection, John J. Burns Library, Boston College 327 5 Johann Adam Schall von Bell from China illustrata by Athanasius Kircher, Amsterdam, 1667, Jesuitica Collection, John J. Burns Library, Boston College. Available online at http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1847 328 List of Maps, Tables, and Figures ix

6 Death of St. Francis Xavier, from Cultus Sancti Francisci Xaverii Soc. Jesu., printed by Gregor Kurzbock, Vienna, 1600, Jesuitica Collection, John J. Burns Library, Boston College 329 7 Portrait of Alessandro Valignano, from Galerie illustree de la Compagnie de Jesus by Alfred Hamy, Paris, 1893, Jesuitica Collection, John J. Burns Library, Boston College 330 x List Of Map, Tables, And Figures IntroductionIntroduction 1 Introduction

European Sinologists have devoted much discussion to the “paradigm shift” in research on the history of the spread of Catholicism in China. Those involved in this debate, including a number of Chinese scholars, are generally critical of previous research on the history of the church and Catholic missions in China. In their view, much of the existing research is outdated, underdeveloped, and fundamentally “Euro-centric.” While this may or may not be the case, this theo- retical categorization of the existing research has served as something of a distraction from the more pressing task of producing work on the early history of the Catholic Church in China. Rather than engaging in a lengthy discussion on the transformation of research from “Euro-centric” to “China-centric”—or on the conceptual transformation of “self” and “other” in research on Cathol icism—I consequently adhere to the stance that the main problem with the existing research pertains to the sources that have been used and the language skills of those studying the subject at hand. As Chinese scholars have often had only a limited knowledge of Western languages, and Western scholars have tended to lack sufficient knowledge of Chinese, it should hardly come as a surprise that the early history of the Catholic Church in China has been viewed through either a Chinese or a European lens. The only way to avoid this bias in the future is to base research on documents from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries in both Western and Eastern languages, a task in which an increasing number of Chinese and Western scholars are now engaged. This book, which is based on extensive research of documents in a range of languages, seeks to make a contribution to that important endeavor. The Catholic history of the Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1911) dynasties is a sophisticated subject. In order to be studied comprehensively, scholars need to have extensive historical knowledge and highly developed language skills. It is an indisputable fact, however, that those scholars who are well versed in both Chinese and Western languages, such as Jacques Gernet, Nicolas Standaert, and Adrian Dudink, are predominantly European. Although some Chinese scholars who have mastered a small number of European languages have committed themselves to research on Catholic history, similarly qualified experts, capable of using documents in Latin, Italian, Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch, French, German, and English, have yet to emerge in China. However, it is of vital importance that Chinese and European scholars are able to study sources in a wide range of languages because it is impossible to arrive at a complete picture of the early Catholic Church in China without

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004305526_002 2 Introduction doing so. This is particularly true with regard to the sources documenting the spread of Catholicism in China, most of which are written in European languages. The Chinese sources, conversely, are often useful in only a limited number of ways—such as for studying the identities of Chinese Catholics, their biographies, and their understanding of Catholicism and the anti-Catho- lic movement—and the activities of many missions in China often have virtually no records in the Chinese language (the discovery of Li Ma Zhuan, composed by one of the friends of Matteo Ricci 利瑪竇 [1552–1610], Liu Chengfan 劉承范 [1553–after 1629], the vice-governor of Shaozhou, might well be considered an exception). Yet despite their limitations in these respects, historical documents in Western languages in the archives of missions in places such as the Vatican, Paris, Madrid, and Lisbon cannot be located without studying individual regions, missions, cases, and figures, and at least some of this material is in Chinese. Hence any discussion of a “paradigm shift” is likely to prove premature until Western and Chinese scholars possess the requisite language skills to understand the basic facts of missionary work and most of the basic historical documents; without doing so, modern scholarship risks perpetuating an error common in the research since the 1950s. I wrote about the same problem in my preface to the work of Dr. Cui Weixiao,1 where I argued that Chinese experts have a duty to stand on the frontline of research on Chinese Catholic history. To fulfill this obligation, scholars should adhere to the principle of “walking on two legs.” One leg should be planted firmly on the basis of archives and documents in the Chinese language, while the other leg should step into the vast ocean of the archives and documents in the various Western languages. Both are essential. Nearly ten years have now passed since I originally made these comments, and there are still very few Chinese scholars who are able to understand and use documents in both Chinese and Western languages, and who can thus walk confidently “on two legs.” It was always unlikely that this task would be accomplished in a short space of time. Indeed, with regard to the principle of walking on two legs, I too walk slowly, with one long leg and one short leg. While I have full confidence in my ability to study documents in the Chinese language, I rely on the translations of others as a “crutch” for exploring and using documents in Western languages. Fortunately, the “crutch” that helps and supports me is a large team of translators, including friends in the academic community, and many students. The

1 Cui Weixiao 崔維孝, The Spanish Franciscans in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, 1579–1732 [明清之際西班牙方濟會在華傳教研究, 1579–1732] (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 2006), 11–12. Introduction 3 translators of Portuguese include Jin Guoping, Li Changsen, Tian Yu, and Peng Hui; the translator of Spanish is Cui Weixiao; the translators of French are Liu Qinghua, Wei Yu, and Liu Fang; the translators of English are Zhao Dianhong and Chen Yufang; and of Japanese, Qi Yinping and Liu Xiaoshan. All of these individuals provided translated texts or prepared new translations for me specifically. In particular, Mr. Jin Guoping translated a copious number of Portuguese documents from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, including Portuguese archives such as Jesuits in Asia. He also provided his unpublished translation of Selections of Historical Documents of Macau in the West for my use at no cost. Mr. Qi Yinping additionally provided his unpublished “Saint Paul College of Macau” and the “Educational Institutions of Society of Jesus in the East” for my use. As a result of their assistance, I was able to use historical documents in Western languages much more efficiently. If my book can be said to make some contribution to research on Chinese Catholic history, half of the contribution should be attributed to them. This book contains eight essays, most of which are related to Macau. The book is consequently titled “Setting Off from Macau.” The title is intended to convey the importance of Macau in Chinese Catholic history—Chinese Catholicism originated in Macau, and Macau also played a vital role in the subsequent development of Catholicism in mainland China. Most of the essays contained herein were originally published in journals in mainland China or Taiwan in the late twentieth or the early twenty-first century. All of them are lengthy, and some essays were split into several articles when originally published in order to conform to the word limits set by publishers. The essays have been integrated and revised for this book. Some articles have been thoroughly revised to include new documents that have been translated and published in recent years. Although this volume is based on existing articles that have been revised for publication, the production of the book has still been a time-consuming process. Ms. Yan Xuelian, a PhD student of mine, has worked diligently over a long period to ensure that this book can be published on time, and I would like to take this opportunity to express my thanks to her. After I submitted my manuscript, Dr. Zhao Dianhong reviewed it, proofread it, and standardized the style, and I am equally grateful for his hard work. Finally, the framework for the book came from the research project “Research on the Relations between Macau and Mainland China from the Sixteenth Century to the Eighteenth Century,” which was supported by the Chinese Ministry of Education. This book is the end result of that project. 4 Introduction by Jean-Baptiste du Halde, translated by Emanuel Bowen, printed printed Emanuel Bowen, by du Halde, translated Jean-Baptiste Map of by A Description of from Macau of the Empire China and Chinese-Tartary College. Boston Burns Library, J. John Collection, Jesuitica London, 1738, Gardner, T. by

Map 1 Origins of Catholicism in Macau 5

Chapter 1 Origins of Catholicism in Macau Origins and Development of Catholicism in Macau during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties

Catholicism began to spread rapidly in Macau and China in the late sixteenth century, and this progress continued in the century that followed.1 While the fortunes of Macau city itself ebbed and flowed in the hundred years from its opening in the mid-sixteenth to the late seventeenth century, Catholicism enjoyed what has come to be known as something of a “golden age” in Macau. During this period, Macau served as the principal and most important base for the spread of Catholicism into mainland China; indeed, it can even be said that Catholicism would not exist in China if there was no Macau. However, while the history of Chinese Catholicism has now become a popular subject, the development of Catholicism in Macau has received little attention. This essay, which is based on extensive research of Chinese and Western historical documents, seeks to offer a new, in-depth investigation of the origins and development of Catholicism in Macau during the Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1911) dynasties.

1 The Third Entry of Christianity into China and the Establishment of Macau Diocese: 1555–76

The activities of the Jesuit Saint Francis Xavier (1506–52) in Shangchuan Island 上川島 marked the third entry of Christianity into China. Xavier, the Far East envoy dispatched to India by the superior general Ignatius of Loyola (c.1491– 1556), departed Lisbon in 1541 and subsequently reached Goa. In 1549, he traveled to Japan in order to engage in missionary work. However, as it became apparent that Japanese culture was heavily influenced by China, he soon came to the conclusion that Catholicism could be spread more effectively in Japan by propagating Christianity in China. In December 1551, he consequently traveled by ship to Shangchuan Island in Guangdong. From there he went to Malacca, with the aim of asking the Indian governor to send an envoy to the Chinese emperor in order to request authorization for missionary work in

1 As has been documented by the Portuguese priest and historian of religion in Macau, Manuel Teixeira 文德泉 (1912–2003), among many others. See his 400th Anniversary of the Start of the Catholic Mission in Macau by Jesuits (Macau: Dadong Publishing House, 1964), 8.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004305526_003 6 Chapter 1 mainland China. But this plan ultimately failed. In August 1552, Xavier reached Shangchuan Island, becoming the first Western missionary to enter Guangdong with the aim of propagating Christianity among its inhabitants. At that time, coastal China not only suffered increasingly frequent raids from Japanese pirates but also faced the growing threat of invasion from Portuguese forces, leading the imperial court of the Ming dynasty to strengthen its ban on maritime trade. Without receiving authorization from the Chinese emperor,2 Xavier was unable to enter mainland China legally. He thus had to devise a covert way to enter mainland China at considerable personal risk. A letter written by Xavier in Shangchuan on October 22, 1552, reads as follows:

Thanks to God’s mercy and sympathy, the large ship of Diogo Pereira [a Portuguese merchant and friend of Xavier] and all passengers safely arrived at Shangchuan port, where we met many boats of other merchants. Shangchuan port is fifteen kilometers away from Guangzhou. Many merchants came here from Guangzhou to do business with the Portuguese. The Portuguese have continuously communicated with them to see whether somebody is willing to bring me into Guangzhou city. All merchants refused and stated that if the governor of Guangdong knows that they are bringing me into the city, their lives and goods would be in great peril. Therefore, no matter how much I offer, they dared not let me enter Guangzhou in their ships.3

A merchant from Guangzhou eventually agreed to ship Xavier to Guangzhou city in a small boat in exchange for 200 cruzados. But the merchant did not fulfill his promise. After arriving at Shangchuan Island, therefore, Xavier and his followers immediately set up a church, where they began to carry out religious activities:

After arriving at Shangchuan, we built a church. We celebrated the Mass everyday till I was confined to bed by fever. I was sick for fifteen days. Thanks to God, I have now recovered. I have delayed a lot of holy work, such as making confession, visiting patients, conversing and making friends. I really do not know what I shall write, but we have a very firm

2 The permit, called 勘合, “Kanhe,” was issued by the government of the Ming dynasty to foreign ships which came to China to pay tribute to the Chinese emperor. 3 Georg Schurhammer, Epistolae S. Francisci Xaverii aliaque eius scripta, cited in Jin Guoping 金國平, Selections of Western Historical Documents on Macau: 15th to 16th Centuries [西方澳門史料選粹: 15–16 世紀] (Guangzhou: Guangdong People’s Press, 2005), 62. Origins of Catholicism in Macau 7

determination to enter China. All Chinese who have seen us are honest merchants, were happy for our actions and hoped that we would go to China. They held that our holy principles written in books are better than the principles that they worshipped, perhaps due to their curiosity. They had high interest, but nobody was willing to take the risk to guide us into China.4

A letter from a Chinese man known only as António, who stayed with Xavier in Shangchuan, to the Portuguese Jesuit, Fr. Manuel Teixeira (1536–90),5 offered the following account of these events:

Immediately after arriving at this place, Father Francis asked the Portuguese to ask somebody to build a chapel for him for the sake of God, so that they could carry out the Mass and teach Christian doctrines to the arrested children and juvenile[s] in the church. There were not many people there. But he took care of them, as in every place that he had been. He conducted confession for many people and this work occupied most of his time. He collected funds for the poor people and communicated with Chinese pagans who went there to do business. He conversed with people rather than propagating creeds. Usually, their topic would be philosophy, such as the world’s composition, and so on. His answer convinced the Chinese, who told everyone that Father Francis appeared to be a sage of noble background.6

Although the missionary work at Shangchuan Island was largely insignificant, Xavier built a church there and “children and juveniles” studied under him and listened to his preaching. While waiting for the merchant from Guangzhou to fulfill his promise of passage to China, Xavier resolved to go to Siam first, so that, in the event he was unable to be brought by the merchant into mainland China, he could travel into China by joining the delegation dispatched by the Siamese king to meet the Chinese emperor. Xavier’s letter to Pereira in Malacca, written on October 22, 1552, reads as follows:

In case that I cannot get into China this year, I wonder whether I shall join Diogo Vaz de Aragão to go to Siam in the ship that he brought here this

4 Ibid., 63. 5 Teixeira arrived in Macau on July 26, 1563. He planned to travel to Guangzhou but was refused permission to do so. 6 Schurhammer, Epistolae S. Francisci Xaverii, cited in Jin, Selections, 69. 8 Chapter 1

year, and then enter China from Siam with the delegation dispatched by the Siamese king. If I go to Siam, I will write to you through Manuel Chávez. If you can send a letter to Siam through any channel, please write to me to tell me your plans for next year and whether you would enter China with the delegation, so that we can meet in Guanghai or any other port.7

Xavier mentions this issue in a number of letters. Yet by this stage Xavier was seriously ill, and he subsequently died at dawn on December 3.8 One of the missionaries of the Society of Jesus who accompanied Xavier was the Portuguese Jesuit student Álvaro Ferreira.9 He is mentioned in a letter written by Xavier on October 22, 1552: “Álvaro Ferreira and the Chinese man António were sick on our way. Thanks to God, now they feel much better.”10 Another missionary, the Portuguese priest Pedro de Alcáçova (1523–79), arrived at Shangchuan Island in 1553, after the death of Xavier, and used the name of the island as his Chinese name.11 While Xavier failed to get into mainland China, his determination to enter the continent to engage in missionary work greatly encouraged his successors. Based on his experiences of missionary work in the East, Xavier proposed an “adaptation” strategy, which was employed as a model by his successors and was adhered to and developed by Western missionaries such as Alessandro Valignano 范禮安 (1539–1606) and Matteo Ricci 利瑪竇 (1552–1610). After Xavier’s death, missionaries continued to try to travel to Guangzhou and to enter mainland China, and it is their efforts that formed the third wave of Christian missionary work in China. In 1554, less than two years after Xavier’s death, the Portuguese captain- major Leonel de Sousa signed a treaty with the Guangdong Coastal Defense Circuit, which permitted Portuguese merchants to trade in Guangzhou and

7 Ibid., 65. 8 Louis Pfister, Notices biographiques et bibliographiques sur les Jésuites de l’ancienne mission de Chine 1552–1773, trans. Feng Chengjun, vol. 1 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1995), 218. 9 Joseph Dehergne, Répertoire des Jésuites de Chine de 1552–1800, trans. Geng Sheng (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1995), 218. 10 Alessandro Valignano, Historia del principio y progresso de la Compañia de Jesus en las lndias Orientales (1542–1564), ed. Joseph Wicki, S.J. (Rome: Institutum historicum Societa- tis Jesu, 1944), 261. 11 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 7. Dehergne, Répertoire, 10. Origins of Catholicism in Macau 9 nearby areas.12 Upon hearing this news, the Malacca church immediately dispatched a Portuguese Jesuit, Gregório Gonçalves,13 to Guangdong:

In 1553, news reached India that the Chinese wanted to negotiate for cease-fire with the Portuguese. In fact this indeed took place. After hearing this news, I was dispatched there. In the first year [1555], I stayed there with seven Christians and we were all imprisoned till ships came the next year. In the next year [1556], our God inspired me again. Therefore, I made some Chinese convert to Christianity. I stayed on the island and established a church which was made of grass. After the ships bound for India and other countries visited here, I still remained there with seventy-five Christians. We were all imprisoned again. We were imprisoned in different places and could not communicate with each other. The Chinese scolded me, because I stayed on the land perhaps with bad intentions. They imprisoned me till ships came the next year [1557]. Then we were all released. I rebuilt the church. The Portuguese built houses. In this way, they [the Chinese] knew me and did not have troubles with me anymore. Then I started learning the local conditions and propagating Christianity. I have always endeavored to benefit the local people, to be good at forgiving their mistakes, to communicate with them, and let them have contacts with many truths. After a period, namely after twelve years, in this place called Macau, finally I built a huge residence area, which has three churches, one hospital for the poor, and one charity hall. Now there are over 5,000 Christians in this area.14

Gonçalves was the first father to establish a base for Catholic missionary work in Macau. However, when he entered Macau to engage in missionary work and subsequently built a church and baptized seventy-five Chinese, the Portuguese had not yet formally entered Macau for residence; at that time, they still used Lampacau as a temporary base for trade. The Guangdong government did not permit the Portuguese to live in Macau until 1557 (the thirty-sixth year of the reign of Emperor Jiajing 嘉靖 [r. 1522–66]), and only after the Portuguese had

12 Tang Kaijian 湯開建, “Investigation on the Time of the Opening of Macau” [澳門開埠時間考], in Tang, Aomen kaibuchuqishiyanjiu [澳門開埠初期史研究] (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1999), 93–94. 13 Fr. Gregório Gonçalves went to Macau around 1554 and left at some stage between 1567 and 1568. 14 Rui Manuel Loureiro, Em busca das origens de Macau (antologia documental), doc. 12, Carta do Padre Gregório González a D. Juan de Borja (Malacca, c.1571) (Macau: Macau Marítimo de Macau, 1996), 194. 10 Chapter 1 helped them to defeat the bandits on the island.15 In the period prior to this, between 1554 and 1557, the Portuguese were supposed to leave Macau, which was only one of the temporary trade bases the Portuguese were permitted to enter, as soon as any trade had been concluded. Yet Father Gonçalves remained on Macau Island after the trading season. As a result, he and his followers were imprisoned twice by the forces the Chinese government had stationed on the island. Gonçalves and the Chinese followers he had baptized were not freed until 1557, when the Guangdong government formally permitted the Portuguese to live in Macau. The Jesuit Melchior Nunes Barreto (1520–71) and the Dominican Gaspar de la Cruz (1520–70) arrived in coastal Guangdong after Gonçalves. Barreto, a confrere of Xavier, reached Shangchuan Island in mid-July 1555. Sometime in late July, Barreto joined the Portuguese trade delegation to go northward to Guangzhou, the first of two trips he made there. On each occasion he stayed there for one month, mainly to rescue the Portuguese and his Christian fellows imprisoned in Guangzhou. He did not engage in missionary work in Guangzhou, and he did not baptize any Chinese; nor is there any record to suggest he had been to Macau.16 In the winter of 1556, de la Cruz traveled to Guangzhou from Malacca. De la Cruz’s biography states that he was a pioneering missionary in preaching Christianity in China and had spent many years there. But this is inconsistent with the sources. De la Cruz himself stated that he only stayed for a few weeks in Guangzhou, and there is no evidence that he carried out any missionary activity.17 The first group of Jesuits reached Macau in 1560. In 1562, the Italian Jesuit Giovanni Battista de Monte (1528–87) and the Portuguese Jesuit Luís Fróis (1532–97) arrived in Macau. In 1563, Francisco Pérez (1514–83), Teixeira, and André Pinto (1538–88) of the Society of Jesus joined them there.18 By 1563, there was already a relatively large population of Catholics in Macau:

We and the fathers who are to go to Japan care for 800 or 900 Portuguese in this port [Macau], and people from other ports come here […]. We

15 Tang Kaijian, Weiliduo baoxiao shimoshu jianzheng [委黎多《報效始末疏》箋正] (Guangzhou: Guangdong People’s Press, 2004), 49–53. 16 Loureiro, Em busca das origens de Macau, doc. 5, Carta do Padre Manuel Teixeira aos Jesu- ítas de Goa (Lampacau, November 23, 1555), 84–85; Pfister, Notices biographiques, 11. 17 Charles Ralph Boxer, “Introduction,” in Boxer, South China in the Sixteenth Century, trans. He Gaoji (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1990), 34. 18 Beatriz Basto da Silva, Cronologia da história de Macau (16th–18th Century), trans. Xiao Yu (Macau: Fundação Macau, 1995), 15–16. Origins of Catholicism in Macau 11

publicize one letter of redemption to them. The letter was brought here from the bishop in Malacca […]. In our venue, 300 Portuguese will receive sacramental bread. Moreover, some people receive sacramental bread in another church here.19

In his Aux portes de la Chine: Les missionnaires du XVIe siècle, the missionary and historian of Jesuit missions in China, Henri Bernard, states that,

In 1563, in Macau there were at least eight Jesuits and about 5,000 residents, among whom 900 were Portuguese and many were local Catholic followers. Some historians recorded the daily work of Jesuits at that time very clearly. Jesuits in turn performed various holy works every eight or fifteen days, taught Catholic creeds to about 1,000 slaves and managed marriage-related issues for single women or local Catholic followers […]. In 1563, a parade held to celebrate holy sister Saint Veronica on the Lord’s Day attracted many Chinese people. The streets were decorated very nicely, the holy hall looked like heaven, and sacramental bread was carried around the city, accompanied by music and dance. In total, more than 600 lamps and torches were used. The ceremony was very grand.20

According to Gonçalves’s letter, cited above, when he left Macau, “three churches, one hospital for the poor, and one charity hall” had already been established. Scholars generally hold that Gonçalves left Macau after Bishop Melchior Carneiro Leitão (1519–83) arrived there in 1568.21 In other words, before 1569, three churches had already been established in Macau: St. Anthony’s Church, St. Lawrence’s Church, and St. Lazarus’s Church. According to the Portuguese Jesuit Fr. José Montanha, the St. Lazarus Church was built in 1557, when the Portuguese first settled in Macau. A letter from the Portuguese

19 Loureiro, Em busca das origens de Macau, doc. 5, Carta do Padre Manuel Teixeira aos Jesu- ítas de Goa (Macau, December 1, 1563), 112. 20 Henri Bernard, Aux portes de la Chine: Les missionnaires du XVIe siècle, trans. Xiao Junhua (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1936), 109–10. 21 According to Loureiro, Em busca das origens de Macau, doc. 12, Carta do Padre Gregório González a D. Juan de Borja (Malacca, c.1571), 193, “onde permaneceu sem qualquer inter- rupção entre 1555 e 1567, precisamente os anos da fundação daquele entreposto lusitano. Nesta última data, Gregório González rea chamada a Malaca pelo bispo D. Frei Jorge de Santa Luiza, sendo posteriormente enviado para as Molucas.” However, Jin Guoping and Wu Zhiliang 吳志良 argue that Fr. Gonçalves left Macau in 1564. See Jin and Wu, Dongxi wangyang [東西望洋] (Macau: Macau Adult Education Society 澳門成人教育學會, 2002), 81–82. 12 Chapter 1 in Macau to the bishop in Beijing, Guo Yongliang, on October 12, 1784, also claims that the church was built in 1557.22 Bernard further states:

In 1565, there were already more than 5,000 followers in Macau […]. They all lived around the St. Lazarus Church. In 1565, the Jesuits Pérez and Teixeira were authorized by the Chinese government to build a shabby venue and a chapel of Our Lady to the left of the Saint Anthony Church.23

This account confirms the notion that St. Lazarus’s Church had been built before 1565. St. Anthony’s Church and St. Lawrence’s Church are generally believed to have been built between 1558 and 1560.24 At that time, besides these three churches, there was also a Chapel of Our Lady and a venue to the left of St. Anthony’s Church. The Chinese scholar Ye Quan 葉權, who arrived in Macau in 1565, gave the following description of the Portuguese in Macau: “They worship the Buddha devoutly. Foreigners read their books from the left to the right and speak strange languages. Every three to five days, they go to the temple and listen to the talks on karma by foreign monks.”25 Without any knowledge of Catholicism, Ye was unable to explain the religious beliefs held by the Portuguese. He consequently sought to describe Catholicism with Buddhist terms such as “Buddha,” “monk,” and “temple.” The subsequent Chinese documents mostly followed Ye’s terminology when dis- cussing Western Catholic clergymen and their churches. According to the Memorial on Preventing the Foreigners in Macau from Paying Tribute (議阻澳夷進貢疏), written by Wu Guifang 吳桂芳 (d.1578) in 1565: “Foreigners from various nations […] built thatched houses and set up foreign temples without authorization.”26 The phrase “set up foreign temples without authorization”

22 José Montanha, “Apparatos para a historia do bispado de Macau,” in Igrejas de Macau, ed. Maria Regina Valente (Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1993), 14. Guo Yongliang 郭永亮, Early Relations between Macau and Hong Kong [澳門與香港早期關係], chapter 5 (Taipei: Research Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, 1990), 46, 63, and 68. The relevant sources date the times of construction for these three churches very differently. Fr. Benjamin Videira Pires argued that the Church of Our Lady, St. Anthony’s Church, and Genoa Cathedral were the earliest churches and were built before 1560. See Pires, Os extremos conciliam-se: Transculturação em Macau [殊途同歸:澳門的文化交融], trans. Su Qin 蘇勤 (Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1992), 38. 23 Bernard, Aux portes, 126. 24 Guo, Early Relations, chapter 5, 63 and 68. 25 Ye Quan, Xianbobian [賢博編] (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1987), 67. 26 Chen Zilong 陳子龍, ed., Mingjing shiwen bian [明經世文編], vol. 342, Memorial on Pre- venting the Foreigners in Macau from Paying Tribute [議阻澳夷進貢疏] (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1962), 3669. Origins of Catholicism in Macau 13 demonstrates that more than one church had been built in Macau by that time. Upon arriving in Macau in 1568, Bishop Leitão immediately established two hospitals and one charitable society. A letter from Leitão to the Society of Jesus in 1575 reported:

When I reached Macau, which was named by the name of God, there were only [a] few Portuguese residents and some Chinese Christian families […]. Immediately after my arrival, I set up two hospitals and received many Christians and many non-Christians. I also set up a charity society, similar to the general charity association in Rome, to provide necessary assistance to the poor.27

The charitable society was called “grain distribution temple 支糧廟” in Aomen jilue (澳門記略) (Record of Macau). It was a charitable, religious organization established by the Society of Jesus, of a type common in the Portuguese colonies. In 1638, the Portuguese Jesuit missionary Álvaro Semedo 曾德昭 (1585–1658) gave the following account of the institution: “Each year, Macau hospice spent 8,000 to 9,000 krones […]. Moreover, it continually offered financial assistance to the poor Christians, especially Chinese Christians, in the region.”28 The two hospitals discussed by the bishop thus correspond to the “hospital for the poor” mentioned in the letter by Gonçalves, and the Macanese “hospital for hosting lepers” described in a letter from Cristóvão da Costa (1515–94) on December 2, 1569.29 The hospital for the poor, which was a subsidiary of the charitable society, is described as a “hospital temple 醫人廟” in Aomen jilue: “The hospital temple is in the eastern part of Macau and has a few medical doctors. Foreigners who are widowed and who cannot afford medical treatment can get treatment there. The expenses are covered by the grain distribution temple.”30 The hospital for the poor was built to the south of the Fortress Hill. The hospital for lepers was initially based within the hospital for the poor, with lepers

27 Lettere dell’India Orientale, scritte da reverendi padri della compagnia di Giesu (Venice: Antonio Ferrari, 1580), 215–16. 28 Álvaro Semedo, S.J., Relação da grande monarquia da China, trans. He Gaoji (Shanghai: Ancient Books Press, 1998), 210. 29 Dong Shaoxin 董少新, “Melchior Carneiro Leitão and Macau,” in Macau, ed. Macau News Agency, August 2002, 14. 30 Yin Guangren 印光任 and Zhang Rulin 張汝霖, Aomen jilue [澳門記略] (Macau: Cul- tural Bureau, 1992), 150. 14 Chapter 1 being housed in a designated room. St. Lazarus’s Church was later built nearby as a subsidiary of the hospital for lepers.31 Aomen jilue describes the church as a “temple for madmen 發瘋寺”: “It houses mad foreigners, is guarded by troops and receives a monthly allowance.”32 The name “St. Lazarus’s Church” reflects Lazarus’s status as the patron saint of lepers. On January 23, 1576, Pope Gregory XIII (r. 1572–85) issued a decree that formally established the Macau diocese, which belonged to the Goa archdiocese with jurisdictions including China, Japan, Korea, and all related islands.33 The pope initially appointed the Portuguese father Diogo Nunes de Figueira as the first bishop of the diocese, but he refused to assume the position. In 1578, therefore, he instead appointed Bishop Leonardo de Sá (d.1597) to take charge of the Catholic enterprise in Macau. Yet as Sá did not reach Macau to assume his post until 1581, Bishop Leitão was in charge of Catholic affairs in Macau in the period from the establishment of the Macau diocese to 1581, and this is why he is often called the first bishop of Macau.34 In 1571, he built a wooden house in the grounds of St. Lazarus’s Church to serve as his office. After the diocese was set up, the church became the first seat of the bishopric. Another church, the Santa Maria Church, was later expanded and became the second cathedral in Macau.35

2 Many Catholic Missions Come to Macau

The Society of Jesus was the first religious order to enter Macau. By 1572, it had already built three churches and a school on the peninsula. When Ricci reached Macau in 1582 (the tenth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli 萬曆 [r. 1573– 1620]), he recorded the progress made by the Society of Jesus during its first decade in the region:

In Macau, the Society of Jesus built one permanent residence place and a church to worship Our Lady. Later, they built more churches. From the

31 According to the Franciscan Juan Martí, who went to Macau in 1672, “[In Macau] there are two hospitals, each of which has a chapel. One hospital is for the lepers. It is out of the city walls and is isolated from the city.” Thus we know that the hospital was moved out of the city before 1672. George Mensaert, O.F.M., Sinica Franciscana, vol. 7 (Rome: Apud Colle- gium S. Antonii, 1965), 891. 32 Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, 150. 33 Silva, Cronologia, 18. 34 Bishop Lin Jiajun, Digest of Anecdotal History of the Diocese of Macau (Macau: Paço Epis- copal de Macau, 1982), 5. 35 Dong, “Melchior Carneiro Leitão,” 14. Origins of Catholicism in Macau 15

early days of the Society of Jesus, our fellows worked together with others and prepared ourselves for the harvest in East India and West India. The devout donation from Portugal enabled priests to build a school called the Oratorio of St. Martin on the hill behind the church.36

The school mentioned above was also known as the “House of the Society of Jesus.” It specialized in teaching students how to read and write Latin. Shortly after it was established it had around sixty pupils,37 and by 1592 “there were about 200 students.”38 In 1594, the school was upgraded to a seminary, namely St. Paul’s College, which aimed to train students in the requisite skills for spreading Catholicism in the Far East. According to Diogo Caldeira Rego, the secretary of the Macau municipal government, the Society of Jesus had made significant progress by 1623:

Immediately after Macau city was established, priests from the Society of Jesus came as the first group of clergymen in Macau and set up a school. Although the school did not have any revenues, it was one of the largest and best theological schools in the east in terms of architecture and the number and quality of staff. Moreover, as the seminary of the mission, it hosted 60, 70 and even more people. In the past and present, the priests in the school have done much work not only in teaching, listening to confessions, and preaching, but also providing assistance with the local wealth and the fund from the residents in special circumstances. Moreover, they dispatched missionaries to those kingdoms to support the Christian community there.39

St. Paul’s College became the headquarters of the Society of Jesus in Macau. Aomen jilue describes St. Paul’s Cathedral, which was located in the same com- plex as the college, in glowing terms:

St. Paul’s Cathedral is located in the northeastern part of Macau. It is next to a hill and is about ten meters tall. The door opens from its side, and the entire house is narrow. It is decorated with intricate designs in stone and

36 Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault, China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journal of Matthew Ricci, trans. He Gaoji et al., vol. 2 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1983), 141, 146. 37 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 16. 38 Manuel Teixeira, A educação em Macau (Macau: Direcção dos Serviços de Educação e Cultura, 1982), 183. 39 Diogo Caldeira Rego, “Relação sobre a fundação e fortificação de Macau,” in Macau Review of Culture [hereinafter Macau RC] 31 (1997): 153–58. 16 Chapter 1

shines in golden color. The upper part is like a mantle and its sides are decorated with colored glaze.40

In Macau, St. Paul’s Cathedral is called “Sanba Temple,” as St. Paul’s is translated as “Sanba” there. The cathedral is also referred to in a poem by Liu Shizhong 劉世重 (d.1702), written during the Qing dynasty: “The building reaches the sky and the gate is next to the sea waves. 殿閣標雲靄，山門疊海濤.”41 Aomen Ji (墺門記), written by Lu Xiyan 陸希言 (1631–1704) (who was baptized as Domingues Lou), described St. Paul’s College and its adjoining institutions in more detail:

Saint Paul’s Cathedral is called Sanba by the masses mistakenly. It was built for the members of the Society of Jesus. They endure hardship for their cultivation and stay low-key. They follow mundane customs and rules rigorously. They abstain from lust and wealth. They resolutely follow the will of the seniors and refuse to assume high posts. Francesco Sambiasi 畢方濟 [1582–1649], Johann Adam Schall von Bell 湯若望 [1592–1666], and Ferdinand Verbiest 南懷仁 [1623–88] are all close to the Chinese emperor. Although they have high status, they do not behave arrogantly, because they follow the rules of the Society of Jesus. Charity is offered not only to the sick and young. Poor people are given necessities twice per week. Schools are set up, not only for the talented, but also for all children. After the children graduate from these schools and enter college, they are given food and clothing. After they become learned, they have the freedom to choose whether they want to commit themselves to religious enterprise or other professions. In this way, Saint Paul’s Cathedral is great and differs from other churches in many aspects. It does not differ from other religious venues in that followers adhere to rules, pray every day and get up and go to bed according to the bell.42

The Franciscans were the second Catholic religious order to enter Macau. In 1579, the Spanish Franciscan priest Pedro de Alfaro (d.1580) led three friars,

40 Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, 149. 41 Liu Shizhong 劉世重, Dongxishixuan [東溪詩選], vol. 2, Kangxi yichou (1685) xukanben 康熙乙丑序刊本, 6. 42 Nicolas Standaert, ed., Compilation of Catholic Documents of the Ming and Qing Dynasties in the National Library of France [法國國家圖書館明清天主教文獻彙編], vol. 11 (Tai- pei: Ricci Institute, 2009), 427–28. Origins of Catholicism in Macau 17

Agustín de Tordesillas (1528–1629),43 Sebastião de Baeza (d.1579), and the Italian Giovanni Battista Lucarelli da Pesaro (1540–1604), to Guangzhou. On November 15, 1579, they were expelled from Guangzhou and moved to Macau. They began to build a small church of their own eight days later. On February 2, 1580, the Franciscan church dedicated to Mary was completed.44 In Chinese it is called “Gasilan Temple 噶斯蘭廟.”45 More than twenty Chinese, Japanese, and Siamese children were attracted to the Franciscan order and became students at the church. The Franciscans wanted to use the church in Macau as a base to propagate Catholicism in mainland China, and as the center for the order’s affairs in the Far East. However, the Portuguese authorities in Macau soon expelled the Franciscans because the establishment of the church had not been authorized by the Portuguese king.46 Alfaro was forced to go to India in 1580 to plead his order’s case to the Portuguese viceroy, but he died during a thunderstorm in the sea of Indochina in June of that year. His colleague Pesaro was also subsequently expelled from Macau by the Portuguese.47 In 1584, the Portuguese Franciscans in the monastery in Malacca expelled the Spanish Franciscans, who fled to Macau. However, in 1585 these friars were arrested en masse and escorted back to Manila, and the Franciscan monastery was confiscated.48 In 1586, Martín Ignacio de Loyola (d.1606) from the Spanish Franciscans attempted to reinstall the order in Macau. He controlled the monastery there for a time and returned it to the jurisdiction of the Philippine province. In return, the Portuguese government acted through the Portuguese members of the Franciscan mission to uproot and replace the Spanish leadership. On July 12, 1588, Loyola, who had been in Macau for less than two years as the acting province superior, was again forced to depart. The confrontation between the Portuguese and the Spanish in Macau stemmed primarily from economic concerns, as “the Portuguese in Macau […] feared that the Spanish would intrude

43 Curia Generalis, Necrologium Fratrum Minorum in Sinis (Hong Kong, 1978), 181–82. 44 Silva, Cronologia, 19. 45 Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, 149. 46 Guo, Early Relations, chapter 5, 61. 47 Manuel Teixeira, Macau e a sua diocesa, vol. 3, As ordens e congregaçōes religiosas em Macau (Macau: Tipografia Sio Sang, 1944), 435. 48 Bernard, Aux portes, 231. At that time, the Portuguese in Macau were fiercely opposed to the Spanish. In 1587, the Spanish Franciscan Martín Ignacio de Loyola and the Spanish Augustinian Francisco Manrique jointly wrote a letter to the Spanish king, “We have the decree from the Pope, but the Portuguese would not read it or listen to our explanation, because we are Spanish.” See Henri Bernard, “Closed-Door Policy of the Ming Dynasty and the Spanish Missionaries,” trans. Shen Yuyuan, in Collection of Translations of the His- tory of Sino-Western Relations, no. 4 (Shanghai: Shanghai Yiwen Press, 1988), 267. 18 Chapter 1 into the Chinese market and that the monastery in Macau would be the first step for the Spanish to enter China and compete for trade in Macau.”49 On August 9, 1589, the Portuguese authorities thoroughly defeated Spanish ambitions in Macau. Philip II (r. 1581–98), the king of the Spanish–Portuguese united kingdom, issued a decree forbidding the clergymen in the Philippines from entering China. In 1632, the Spanish Franciscan priest Antonio de Santa María Caballero 利安當 (1602–69) entered Fujian from Manila and established the Chinese diocese. At that time, the Franciscan monastery in Macau was under the leadership of Portuguese clergymen, but the Chinese mission of the Philippines was allowed to establish an agency in Macau to provide material supplies and missionaries to the Chinese diocese.50 In May 1672, Buenaventura Ibáñez 文度辣 (1610–91), the head of the Spanish Franciscans’ Chinese mission, led fellows Jaime Tarín 林養默 (1644–1719), Francisco Peris de la Concepción 卞芳世 (1635–1701), and Juan Martí 丁若望 (d.1704), together with the layman, Dr. Blas García 艾腦爵 (1635–99), into Macau from Manila with the goal of pushing on to China.51 Before entering China, García used the medicines he had brought from Manila to set up a pharmacy and a clinic in Macau, as documented in a report by Fr. Martí: “He [García] set up a clinic in the aforementioned monastery in Macau. Meanwhile, he opened a very good pharmacy, which costs a few hundred silver pesos.”52 The pharmacy earned a very good reputation in Macau, with the result that it was soon moved to Guangzhou. It returned to Macau in the 1830s after Christianity was banned in Guangzhou. In the seventeenth century, the Franciscan order in Macau marked another milestone when members of the order of St. Clare came to the peninsula. The nuns of the order of St. Clare were from Toledo, Spain, and were led by António Fialho Ferreira, captain of the Macau trade fleet, to Macau. Initially, a total of six sisters came to Macau. Upon their arrival: “These ladies were warmly welcomed. The people in Macau sprayed perfume and held flowers to welcome them in line. Every street and every house these ladies passed were decorated. Fortress and fleet fired guns to salute to these spouses of Christ.”53 In 1643, a new monastery was built next to the Franciscan monastery to serve as St. Clare’s Church, and twelve women from noble families in Macau

49 Teixeira, Macau e a sua diocesa, vol. 3, 168–70. 50 Ibid., 432. 51 Cui Weixiao 崔維孝, The Spanish Franciscans in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, 1579–1732 [明清之際西班牙方濟會在華傳教研究, 1579–1732] (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 2006), 178–80. 52 Mensaert, Sinica Francisana, vol. 7, 904. 53 Montalto de Jesus, Historic Macao, trans. Huang Hongzhao and Li Baoping (Macau: Fundação Macau, 2000), 82. Origins of Catholicism in Macau 19 became members. The Macau government allocated one hundred units of the Macau currency as the stipend for the female mission each year. In the seventeenth century, the number of sisters in the monastery reached thirty-three.54 In the eighteenth century, records noted that “there are more than 40 nuns in the temple.”55 The Chinese called this temple “Buddhist nun temple 尼寺,” and its members seem to have enjoyed a consistently positive reputation in Macau. The Augustinian order was the third Catholic religious order established in Macau. Two Augustinian friars named Martín de Reda (1533–78) and Jerónimo Marín (d.1606) reached Macau as early as 1576, and initially selected a high place named Gangding 崗頂 in northwestern Macau as a site on which to build a church. But this endeavor failed.56 In 1584, the Spanish Augustinian Francisco Manrique (d.1588) set out with a fellow friar from Manila, reaching Macau (after numerous halts in their journey) on November 1, 1586. Manrique did not receive friendly treatment from the Portuguese in Macau, but he nonetheless “purchased a small house built with tile and wheat straw which is 33 inches long and 13 inches wide to serve as a monastery.”57 The Augustinian monastery in Macau was established mainly to facilitate the entry of missionaries from the Philippine province into the Chinese empire. On August 22, 1589, when the Augustinians ordered wood, tile, and other materials to prepare for the construction of the monastery, they received an order from the Portuguese viceroy in India for the leadership of the Augustinian order in Macau to be relin- quished to Portuguese clergymen. In 1591, it moved the monastery to Gangding, the most suitable place in Macau at that time, and named the monastery “Monastery of Our Lady.”58 In 1622, the Portuguese Augustinian priest Estevão da Vera Cruz (d.1644) founded an abbey called Penha Church, “penha” meaning “rock” in Portuguese.59 In 1623, Francisco Mascarenhas, the first governor of Macau, arrived in Macau to assume his post. However, the move faced opposition and resistance from the citizens of Macau, and as the conflict between the two sides intensified, the governor was forced to take refuge in the Augustinian monastery. In response, restive citizens used the St. Paul’s Fortress to fire on the monastery in Gangding, with three shells hitting the target.60 The walls and roof of the Augustinian monastery were destroyed as a result, and the building

54 Teixeira, Macau e a sua diocesa, vol. 3, 185–87. 55 Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, 531–32. 56 Guo, Early Relations, chapter 5, 66. 57 Teixeira, Macau e a sua diocesa, vol. 3, 531–32. 58 Ibid., 533. 59 Ibid., 544. 60 Jesus, Historic Macao, 58. 20 Chapter 1 remained in desolation for some time thereafter; in order to shield themselves from the rain, the clergymen constructed a wooden frame, which they overlaid with grasses. When it was windy, the roof was described as shaking “like an upright beard or hair of a dragon,” causing residents to name the structure the “Long Song Miu 龍鬆廟” (Temple of the long-whiskered dragon). It was reconstructed in 1699, and described in Aomen jilue:

Long Song Miu is located in the northwestern part of Macau. On establishment, it was covered with grass and looked like an upright beard or hair of a dragon. Later, the bells in the temple ring without being hit. People are amazed and worshipped it. Therefore, they built a magnificent building, but still call it Long Song Miu.61

The Dominicans were the fourth Catholic religious order to enter Macau. On April 3, 1587, fifteen members of the Dominican order departed from Acapulco in Mexico for China, of which three reached Macau on September 1: Fr. Antonio de Arcediano (d.1599), Alonso Delgado (d.1595), and Bartolomeu Lopes (d.1599). On October 23, the three men established a Dominican church called “Our Lady of the Rosary.”62 Local people dubbed it the “plank temple 板樟廟” because it was initially “built by foreigners with planks.”63 According to Portuguese records:

After their arrival, members of the Dominican order were treated well by the Portuguese and local residents and with the help from these persons, they built the church with the donations given willingly to them because of the great model and religious life of these priests, and started recruiting students.64

In March 1588, in accordance with a command from the Portuguese viceroy in India, Portuguese members replaced Spanish members of the Dominican order. The Dominican order developed very slowly in Macau. By 1598, only two local people had joined the group: the first was a priest named Dionisio da Cruz, and the second one a priest, António de Santa Maria, who was of mixed Portuguese and Chinese blood. On August 30, 1604, the Portuguese Dominican

61 Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, 150. 62 Teixeira, Macau e a sua diocesa, vol. 3, 609–10. 63 Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, 150. 64 Biblioteca Nacional, doc. 177, the front page and the back of p. 352, see Jin, Selections, 248. Origins of Catholicism in Macau 21

João Pinto da Piedade (d.1626/in office 1604–23) was appointed as the bishop of Macau. He tried to return the Dominican church to the Spanish Dominicans in the Our Lady of Rosary Church in order to ease the conflicts among the various missions in the region, but this plan failed amid opposition from the Society of Jesus and the Portuguese viceroy in India. In 1632, the Italian Dominican Angelo Cocchi 高琦 (1597–1633) entered Fujian and established a Chinese mission. He later used the Dominican church in Macau as his agency to guarantee supplies, and to facilitate the entry and exit of clergymen in the China mission.65 According to the Bishop Jurisdictions of Portugal, after the Portuguese Dominican order took over the Spanish Dominican order,

the place [became] a guest house to host missionaries from India. Delegations from Timor and Malacca have stayed here. There is a public school, where priests teach how to read and write Latin. Father Gaspar de Macedo taught arts for one day here and later Father Tomás da Purificação taught arts here.66

The mission also served as a shelter for the missionaries of the Spanish Dominican order in Fujian and Tokyo. Famous members of the Dominican order, such as Domingo Fernández Navarrete 閔明我 (1618–86), Francisco Varo 萬濟國 (1627–87), Juan Bautista de Morales 黎玉范 (1597–1664), and San Pedro Sans y Jordá 白多祿 (1680–1747), had taken refuge and lived in seclusion in the Dominican monastery in Macau.67

3 The Rapid Growth of Local Churches

In the one hundred years since the opening of Macau, Catholicism had developed with unprecedented speed on the peninsula, as the Macau diocese was established and various Catholic missions positioned themselves therein, seeking a base from which to propagate Catholicism in China and the Far East. According to a report written by Rego in 1623:

65 Teixeira, Macau e a sua diocesa, vol. 3, 621. 66 Ibid., 628. 67 José María González, O.P., Historia de las misiones Dominicanas de China 1632–1700, vol. 1 (Madrid: Imprenta, Juan Bravo, 3, 1964), 165; Teixeira, Macau e a sua diocesa, vol. 3, 629. Awnsham and John Churchill, eds., The Travels and Controversies of Friar Domingo Navarrete, 1618–1686, trans. He Gaoji et al. (Zhengzhou: Da Xiang Press, 2009), 80–83. 22 Chapter 1

The city has Augustinian, Dominican, and Franciscan orders, very good churches and missions, and on average seven to eight clergymen in residence. Sometimes more clergymen live here and sometimes fewer. There is one bishop cathedral and two parishes. Every church and monastery has many groups. There are also two chapels of Our Lady. All these churches […] are well decorated, have many silver holy wares for holy activities, and host grandiose religious rituals. Moreover, there is a Santa Casa da Misericórdia. Each year it provides funds to support orphans, the poor, and the widowed. It also provides funds to maintain two hospitals, which have treated patients, including the Portuguese, local people, and people from other places, all of whom receive good treatment and care. Moreover, Catholic followers host many orphan girls and raise them as their own daughters. Based on their respective conditions, they even provide dowry generously when these girls get married. The system that consists of these monasteries, churches, charity halls, hospitals, and charity organs is built with daily and special alms, and some donations that are provided by the local residents willingly. It supports the whole city and does not receive any fund from the royal family or treasury […]. Local residents assume the burden of supporting the bishop and his residence. This is the case for all three bishops who have lived in Macau city.68

According to this report, Catholicism had clearly made significant progress in Macau. By the early seventeenth century, various organs of the whole church system had been established. The churches were magnificent, the religious rituals grand in scale, and the Society of Jesus had sufficient funds to develop its missionary enterprise in the local area while continuously supporting the missionary cause in nearby areas such as China, Japan, and Vietnam. Catholicism continued to prosper even when a comprehensive ban was placed on maritime trade in Macau in 1670 (the ninth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi 康熙 [r. 1662–1722]), after which Macau suffered from economic depression as it became increasingly desolate and abandoned.69

Catholic churches are very diverse: St. Peter’s Church, St. Paul’s Church, St. Dominic’s Church, St. Francis’s Church, St. Augustine’s Church, St. Anthony’s Church, St. Lawrence’s Church, and St. Lazarus’s Church. Catholic churches worship God in different ways. Therefore they build their own venues for their respective self-cultivations. The Dominicans and the Franciscans adhere to penance and asceticism. The Augustinian

68 Rego, “Relação sobre a fundação,” 155. 69 Standaert, Compilation, vol. 11, 428. Origins of Catholicism in Macau 23

order has similar customs and relaxed rules. The St. Anthony’s Church and the St. Lawrence’s Church are subordinate to the St. Peter’s Church. They are devoted to cultivation, but they preserve secular customs and are experts in managing the marriages and funerals of the followers. Leprosy is rampant in Guangdong and St. Lazarus’s Church is willing to help people and cures lepers. The Church of Our Lady (Grain Distribution Temple) has great mercy. It raises abandoned babies and takes care of the helpless. Hospital Temple operates under the title of hospital. It helps sick people and the widowed and helpless people, no matter if they are male or female or young or old. The costs of the medicines and food and the salaries of the staff are provided by all member units rather than by a single person.70

The above record, written by Lu Xiyan in 1670 (the ninth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), describes the state of the Catholicism he observed in Macau. Lu introduced ten churches in Macau in the seventeenth century. Xiangshan Xianzhi (香山縣誌), written in 1673 (the twelfth year of the same reign), provides a more detailed description of the churches in Macau than that contained in Aomen Ji:

The customs of the foreigners: Foreigners follow Catholicism rigorously and like to give alms. Therefore, they have built many temples, such as St. Peter’s Church 三巴寺, Chapel of St. Francis 賣家私寺, Cathedral, Church of St. Augustine 飛來寺, Church of St. Lazarus 發瘋寺, Church of St. Lorenzo 風汎寺, Church of St. Dominic 板樟寺, Hospital of Populace 醫人寺, [and the] Church of St. Clare 尼姑寺, among which Sanba Temple is the most magnificent.71

This document lists as many as thirteen churches. The other version of Xiangshan Xianzhi, which was written during the reign of Emperor Qianlong 乾隆 (r. 1736–95), records fifteen churches, adding “eastern and western Wangyang temples” to the gazetteers compiled during the reign of Emperor Kangxi.72 Eastern Wangyang church, also known as the Church of Our Lady of Guidance, was a small structure which was built in 1622 and belonged to the

70 Ibid. 71 Shen Lianghan 申良翰, Kangxi Xiangshan Xianzhi [康熙香山縣誌], vol. 10 (Guangzhou: Guangdong Province Library, n.d.), 2. 72 Bao Yu 暴煜, Qianlong Xiangshan Xianzhi [乾隆香山縣誌] (Zhongshan: Wenxian photo print Qianlong Shiwunian [1750] Kanben 中山文獻影印乾隆十五年 [1750] 刊本), vol. 8, 950. 24 Chapter 1 diocese. Western Wangyang church, also known as Penha church, was built in 1622 by the Augustinian order. “Maijiasi Temple 賣家私寺” was described as “Jiasilan Temple 家私蘭廟” in Xiangshan Xianzhi during the reign of Emperor Qianlong. It likely refers to the Franciscan monastery. “Feilai Temple 飛來寺” is the Long Song Temple 龍鬆寺 (i.e., Long Song Miu 龍鬆廟), which has two names, and refers to the Augustinian church.73 Although there are no corre- sponding documents in Western languages, it can thus be concluded that Macau had at least thirteen churches in total, excluding the chapels built in various castles, during the seventeenth-century golden age of Catholicism in Macau.74 Catholic churches not only proliferated in Macau but also extended their influence into nearby regions. They first expanded to Qingzhou 青洲, a desolate island where the first Jesuits arrived in 1603. They initially built some grass huts and set up a chapel inside one of the huts, but these buildings were later burnt by Chinese government officials. Following negotiations, the Society of Jesus received permission from the government officials in Guangzhou to build houses in Qingzhou, where it built “two chapels, one to worship Our Lady and the other to worship San Diego.”75 Qingzhou thus became a retreat for the Society of Jesus. Father Joseph Henry Marie de Prémare (1666–1736) called “Qingzhou” the residence in the village of the Portuguese Society of Jesus. The chapel was very clean and the houses were well built.76 Zhang Zhentao 張甄陶 described the island in the following way: “Qingzhou is located to the west of Macau. It has many trees, [a] pavilion, and little buildings [built] by foreigners. All these are Portuguese real estate.”77 The island also provided “a place to organize decent entertainment activities” for the teachers and students of St. Paul’s College.78 In 1785, after the

73 Wang Tingqian 王廷鈐, Xiangshanxian Xiagongchangdu Shisanxiang Caifangce [香山縣下恭常都十三鄉採訪冊], vol. 1, Aomen zuanlue [澳門纂略], MS 40. The church was mistakenly regarded as two churches in the county gazetteers of the Kangxi and Qianlong dynasties cited above. 74 “In the 17th century, many castles were built, each of which had a chapel.” Teixeira, 400th Anniversary, 8. 75 BAJA, 49–V–5: 344–46v, Alfonso Vagnoni, On Jesuits’ Right of Owning Green Island, cited in Jin and Wu, Dongxi wangyang, 309–12. 76 Jean-Baptiste Du Halde, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangeres memoires de la Chine, trans. Zheng Dedi, vol. 1 (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2001), 138. 77 Zhang Zhentao 張甄陶, “Aomen tushuo” [澳門圖說], in Xiaofanghuzhai yudi congchao [小方壺齋輿地叢鈔], vol. 9 (Shanghai: Zhu Yintang 著易堂, 1891), 315. 78 Anders Ljungstedt, An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements in China, trans. Wu Yixiong et al., vol. 3 (Beijing: Eastern Publishing, 1997), 163. Origins of Catholicism in Macau 25

Society of Jesus was disbanded, ownership of the island was transferred to the Portuguese in Macau in order to pay off debts. Besides Qingzhou, the Catholic Church in Macau also expanded its influence in Duimianshan (Beishan Island). Father João Rodrigues 陸若漢 (1561–1633) from the Portuguese province of the Society of Jesus made substantial con tributions to the Ming dynasty in terms of purchasing guns and recruiting soldiers. After the death of Rodrigues, the Jesuit Sambiasi submitted a memo to the emperor in 1644 (the seventeenth year of the reign of Emperor Chongzhen 崇禎 [r. 1628–44]): “We note that there is desolate land next to the St. Paul’s Cathedral and close to the sea. We hope that the emperor can grant a place there to bury Rodrigues.”79 The memo was approved by the emperor: “[the] land shall be granted to bury Rodrigues.”80 However, the Jesuits did not receive this land formally until they received the authorization of Emperor Yongli 永曆 (r. 1646–62) of the Southern Ming dynasty in 1646.81 The site is called Haocheng, and is about four times as large as Qingzhou. Later, the Society of Jesus also built a church and some houses there. After Father Sambiasi died, a parcel of land in Yinkeng was granted for his burial by the Southern Ming dynasty.82 It is said that Dominicans and Augustinians had also entered Yinkeng and built small chapels there.83 Now let us examine the growth and development of the number of Catholic followers. The first precise number of Christians in Macau comes from a letter written by Gonçalves in 1570. The letter states that there were about five thousand Christians in the area in 1565.84 However, according to sources published in Portuguese, in 1565 there were nine hundred Portuguese in Macau.85 In the census of overseas Portuguese colonies in the sixteenth century, “married person” was the standard unit for compiling statistics.86 In 1565, the nine hundred

79 Standaert, Compilation, vol. 2, 918. 80 Ibid. 81 Auguste M. Colombel, Histoire de la mission du Kiang-nan, trans. Zhou Shiliang (Shang- hai: Guangqi Press, 2009), 217; Charles Ralph Boxer, Estudos para a histõria de Macau: Séculos XVI a XVIII, vol. 1 (Lisbon: Fundação Oriente, 1991), 149. 82 Ljungstedt, Historical Sketch, vol. 3, 166. 83 Jesus, Historic Macao, 132. 84 Loureiro, Em busca das origens de Macau, doc. 12, Carta do Padre Gregório González a D. Juan de Borja (Malacca, c.1571), 193. 85 Francisco de Sousa, Oriente conquistado a Jesus Cristo: Pelos padres da Companhia de Jesus da Companhia de Jesus da província de Goa (Porto: Lello e Irmao, 1978), 650–51. 86 For the concept of “married people,” see Indian scholar Sanjay Subrahmanyam, L’Empire Portugais d’Asie (1500–1700): Une histoire politique et économique, trans. He Jixuan (Lisbon: Comissão Territorial de Macau para as Comemorae et 1500 pleompanhia de Portugueses, 26 Chapter 1

Portuguese in Macau were all “married.” Therefore, when calculating the total population in Macau at that time, the number of wives, children, and slaves must also be included. According to the conditions of slavery in Portuguese families at that time, on average a family had six to ten slaves.87 Thus the five thousand Christians in Macau in 1565 reported by Gonçalves were all Portuguese or slaves of the Portuguese and did not include Chinese Christians. Before the seventeenth century, few Chinese in Macau had converted to Catholicism. When he entered Macau to engage in missionary work, Gonçalves stated that seventy-five Chinese had been baptized. Subsequent records show that a few Chinese, mostly interpreters serving the Portuguese, as well as servants working in Portuguese families, converted to Catholicism. In 1582, the Livro das cidades e fortalezas recorded the situation with regard to immigra- tion in Macau: “The residence area expanded in a short time. Now it hosts more than 2,000 families […]. The residents are almost all Portuguese. And there are some Christians of mixed blood and local people.”88 “Local people” likely refers to the Chinese in Macau. The record shows that in 1582 there were not many Chinese in Macau. If all of the two thousand families were Portuguese, and if the number of slaves is included, then it is possible to estimate that at that time the foreign population in Macau would have been between twelve thousand and fifteen thousand. In other words, there would have been approximately twelve thousand to fifteen thousand Christians in Macau because the Portuguese and their slaves were all Christians. There were a few Chinese Christians in Macau, but not many. However, the number suggested by António Bocarro in 1635 is very different:

In Macau city, there are 850 married people and their children. Each married person has six armed slaves […]. Besides the married Portuguese, in Macau there are also about the same amount of local Chinese Christians and married people of other ethnicities […]. There are also bachelors […]; more than 150 bachelors.89

1997), 228–29. Most scholarly works in mainland China have always regarded the number of married people as the total foreign population in Macau. It is a pity this mistake has not been corrected. 87 Ibid., 237, “According to the estimation in the early 17th century, on average a family has about ten slaves.” António Bocarro, “Livro das plantas de todas as fortalezas,” in Macau RC 31 (1997): 171. “Os casados que tem esta cidade são oitocentos(e) cinquenta portugueses e seus filhos, que são muito mais bem dispostos e robustos que nenhuns que haja neste Oriente, os quais todos têm, uns por outros, seis escravos de armas, de que os mais e mel- hores são cafres e de outras nações.” 88 Anonymous, Livro das cidades e fortalezas (1582), in Macau RC 31 (1997): 97. 89 Bocarro, “Livro das plantas,” 171. Origins of Catholicism in Macau 27

According to these statistics, there would have been 5,100 Portuguese Christians (including slaves), 5,100 Chinese Christians (including various ethnicities), and 150 unmarried Christians in Macau. The population of the Portuguese and Christian immigrants declined while the population of Chinese Christians increased. This suggests that a considerable number of Chinese converted to Catholicism. In fact, at that time the number of Chinese living in Macau far exceeded five thousand. According to a memorial written to the Chinese emperor in 1630 (the third year of the reign of Emperor Chongzhen) by Lu Zhaolong 盧兆龍, the supervising censor of the Ministry of Rites: “More than 20,000 or 30,000 crooks in Fujian gathered in Macau and stirred up troubles. Countless burglars and rascals from Guangdong followed [the] Portuguese and did evil things, becoming a great threat to the government.”90 There were twenty thousand or thirty thousand people from Fujian living in Macau, and people from Guangdong also lived there. It would appear that most of them did not convert to Christianity and very probably lived in Chinese villages outside of Macau city. In 1644, the seventeenth year of the reign of Emperor Chongzhen, the number of Christians in Macau grew rapidly to forty thousand. The Indian scholar Sanjay Subrahmanyam states that “in the early 1640s, the total population was estimated at around 40,000, of which some 2,000 were either Portuguese or partly of Portuguese origin.”91 The two thousand people Subrahmanyam mentions were all married. Therefore, the number of those who were Portuguese or of Portuguese origin should be multiplied by six, so that the total population would have been around fourteen thousand. Father Lam Ka-tseung 林家駿 (1928–2009) and Manuel Teixeira claim that church archives show that these forty thousand residents were all Christians.92 In other words, in the late Ming dynasty, the number of Christians who were Portuguese or had Portuguese blood reached fourteen thousand, and the number of Chinese who converted to Christianity also grew to twenty-eight thousand. In 1635, there were fewer than 5,100 Chinese Christians, but by the 1640s this figure had grown fivefold. This shows that Catholic missionary work among the Chinese people in Macau had a significant impact. A number of factors explain the success of the Chinese Catholic missionary endeavor. After the seventeenth century, as Chinese people increasingly went to Macau, Catholic missionaries, especially those of the Society of Jesus, started

90 Wang Ji 汪楫, ed., Chongzhenchangbian [崇禎長編], vol. 34 (Taipei: Research Institute of History and Language, Academia Sinica, 1962), 42. 91 Subrahmanyam, L’Empire Portugais, 216. 92 Lin, Digest, 9; Teixeira, 400th Anniversary, 8. 28 Chapter 1 paying great attention to missionary work among the Chinese who came to the region. According to documents compiled by Father Lam:

In 1602, the Society of Jesus initially built a chapel of Our Lady at the foot of the St. Paul’s Cathedral. The chapel specialized in preaching the Gospel to the Chinese people and offended the anti-Christian people, who burned the chapel at night. Now the street Rua da Nossa Senhora do Amparo in Macau was named after the chapel.93

After the chapel was burned down, in 1634, the seventh year of the reign of Emperor Chongzhen, Father André Palmeiro (1569–1635) from the Society of Jesus built a church for the Chinese people who converted to Christianity.94 According to a memo submitted to the Chinese emperor by Zhang Rulin 張汝霖 in 1746, the eleventh year of the reign of Qianlong:

A Catholic church called Jinjiao Temple 進教寺 was built at the foot of the St. Paul Cathedral specifically for Chinese followers. It was renovated and expanded in 1679 [eighteenth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi] and 1719 [fifty-eighth year of the same reign]. The establishment was proposed by foreign monks and funded by Chinese people.95

The temple in question was the “Church of Saint Amparo 唐人寺.” Thus we know that from 1602 to 1634 the Society of Jesus built two churches in order to spread the Gospel among the Chinese specifically. This missionary work tar- geting the Chinese was highly successful. Consequently, in 1635, the number of Chinese Christians in Macau reached about five thousand. When the Ming dynasty fell in 1644, Manchu entered Beijing to become the new ruler of the Chinese people. The Chinese living in Macau were pained by the losses their country suffered; politically, they were unwilling to become the “obedient masses” of a ruler of another ethnicity. It was in this unique context that many Chinese converted to Catholicism. For this reason, the number of Chinese Christians in Macau increased from about five thousand in 1635 to twenty- eight thousand during the 1640s.

93 Lin, Digest, 51. 94 Teixeira, 400th Anniversary, 10. Pires, Os extremos conciliam-se, 38. In order to convert the Chinese living in Macau, in 1634 André Palmeiro built the church, whose president was usually the principal of St. Paul’s College. He was called the father of Christianity in India and enjoyed the title of son of Macau. This material is from BAJA, 49-v-3m, fols. 106–1. 95 Bao, Qianlong Xiangshan Xianzhi, vol. 8, 28. Origins of Catholicism in Macau 29

In the period after the Ming dynasty (i.e., after 1644), the number of Christian immigrants to Macau had fallen sharply. According to documents published by Sousa, in 1669 the number of married people in Macau had fallen to less than half of the number living there in 1635. In 1635, there were 850 married people, and in 1669 there were only around 420 married people in Macau.96 If the number of slaves is included by multiplying by six, the Christian migrants in Macau at that time would have numbered around 2,500. The decline of immigrants was partially due to the great famine in 1648, which caused many deaths there.97 Another reason is that many Portuguese left Macau because the ban on maritime trade by the Qing dynasty led to economic depression in Macau.98 However, at that time the development of Catholicism in Macau mainly involved the conversion of large numbers of Chinese to Christianity. Under the Qing dynasty, many Chinese people left Macau for mainland China or Southeast Asia, but Catholicism continued to develop among the Chinese who remained. The Chinese church in Macau “was expanded in 1679 [the eighteenth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi] and 1719 [fifty-eighth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi].”99 This shows that the Chinese in Macau were rapidly converting to Catholicism. According to D. Manuel Bernardo de Sousa Enes (1814–87), at the end of the seventeenth century: “Among the total population of 20,500 in Macau, 19,500 are Catholic followers, among whom there are 18,500 Chinese.”100 In Macau, the number of Portuguese Christians declined to one thousand, while Chinese Christians maintained a population of 18,500, even after the great famine which killed several thousand people in 1648, and the ban on maritime trade by the Qing dynasty, which lasted from 1660 to 1683. In a city of only twenty thousand residents, with Chinese people as the majority, more than ninety-five percent of the residents were Catholics. This clearly indicates that Catholicism in Macau had prospered during this period.

96 George Bryan Souza, The Survival of the Empire: Portuguese Trade and Society in China and the South China Sea, 1630–1754 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 32. 97 Manuel Teixeira, Macau no séc. XVII (Macau: Direcção dos Serviços de Educação e Cul- tura, 1982), 85–90. 98 Tang Kaijian, “Inclination of the Portuguese Regime in Macau and Relationship with the Chinese Government in Early Qing Dynasty,” Research on Literature and History of China [中華文史論叢] 69, no. 1 (2002). 99 Bao, Qianlong Xiangshan Xianzhi, vol. 8, 28. 100 Lin, Digest, 9. 30 Chapter 1

4 Macau: A Base for Missionary Work in the Far East

In 1576, Macau diocese was established. According to a papal decree, at that time the Macau diocese included China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam, and virtually all of the Far East was under its jurisdiction. Macau diocese was conse quently responsible for supplying the materials and missionaries needed for missionary work in these regions. “A lot of theological and literary talents graduated from ‘the first Western university in the Far East,’ and they spread the Gospel in China, Japan, Korea and all of Southeast Asia.”101 According to the Historia Tartaro-Sinica nova written by the Jesuit missionary François de Rougemont (1624–76):

Macau city is important not only for missionary work in China, but also for the spread of Christianity in the Far East. We of the Society of Jesus […] were indebted to the grace of Macau. Briefly speaking, members of the Society of Jesus living in Macau city and people who go to China to do missionary work, all work in this friendly and beneficial city easily, freely, and safely. Other citizens are also protected by Macau from bad weather and the threat from Tartars. We are all taken care of. In particular, the missionary works in China and Japan benefit the most from Macau and their development and maintenance rely on support from Macau.102

The Society of Jesus had relied upon a policy of adaptation to “local context” for missionary work in the Far East ever since the time of Valignano. One after another, groups of members of the Society of Jesus went to Macau from Europe, lived briefly in or received training there, and then promptly departed for Japan or China. In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century, Japan was the primary target of the Society of Jesus’s missionary work in the Far East. From 1579 to 1598, Valignano led members of the Society of Jesus to Japan three times. On each occasion, he brought eight to seventeen members to Japan.103 The forty-fifth delegation of the Society of Jesus in 1596 had eighteen members, among whom sixteen entered Japan and later died in that country.104 Before

101 Fr. Fernão Guerreiro, Relação anual das coisas que fizeram os padres da Companhia de Jesus, Tomo 2, 67, in Pires, Os extremos conciliam-se, chapter 5, 37. 102 François de Rougemont, Relaçam do estado politico a espiritual do imperio da China, pellos anos de 1659 atè o de 1666, trans. He Gaoji (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 2008), 247. 103 Qi Yinping 戚印平, Research on Early History of the Society of Jesus in Japan [日本早期耶穌會史研究] (Beijing: Commercial Press, 2003), 469–72. 104 Silva, Cronologia, 28. Origins of Catholicism in Macau 31 heading to Japan, the members of the Society of Jesus underwent brief training or periods of rest in Macau, after which they sought opportunities to enter Japan. By 1602, the Society of Jesus had dispatched fifty-one groups of missionaries to the East, most of whom had lived in Macau.105 Since its inception, St. Paul’s College had supported the delegation for Chinese missionary work to Beijing. Nevertheless, educating talent for missionary work in Japan was still the principal aim of the college.106 According to a report by Father Fernão Guerreiro (1550–1617) in 1605:

The Society of Jesus has a college in Macau. It usually hosts 30 students. However, this year [1601], it hosts nearly 70 students, because some clergymen who went to Japan in 1600 or in 1602 will stay here during the winter. The college is a seminary of two major missionary enterprises [the Japanese mission and the Chinese mission] […]. It usually does not accept the conversion of lay people, because it does not have the houses for educating new followers. However, each year it baptizes some followers.107

The annual bulletin of St. Paul’s College in Macau, issued on October 28, 1594, states the following:

The general consultation conference organized in Japan in 1592 holds that to establish a school in Macau, China, is very important for main- taining and developing the enterprise of the Society of Jesus in Japan and for spreading Gospel […]. Many young students study in the school, where they can peacefully have a rest, seek refuge from oppression, and then go back to Japan to continue their missionary work. Ultimately, the school exhibits the great necessity of becoming a stop for students from India and Europe. Here the students can have a rest before their departure for Japan. Students can also stay here for reasons such as old age or sickness.108

105 Ibid., 31. 106 In a letter dated November 12, 1593, Valignano wrote to the director of the Society of Jesus, “The school is purely for the interests of the Society of Jesus and [the] church in Japan and is to offer fine education to Japanese seminarians.” Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Jap. Sin. 12–1, fols. 114–16. 107 Guerreiro, Relação anual, 135–36. 108 Duarte de Sande, Cartas ânuas do colégio de Macau, October 28, 1594, Biblioteca da Ajuda, cited in Li Xiangyu 李向玉, Cradle of Sinologists: Research on St. Paul School of Macau [漢學家的搖籃: 澳門聖保祿學院研究] (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 2006), 20. 32 Chapter 1

Nakaura Jurian 中浦ジュリアン (1570–1633), a member of the famous Japanese Tenshō embassy, for instance, was one of the eight students who registered and studied at St. Paul’s College in 1603.109 Because Christianity was banned in Japan in 1614, 1626, and 1636, many of the Christians in Japan were expelled and went to Macau. They lived in Macau together and formed a street there.110 During that time, St. Paul’s College was responsible for educating priests among the Japanese Christians in exile and sending them back to Japan to do missionary work. From 1613 to 1614, for instance, twelve Japanese students who were trained in St. Paul’s College secretly returned to Japan.111 It can thus be concluded that Macau supplied many of the missionaries for the Catholic enterprise in Japan from the late sixteenth to the early seventeenth century. Many missionaries entered mainland China after receiving a brief period of training in Macau. Beginning with Michele Ruggieri (1543–1607) and Ricci, one group of European missionaries after another briefly lived or received training in Macau and then sneaked into mainland China to carry out missionary work. There is an abundance of documents referring to such cases. In 1620, for example, the royal court of the Ming dynasty dispatched someone to purchase cannons in Macau. The Society of Jesus in Macau was to send twelve missionaries to enter China with the cannon operators in order to go to various provinces in China to set up new dioceses. But this effort failed.112 In 1630, when the Ming dynasty purchased cannons in Macau, five missionaries, Tranquille Grassetti (1588–1644), Pierre Canevari (1594–1675), Étienne Faber (1598–1659), Michel Trigault (1602–67), and Bento de Matos (1600–51/52), entered mainland China successfully.113 In addition to the European missionaries, Chinese clergymen trained by the Society of Jesus, such as Sebastião Fernandes 鍾鳴仁 (1561–1622), João Fernandes 鍾鳴禮 (1581–after 1626), Zhong Nianshan 鍾念山, Francisco Martínez 黃明沙 (1573–1606), António Leitão 徐必登 (1580–1611), Domingos Méndez 丘良禀 (1581–after 1631), Pascal Méndez 丘良厚 (1584–1640), António Fernandes 蔡安多 (1620–70), Manuel Pereira 游文輝 (1575–1633), and Francisco de Lagea 石宏基 (1585–1647), also entered

109 Takase Kōichirō 高瀨弘一郎, “Reconstruction of the Seminary in Macau and Japanese Students,” in Culture in the Era of Christianity (Tokyo: Yagi Bookstore, 2002), 42–45. 110 Charles Ralph Boxer, “The Function of Macau as a Transshipment of Religion and Trade in the 16th–17th Century,” trans. Huang Hongzhao, in Collection of Translations of the His- tory of Sino-Western Relations, no. 5 (Shanghai: Shanghai Yiwen Press, 1991), 85. 111 Ibid. 112 Daniello Bartoli, Dell’historia della Compagnia di Giesu: L’Asia, 771–72, cited in Fang Hao 方豪, “Historical Documents on the Import of Western Weapons into China in the Late Ming Dynasty,” Oriental Magazine [東方雜誌] 40, no. 1 (1944). 113 Ibid., 961. Origins of Catholicism in Macau 33 mainland China to perform missionary work. From the seventeenth century onwards, the Society of Jesus shifted its main target of missionary work in Asia to China. According to the Portuguese Jesuit and historian, Fr. Benjamin Videira Pires 潘日明 (1916–99), from 1590 to 1673 fifty-nine Chinese students had been trained in Macau, among whom the painter Wu Li 吳歷 (1631–1718) and Manuel de Sequeira 鄭瑪諾 (1635–73) were the most famous.114 According to the records of the Society of Jesus, 463 members of the Society reached Macau from Lisbon in the period between 1578 and 1740. From 1587 to 1630, they mainly entered Japan, while from 1630 to 1740 they mostly entered mainland China.115 Of course, at that time, some members of the Society of Jesus also went to Vietnam and Siam from Macau. Indeed, during the seventeenth century, seventy Catholic missionaries entered Vietnam,116 many of whom went to Vietnam from Macau, and about ten Jesuits went to Siam from Macau.117 The Dominican, Franciscan, and Augustinian orders all established monasteries in Macau to train recruits. Each of these three groups supplied missionaries for the Chinese diocese. The Franciscan order used Macau as a base and supplied thirty missionaries to mainland China from 1672 to 1697.118 From 1597 until its exit from China, the Franciscan order sent ninety-seven priests to mainland China.119 The Dominican order had sent sixty-five missionaries in total to the Chinese province, the most famous of whom, the five Dominicans who died in the Fuan 福安 church incident,120 all entered Fujian from Macau. In the seventeenth century, the Dominican order mainly focused on Malacca and Timor, and many Dominicans came to these places from Macau.121 In 1840, the Dominican monastery in Macau set up a school that specialized in training monks for missionary work in Timor.122 From 1681 onwards, the Augustinian monastery dispatched missionaries to enter mainland China from Macau and established a point for missionary work in Zhaoqing. By 1701, fifteen Augustinian friars had entered mainland China from

114 Pires, Os extremos conciliam-se, 40. 115 Silva, Cronologia, 30. 116 Chen Wenyuan 陳文源, “Activities of Western Missionaries in Vietnam in the 17th and 18th Centuries” [17–18 世紀西洋傳教士在安南的活動], Journal of Ji’nan University [暨南學報] 4 (2004). 117 Tian Yu 田渝, “Relations between Portugal and Thailand in the 16th and 17th Centuries,” Research on Macau History 3 (2004). 118 Cui, Spanish Franciscans, 175–76, 215–16, and 276–77. 119 Teixeira, Macau e a sua diocesa, vol. 3, 480–82. 120 The Fuan incident of 1746 led to the death of five Dominicans. 121 Teixeira, Macau e a sua diocesa, vol. 3, 652–54. 122 Pires, Os extremos conciliam-se, 154. 34 Chapter 1

Macau.123 A total of thirty-eight Augustinian priests had also entered mainland China.124 For a long time after their establishment in Macau, the Catholic missions not only supplied personnel for missionary work in countries in the Far East but also provided funds to missionary groups in various countries. All of the funding for the activities of the Society of Jesus in China initially came from Macau. According to the confession of a priest during a trial held by the anti- Catholic campaign in Nanjing, “All funding came from Macau. The silver was shipped continuously for many years from Western countries to Macau, through the intermediary of Macau merchants and then João da Rocha [1565– 1623], that silver would be transported here.”125 The funding for other missions also came from Macau. According to the confession of the Dominican priest Sans y Jordá during the trials held by the anti-Catholic campaign in Fuan in 1746 (the eleventh year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong):

Macau has eight churches that take charge of religious affairs and distribute funds and grain. The church for Fujian province is called Dominican church 多明我堂, the church for North Zhili province is called St. Paul’s cathedral 三巴堂, and the other churches are called Peter’s church 伯多祿堂, Franciscan church 方濟覺堂, St. Augustine church 聖奧斯定堂, St. Joseph’s church 聖若色堂, Church of St. Lorenzo 聖老良佐堂, and St. Clare’s church 聖咖喇堂. Each church is in charge of one province. Every year, the funds and grain are sent by the suzerains to the head of the Society in the Philippines and then sent to Macau for distribution.126

Thus, from the second half of the sixteenth century, various Catholic religious orders used Macau as a base to send missionaries to Japan, China, and South east Asia, and provided funding for missionary work to these countries and regions for a long period of time. The efforts of these missionaries enabled the Catholic enterprise to expand at an unprecedented pace in the Far East. As

123 Tang Kaijian et al., “Development and Vicissitude of Catholicism in the Chinese Society in the Early Qing Dynasty,” International Sinology [國際漢學] 9 (2002). 124 Teixeira, Macau e a sua diocesa, vol. 3, 606–7. 125 Xu Changzhi 徐昌治, Shengchao poxie ji [聖朝破邪集] (Hong Kong: Alliance Bible Sem- inary, 1996), 100. 126 First Historical Archives of China, ed., Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties [明清時期澳門問題檔案文獻彙編], vol. 1, no. 156 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1999), 221. Origins of Catholicism in Macau 35

Juan de Palafox Mendoza (1600–59) states in his Historia de la conquista de la China por el Tartaro (History of the conquest of China by the Tartars):

Macau city has already accepted and educated many determined workers, who go to Japan and China to serve the Portuguese Christian delegations and are scattered into a few countries that worship idols. Therefore, the city is a channel to advocate God’s holy name in many countries in darkness. It is a holy school and an honorary arena where many holy fighters are trained in order to defeat the religions that worship idols and win the trophy of dedication to Christianity. In less than ten years, God awards the laurel of dedication to more than 60 missionaries in one day, who all come from Macau. It can be said that God is willing to defend Macau at a dangerous moment and reward the residents who serve the Christian church. Indeed, in Macau, God’s loyal servants are well protected and are advocates of God’s glory. The churches rely on Macau, as do some other countries. Macau is the place where foreign countries get skilled workers and strengthen their confidence. If Macau is destroyed, then their teaching, preaching, and source of supplies would be thoroughly destroyed.127

127 Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, Historia de la conquista de la China por el Tartaro, trans. He Gaoji (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 2008), 105. 36 Chapter 2

Chapter 2 Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties

It is perhaps the consensus of all researchers on Macanese history and the history of Chinese Catholicism that Macau served as the principal base for Chinese Catholic missionary work from the introduction of Catholicism during the middle and late Ming dynasty onwards. Prior to the First Opium War (1839–42), Macau was the most important channel, and sometimes the only channel, for missionaries to enter mainland China. This is attested to by an abundance of evidence with regard to the spread of Catholicism in mainland China in the period between the late Ming dynasty and the First Opium War.

1 Macau as a Waypoint for Catholic Missions in Mainland China

Following the introduction of Catholicism into China during the middle and late Ming dynasty, Macau served as the most important channel for missionaries seeking to gain entry into mainland China. In the words of the French scholar-priest Louis Wei Tsing-sing 衛青心 (1906–2001):

Since the sixteenth century, Macau had always been a transfer station for European missionaries to enter China for missionary work, and a place for missionaries who are expelled out of China to hide. In Macau, missionaries from Europe could wait for the Chinese authorities to issue the permit to enter China, or found opportunities to sneak into China, Tokyo Bay in Japan, or Indochina.1

1 “Macau is the only gate of entering China for Missionaries.” Louis Wei Tsing-sing, La politique missionnaire de la France en Chine, 1842–1856: L’ouverture des cinq ports chinois au commerce étranger et la liberté religieuse, trans. Huang Qinghua, vol. 1 (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1991), 67; Louis Pfister, Notices biographiques et bibliographiques sur les Jésuites de l’ancienne mission de Chine 1552–1773, trans. Feng Cheng Jun, vol. 1 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1995), 194.

The statement above clearly indicates that Macau was the most important conduit for missionaries seeking to enter mainland China during the Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1911) dynasties. However, some European missionaries entered the Chinese mainland directly through other ports along the southeastern coast. In particular, Franciscan and Dominican missionaries used Manila in the Philippines as their headquarters for missionary work in the Far East. At certain times, such as when the Ming or Qing dynasty relaxed the ban on maritime trade, or the Chinese government opened a few ports for foreign trade from the reign of Emperor Kangxi 康熙 (r. 1662–1722) to the reign of Emperor Qianlong 乾隆 (r. 1736–95), some European missionaries from the Franciscan and Dominican orders entered mainland China directly through the coast in Fujian from Taiwan or Manila. Let us look at the following examples.

1. In 1632 (the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Chongzhen 崇禎 [r. 1628– 44] of the Ming dynasty), the Italian Dominican Angelo Cocchi 高琦 (1597–1633) landed in a boat at an island along the coast of Fujian from Taiwan, and from there entered Fuzhou. In 1633 (the sixth year of the reign of Emperor Chongzhen), the Spanish Dominican missionary Juan Bautista de Morales 黎玉范 (1597–1664) and the Spanish Franciscan Antonio de Santa María Caballero 利安當 (1602–69) entered Fujian from Taiwan.2 2. In 1634 (the seventh year of the reign of Emperor Chongzhen), the Dominican Francisco Díaz 蘇方積 (1606–46) and the Franciscan Francisco de la Madre de Dios 馬方濟 (d.1657) reached Fuan 福安 in the same boat from Taiwan.3 3. In 1655 (the twelfth year of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi 順治 [r. 1644– 61]), the Italian Dominican missionary Vittorio Ricci 利畸 (1621–85), Domingo Coronado 郭多敏 (d.1665), Diego Rodríguez 丁迪我, Rai- mundo del Valle 賴蒙篤 (1613–83), and the Chinese Dominican Luo Wenzao 羅文藻 (1615–91) entered China directly via Xiamen from Manila.4

2 José Maria González, O.P., Historia de las misiones Dominicanas de China 1632–1700, vol. 1 (Madrid: Imprenta, Juan Bravo, 3, 1964), 51, 65. 3 Ibid., 89. 4 Ibid., 303–4. 38 Chapter 2

4. In 1667 (the sixth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), the Dominican Pedro de Alcalá 希氏5 entered Fujian directly from Manila and then entered Zhejiang.6 5. In 1678 (the seventeenth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), the Spanish Jesuits Juan de Yrigoyen 魯日孟 (1646–after 1688) and Francisco Cayosso 洪度亮 (1647–after 1684) “came to Xiamen from Manila in a Dutch boat.”7 6. In 1684 (the twenty-third year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), Bishop François Pallu 陸方濟 (1626–84) and Charles Maigrot 顏璫 (1652–1730) from the Paris Foreign Missions Society reached Xiamen in a boat from Taiwan and then went to Fuzhou to carry out missionary work.8 7. In 1715 (the fifty-fourth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), Spanish Dominicans Miguel de Arriba 趙彌格 (d.1739), San Pedro Sans y Jordá 白多祿 (1680–1747), Pablo Matheu 韓保祿 (d.1755), and Joaquín Royo Pérez 華敬 (1691–1748) entered Fujian directly from Manila and carried out missionary work in Fuan.9

Although not exhaustive, these examples suggest that some European missionaries entered mainland China during this period through ports in Fujian province rather than through Macau. Qing Gaozong shilu (The historical records of Emperor Qianlong) contains the following note:

The Luzon is an assembly place for Catholics and hosts many people from mainland China. As commercial boats go there frequently, information is inevitably passed around. In February this year, foreign ships reached Amoy [i.e., Xiamen] from the Luzon and a person brought a letter to Yan Deng 嚴登 in Longxi County 龍溪縣, Zhangzhou Prefecture 漳州府, Fujian province 福建省 […]. Now the Philippines is an assembly place for Catholics. People from mainland China hide themselves there because they follow Catholicism. An imperial decree shall be issued to Kaerjishan 喀爾吉善 and others: “From now on, at the sea ports you must strictly check people who go to the Luzon without authorization and all

5 Pedro de Alcalá was a Spanish Dominican who arrived in China in 1667 and conducted missionary work in Zhejiang province. He became the vicar-apostolic of Zhejiang province in 1696 and passed away in 1705. 6 Fang Hao, Biographies of People Related to the History of Catholicism in China, vol. 2 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1992), 124. 7 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 389–90. 8 González, Historia, vol. 1, 582. 9 Ibid., vol. 2, 106; Fang, Biographies, vol. 3, 102. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 39

priests from the Luzon in mainland China and stop their journey. You shall also organize staff to check foreign ships vigilantly. Negligence shall not appear again.”10

The order to check “people who go to the Luzon without authorization and all priests from the Luzon in mainland China” at ports in Fujian indicates that when ports in Fujian were open to trade with the Philippines, some European missionaries indeed entered mainland China by landing at ports in Fujian. Among the Jesuits, moreover, the French mission was a powerful force that was not controlled by the Portuguese protectorate of missions. Ever since the French king, Louis XIV (r. 1643–1715), had dispatched a mission to China in 1685,11 the French Jesuits had enjoyed “complete independence in the Chinese and Japanese dioceses, functioned autonomously, had their own members, leaders and, system of houses and revenues, and were protected by the French king.”12 In 1692, the French Jesuits purchased a house in Guangzhou as a branch and established a treasury there.13 Most French Jesuits came to China in non-Por- tuguese ships. Because the French Jesuits refused the protectorate of missions from the Portuguese king, the Portuguese in Macau prohibited French Jesuits from staying in Macau for a time.14 Therefore, some of the French Jesuits who came to China landed directly at Chinese ports, mostly Guangzhou, Ningbo, and Xiamen, rather than through Macau. Some examples are listed below. In 1687 (the twenty-sixth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), the five French Jesuits dispatched by Louis XIV in 1685, namely Joachim Bouvet 白晉 (1656–1730), Jean de Fontaney 洪若翰 (1643–1710), Louis Le Comte 李明 (1655– 1728), Jean-François Gerbillon (1654–1707), and Claude de Visdelou 劉應 (1656–1737), traveled to China from Siam. “Hearing the news that the Portuguese decided to stop priests from entering mainland China via Macau, they decided to take another route.” They then took a Chinese commercial ship and entered

10 The Historical Records of Emperor Qianlong [高宗純皇帝實錄], vol. 315 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1986), 169. 11 The five missionaries were ostensibly sent as part of a scientific mission, as Louis XIV was not able to send missionaries as such because this would trespass on the prerogatives of Rome. 12 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 752. 13 Ibid., 429. 14 The Portuguese stopped the French from going to Macau “because the Portuguese believed that the establishment of [a] Vicar Apostolic in the east would infringe the interests of the Portuguese patronage.” John W. Witek, S.J., Controversial Ideas in China and in Europe: A Biography of Jean-François Foucquet, S.J. (1665–1741), trans. Wu Liwei (Zheng- zhou: Daxiang Press, 2006), 35. 40 Chapter 2

China directly via Ningbo.15 From 1698 (the thirty-seventh year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi) to 1712 (the fifty-first year of the same reign), the following French Jesuits took French or British commercial boats and entered mainland China through places such as Guangzhou 廣州, Dianbai 電白, and Xiamen 廈門, rather than through Macau: François Xavier d’Entrecolles 殷弘緒 (1664– 1741), Jean François Foucquet 傅聖澤 (1663–1741), Pierre Frapperie 樊繼訓 (1664–1703), Jean-François Pélisson 宋若翰 (1657–after 1736), Bernard Rhodes 羅德先 (1646–1715), Antoine de Beauvollier 薄賢士 (1656–1708), Jean-Baptiste de Champeville 蔣若翰 (1662–?), Julien-Placide Hervieu 赫苍碧 (1671–1746), Jean François Noëlas 聶若翰 (1669–1740), Pierre de Goville 戈維里 (1668–1758), Pierre Jartoux 杜德美 (1668–1720), Émeric de Chavagnac 沙守信 (1670–1717), Louis Porquet 卜文氣 (1671–1752), Jacques Brocard 陸伯嘉 (1661–1718), Pierre Vincent de Tartre 湯尚賢 (1669–1724), Cyrile Constantin 龔當信 (1670–1733), Joseph Labbe 胥孟德 (1679–1745), Jean Baborier 卜日升 (1678–1752), and Maurice de Baudory 張貌理 (1679–1732). On November 7, 1698, thirteen French Jesuits entered Guangzhou directly in the ship L’Amphitrite.16 On July 24 and 25, 1699, five French Jesuits entered Xiamen in the ships Saragallay and Joanne.17 Hence it is clearly the case that Macau was not the only channel for Western missionaries to enter mainland China. While it is now clear that some Western missionaries indeed entered China during the Ming and Qing dynasties directly through ports in southeastern China rather than Macau, this does not alter the fact that Macau was the most important channel through which Western missionaries reached mainland China during this period. There are several reasons why this was the case.

1.1 The Portuguese King Held the Protectorate of Missions in Asia Granted by the Pope According to the decrees of Popes Leo X (r. 1513–21), Gregory XIII (r. 1572–85), and Clement VIII (r. 1592–1605), the Portuguese protectorate of missions in Asia included the following stipulations. First, missionaries in Asia were required to register with the Portuguese government. Second, they were expected to travel to Asia in Portuguese commercial boats. Third, bishops in Asia were to be recommended by the Portuguese king to the pope. Fourth,

15 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 427; Witek, Controversial Ideas, 38–39; Yves de Thomaz de Bossierre, Jean-François Gerbillon, S.J. (1654–1707): Un des cinq mathématiciens envoyés en Chine par Louis XIV, trans. Xin Yan (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2009), 7–8. 16 Knud Lundbaek, Joseph de Prémare (1666–1736) S.J.: Chinese Philology and Figurism, trans. Li Zhen and Luo Jie (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2009), 11. 17 Witek, Controversial Ideas, 83–88. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 41

Portugal was to provide the funds for missionary work. Consequently, the Portuguese viceroy was in charge of supervising missionary work in China. According to the stipulations of the protectorate of missions, missionaries who went to China from Europe to engage in missionary work were required to sail on Portuguese commercial ships, depart from Lisbon, reach Macau, and then enter mainland China via Macau. The Portuguese king’s protectorate of missions in Asia was challenged on multiple occasions. In 1633, Pope Urban VIII (r. 1623–44) abolished the decree of Gregory XIII and permitted missionaries from Spain and other countries to go to Asia for missionary work by the most convenient route.18 In 1658, Pope Alexander VII (r. 1655–67) selected three French bishops, Pallu, Pierre Lambert de La Motte 郎伯爾 (1624–79), and Ignace Cotolendi (1630–62), to serve as the vicars apostolic of five provinces in southwestern China, and four provinces in southern China and Nanjing respectively,19 attempting to use the apostolic vicariate that belonged to the Holy See to replace the archdiocese that belonged to Lisbon, with the aim of abolishing the Portuguese protectorate of missions. The Portuguese government vehemently opposed the vicars apostolic. In order to defend the Portuguese protectorate of missions, Portuguese king Pedro II (r. 1683–1706) issued a decree in 1688 affirming the stipulation that missionaries must go through the kingdom of Portugal, and demanded that missionaries pledge their loyalty to the general protectorate of missions; otherwise they would be expelled from Asia.20 In 1687, when five French Jesuits went “to China against the will of the head of the Society of Jesus,”21 Visitor Simão Martins (1619–88) demanded that the French Jesuits make an unconditional pledge to obey the Portuguese protectorate of missions in Asia, but he was rebuffed.22 In the struggle between Rome and Lisbon regarding the protectorate of missions, the Holy See eventually made some concessions. In 1690, Pope Alex- ander VIII (r. 1689–91) upgraded both Beijing and Nanjing to archdioceses, and made them and Macau archdiocese permanently subordinate to the kingdom of Portugal; according to the decree, “the demarcation shall be made after the negotiations between the Portuguese king and the bishop appointed.”23 In 1693, nine apostolic vicariates besides Beijing, Nanjing, and Macau

18 Anders Ljungstedt, An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements in China, trans. Wu Yixiong et al., vol. 3 (Beijing: Eastern Publishing, 1997), 174–76. 19 Fang, Biographies, vol. 3, 6. 20 Ljungstedt, Historical Sketch, vol. 3, 174–76. 21 Witek, Controversial Ideas, 46. 22 As to the conflicts between the French and Portuguese Jesuits over the protectorate of missions, also refer to ibid., 11–67. 23 Louis Wei Tsing-sing, La politique missionnaire, vol. 1, 10. 42 Chapter 2 archdioceses were set up by Pope Innocent XII (r. 1691–1700). However, in 1696, due to fierce opposition from Portugal, they were reduced to three apostolic vicariates: Shanxi (Franciscans), Sichuan (Foreign Missions Society), and Fujian (Dominicans).24 Thus most areas for missionary work in China were still under the Portuguese protectorate of missions until Pope Gregory XVI (r. 1831–46) abolished the Portuguese protectorate of missions completely in 1834. When Portugal completely or partially held the protectorate of missions in Asia, countries that opposed the Portuguese protectorate of missions, such as France or Spain, did not conform completely to the provision stating that Europeans must enter China by boat via Macau. Some missionaries used other routes, but such cases were rare. To avoid expulsion from the mission field in Asia, and to ensure their own safety, most missionaries had to obey the rules set by Lisbon, and thus took passage to Macau in Portuguese ships as a prereq- uisite to entering mainland China.25

1.2 Macau was the Only Legal Channel for Entering Mainland China Under the Ming and Qing dynasties, Western missionaries who wanted to enter mainland China for missionary work needed to receive authorization from the Guangdong government. This stipulation existed from the late Ming dynasty until the First Opium War. The Regni Chinensis descriptio of Matteo Ricci ‎利瑪竇 (1552–1610) states:

A captain of the guard of the governor general came to Macau from Zhaoqing. He is an ambassador of the ruler of the area, called magistrate by the Chinese. He handed in a letter authorized by the governor. The letter invited a priest of the Society of Jesus to go to Zhaoqing, to accept wealth granted by the Chinese government, and to build a church and a house.26

Volume 768 of The Historical Records of Emperor Qianlong (高宗純皇帝實錄) states:

Yang Tingzhang, governor general of Guangdong and Guangxi provinces, submitted a memorial as follows. Some Westerners who came to Guangzhou are willing to pay specialties as tribute or are well versed in

24 Ibid. 25 Ljungstedt, Historical Sketch, vol. 3, 174–76. 26 Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault, China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journal of Matthew Ricci, trans. He Gaoji et al. (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1983), 157. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 43

astronomy, medicine, painting, and clocks and are willing to serve the royal court in Beijing. If they are in Macau, they shall be asked to report to the head of foreigners and to the coastal patrol inspector. If they are in Guangdong province, they shall be asked to report to the commercial houses and Nanhai County, which shall report promptly in detail and ask for the permission of the Chinese emperor to enter Beijing.27

Volume 152 of The Historical Records of Emperor Jiaqing (仁宗睿皇帝實錄) states that

it has always been the case that Westerners who are willing to enter Beijing to serve the royal court shall report to the governor general and governor of the [Guangdong] province for permission, and come to Beijing accompanied by government staff. How is it that this time a few missionaries were openly dispatched by Msgr. della Torre to various provinces for missionary work? Macau is close to Guangdong province. Local government officials are incompetent and have not observed this move at all. They shall be subjected to punishment.28

Gongzhongzhupizouzhe (宮中硃批奏摺) (Palace memorials and vermilion rescripts) in 1759 (the twenty-fourth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) states:

Westerners André Rodrigues 安國寧 [1729–96] and José Bernardo de Almeida 索德超 [1728–1805] are well versed in astronomy. They sent a letter from Macau, stating that they are willing to come to Beijing to serve the royal court. An imperial decree shall be issued to the governor of Guangdong province in accordance with precedent to dispatch staff to accompany these two Westerners to Beijing.29

“It is always the case that Westerners who want to enter Beijing to serve the royal court shall report from Macau to Guangdong province.” This stringent stipulation in the Ming and Qing dynasties was followed with few exceptions. Therefore, when the George Macartney (1737–1806) mission landed in Dagu 大

27 Historical Records of Emperor Qianlong [高宗純皇帝實錄], vol. 768, 427–28. 28 Historical Records of Emperor Jiaqing [仁宗睿皇帝實錄], vol. 152, 1098. 29 First Historical Archives of China, ed., Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 208 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1999), 312. 44 Chapter 2

沽, Tianjin 天津, in 1793, it had wanted to bring in priests Robert Hanna 韓納慶 (1762–97) and Louis-François-Marie Lamiot 南彌德 (1767–1831) but at Dagu port “the Chinese government officials prohibited these two priests from landing […]. Therefore, these two priests had to return to Macau and applied for permission for entry from the governor general of Guangdong and Guangxi. The procedure cannot be changed, even to accommodate the delegation from a major world power.”30 This episode reveals that in order to enter mainland China legally, Western missionaries had to wait to receive permission in Macau first, and they could only enter mainland China through Guangzhou after they had received permission from the governor general of Guangdong and Guangxi. Westerners clearly understood that “the procedure cannot be changed.”

1.3 Macau was the Safest and Most Convenient Channel to Enter Mainland China Illegally There are no statistics on the percentage of Western missionaries who entered mainland China legally or illegally during the Ming and Qing dynasties. However, it is undoubtedly the case that more missionaries entered mainland China illegally than legally when Emperor Kangxi began to ban Christianity in the later years of his reign (1717–22). Did most of the missionaries who entered mainland China illegally depart from Macau and infiltrate China along the coast of Guangdong, or did they depart from Manila and enter the mainland along the coast of Fujian? According to Li Tiangang 李天綱,

Missionaries who sneaked into China through river ports or sea ports along the Pearl River, Min River [Minjiang], Zhi River [Zhijiang], and Yangtze River could be found in all provinces in southern China. They often hid in the lower part of the cargo ships, sometimes for a few months, no matter in winter or in summer […]. Then they sneaked into mainland China. Underground missionary work sustained an underground church, and enabled Catholicism to survive the policy of banning Christianity in the Qing Dynasty till the 19th century.31

Western missionaries who went to China from Europe were unable to enter the country directly from Europe. They had to wait in the bases of various Catholic

30 Alain Peyrefitte, L’empire immobile ou le choc des mondes, trans. Wang Guoqing et al. (Bei- jing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 1993), 90. 31 Li Tiangang, Rites Controversy in China: History, Documents and Significance (Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Press, 1998), 100. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 45 missions in the Far East and take appropriate opportunities to sneak into China. The Catholic missions had only two bases in the Far East close to China: Macau, which was controlled by Portugal, and Manila, which was controlled by Spain. Some foreigners entered China via the coast of Fujian directly from Manila. It is unclear whether or not some foreigners sailed to ports along the coast of Zhejiang and Shanghai. For missionaries forced to choose between a direct voyage from Manila to ports along the coast of Fujian, on the one hand, and sneaking into Guangdong via land or water from Macau, on the other, which option was safer, more convenient, and more consistently available? The answer is surely Macau, for the following three reasons. 1. Let us look at the ports open to foreign trade in Guangdong and Fujian. Guangzhou was the only port that was consistently open to foreign trade from the middle of the Ming period until the First Opium War. According to government documents, it was closed to foreign trade at certain times, but only very briefly. Comparable sources reveal that ports along the coast of Fujian were closed much more frequently, and were thus open for a much shorter period of time than Guangzhou port.32 The most common way in which missionaries entered China illegally was to travel on the commercial ships that entered mainland ports for trading purposes. Apart from Macau and Beijing, Guangzhou was the only place where Western missionaries were allowed to reside; it can thus be concluded that the missionaries who entered ports in Fujian were likely far fewer in number than the missionaries who entered Guangzhou via Macau. 2. Even when the Qing court opened ports in Fujian for foreign trade, the court inspected foreign ships and banned the entry of missionaries along the coast of Fujian more stringently than in Guangdong. This was due to a large number of church incidents of national impact in Fujian, which took place in the period from the reign of Emperor Yongzheng 雍正 to the reign of Emperor Qianlong (i.e., between 1723 and 1795). Volume 315 of The Historical Records of Emperor Qianlong (高宗純皇帝實錄) states that

32 From the middle of the Ming dynasty to the eve of the First Opium War, Guangzhou port was always open to foreign trade, except for a brief closure in the early reign of Emperor Jiajing 嘉靖 (i.e., 1522–57) and Kangxi 康熙 (i.e., 1661–83), and during the maritime ban imposed by Kangxi. In contrast, ports in Fujian were open only from the reign of Emperor Longqing (r. 1567–52) to the fall of the Ming dynasty in 1644 and from the twenty-third year of Emperor Kangxi (i.e., 1684) to the twenty-second year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong (i.e., 1757). Li Jinming 李金明, History of Foreign Trade of the Ming Dynasty [明代海外貿易史] (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1990), 109. 46 Chapter 2

an imperial decree shall be issued to Kaerjishan and others: “From now on, at the sea ports you must strictly check people who go to the Luzon without authorization and all priests from the Luzon in mainland China and stop their journey. You shall also organize staff to check foreign ships vigilantly. Negligence shall not appear again.”33

Similarly, volume 310 of The Historical Records of Emperor Qianlong (高宗純皇帝實錄) states that: “An imperial decree shall be issued to Kaerjishan and others. Fujian province is an important maritime border. They shall diligently check all places that foreigners pass through and stop the journeys of these foreigners.”34 Following the Fuan 福安 church incident in 1723 (the first year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng [r. 1723–35]), and after the major church incidents in the eleventh (1746) and nineteenth (1754) year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong, the Qing court maintained a policy of rectification towards Catholicism in Fujian. By 1785 (the fiftieth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), Catholicism had virtually disappeared in Fujian; as Ya De 雅德, the governor of Fujian province, stated, “the Catholic fashion ended a long time ago.”35 Consequently, it would seem to be the case that most of the missionaries who landed at ports in Fujian directly from Manila did so before the emperor had banned Christianity. After the ban, no missionaries appear to have traveled to Fujian from Manila. 3. The sea voyage from Macau to Guangdong was safer and more convenient than the trip from Manila to Fujian. Passengers could reach Fujian from Manila only by means of sea transport, but they could enter Guangdong from Macau via both water and land. The Confidential Manchu Documents of the Cabinet (內閣滿文密本檔), written in 1665 (i.e., the fourth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), states that in Macau “some Westerners crossed the border without authorization.”36 This suggests that some missionaries entered mainland China by crossing the land border. As well as the Jesuits who had their headquarters in Macau, many Franciscans, Dominicans, and members of the Paris Foreign Missions Society also entered mainland China via Macau. Bishop Sans y Jordá from the Dominican enclave in Fujian, for instance, sneaked into

33 Historical Records of Emperor Qianlong, vol. 315, 169. 34 Ibid., vol. 310, 70. 35 Palace Museum, ed., Compilation of Documents [文獻叢編], vol. 15 (Beijing: Beijing Library Publishing House 北京圖書館出版社, 2008), 5. 36 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 21, 47. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 47

Fuan, Fujian province, twice via Macau.37 Franciscan priests Manuel del Santísimo Sacramento 李瑪諾 (1742–1823) and Joachim Salvetti 若亞敬 (d.1843) both entered Jiangxi covertly via Macau in 1771 (the thirty-sixth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong).38 A Franciscan priest named Francisco 弗蘭哂嘶噶39 sneaked into Jiangxi via Macau and then went to Fujian in 1785 (the fiftieth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong).40 Joseph Delpon 吧地哩呋哂 (1754–85) from the Paris Foreign Missions Society entered Guangzhou via Macau and then entered Sichuan in 1783 (the forty-eighth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong).41 These examples show that Macau was also the safest and most convenient channel for entering mainland China illegally. In conclusion, the evidence clearly confirms that Macau was the most important channel for Western missionaries to enter mainland China during the Ming and Qing dynasties.

2 Macau as Logistical Strongpoint for Catholic Missions in Mainland China

Following the introduction of Catholicism into mainland China in the Ming era, Macau played an essential part in providing the logistical support that allowed the Catholic missionary endeavor to take place. Let us first look at the situation of the Society of Jesus in early times. According to Ricci’s Regni Chinensis descriptio,

Due to the fact that they have not received assistance from Macau for a long time, missionaries become impoverished, are indebted to quite a few creditors, cannot employ translators or servants, and have to suspend any renovations. Their financial situation worsens day by day. Finally, priest Michele Ruggieri [1543–1607] decided to go to Macau to attract the attention of friends in [the] missionary group […]. For a long time, we have yearned for the day when commercial ships arrived in Macau port from Japan. Finally the day comes. Thus the embarrassment that priest

37 Beatriz Basto da Silva, Cronologia da história de Macau (16th–18th Century), trans. Xiao Yu (Macau: Fundação Macau, 1995), 115. 38 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 307, 487. 39 His full name is not given in the Chinese-language sources. 40 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 308, 489. 41 Ibid., vol. 1, no. 303, 481. 48 Chapter 2

[…] Ruggieri lacks money terminates. He receives a lot of help, thanks to generous giving by the Portuguese. Money and all kinds of gifts from the government and other kind persons to the church are enough to pay debts and complete the construction of buildings […]. The priest inspector collects all items that he deems beneficial to the goal [Ricci entering Beijing to pay tribute to the Chinese emperor], and sends them to Nanchang. Among these items, there is a portrait of Our Lady mailed from Spain, a portrait of the savior Jesus, and a striking clock that has the proper size, is ingeniously made and uses [a] gear structure […]. Besides these items, in Macau he also collects various items that he deems beneficial to the missionary delegation and sends them to Nanchang […]. Manuel Díaz 李瑪諾 [1559–1639], head of Macau seminary, sent a lot of money for this journey. But he was concerned that they might need more money in Beijing, and therefore he gave them a check, which was purchased from a merchant in Macau. They could use this check in Beijing to exchange the same amount of money.42

In the early days, all of the funding that the Society of Jesus used for missionary work in mainland China came from Macau. The Case of Interrogating Criminals Including Alfonso Vagnoni (會審王豐肅等犯一案) states:

The money and grain for Alfonso Vagnoni is brought to Macau by commercial ships of Western countries. The money is worth about 600 taels. If a house is to be built, the money is increased by 1,000 taels. The money is allocated once per year. It was distributed to various places for the use of Diego de Pantoja and others.43

In the words of one account: “All funds came from Macau. The silver was shipped continuously for many years from Western countries to Macau […] through the intermediary of [a] Macau merchant, and then João da Rocha, the silver would be transported here.”44 Professor Jacques Gernet 謝和耐 (1921–) even went so far as to claim that: “In fact, Christians in China were all suspected of colluding with the Portuguese in Macau, because they received all of

42 Ricci and Trigault, China, 173, 182, 314, 335. 43 Xu Changzhi, Shengchao poxie ji [聖朝破邪集], vol. 1 (Hong Kong: Alliance Bible Semi- nary, 1996), 75. 44 Ibid., vol. 2, 100. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 49 their allowance from the Portuguese.”45 All Catholic missions tried to maintain a base in Macau because Portugal held and adhered to the protectorate of missions in Asia, and because Macau played a special role for missionaries seeking to enter mainland China. According to a report from the Macau council to the Portuguese king in 1593, Macau had “four religious groups: Augustinians, Dominicans, Jesuits, and the Franciscans.” Macau later had eleven religious groups, “among which eight have sufficient economic resources (interest from their respective foundations).”46 Archives and documents from the Qing court confirm the fact that Catholic missions set up bases in Macau to guarantee the logistics for missionary work in mainland China. A memorial written by Zhou Xuejian 周學健, governor of Fujian, on September 12, 1746 (the eleventh year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) states that

Western countries are good at making profits. All ships that carry goods to mainland China for trade receive capital from the kings of Western countries, and the captains are all government officials of western countries. The kings are good at extracting profits. But they do not spare any money to carry out missionary work in China. Each year, they ship silver taels to provide funding to missionaries. Now according to Pedro Sans and Miao Shangyu, who were employed to go to Macau to get the silver each year, Macau has eight churches that take charge of religious affairs and distribute funds and grain. The church for Fujian province is called the Dominican church, the church for North Zhili province is called St. Paul’s cathedral, and the other churches are called the Peter’s church, the Franciscan church, the Saint Augustinian church, the St. Joseph’s church, the Saint Lawrence’s church, and the Saint Lazarus’s church. Each church is in charge of one province. Every year, the funds and grain are sent by the country to the head of the Society in the Luzon, and then sent to Macau for distribution to all churches.47

Zhou’s memorial describes a close relationship between the eight churches in Macau and Catholic affairs in mainland China. “Each church is in charge of

45 Jacques Gernet, “The Connection of Jesuits in China and Political and Cultural Situation in Late Ming Dynasty,” in Jesuits Entered China in Ming and Qing and Cultural Exchanges between China and the West, ed. René Etiemble et al., trans. Geng Sheng (Chengdu: Bashu Press, 1993), 95. 46 Ljungstedt, Historical Sketch, vol. 3, 180. 47 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 152, 221. 50 Chapter 2 one province.” They “take charge of religious affairs and distribute funds and grain.” “Every year, the funds and grain are sent by the country to the head of the Society in Luzon, and then sent to Macau for distribution to all churches.” Strictly speaking, however, this is incorrect: among the eight churches mentioned above, each church was in charge of the missionary work in one province in mainland China. Such a stipulation did not exist in the jurisdiction of a diocese. St. Clare’s Church, for instance, was actually a convent in Macau. There does not appear to be any evidence indicating that St. Clare’s Church sent missionaries to mainland China. St. Paul’s Church, the Dominican church, the Franciscan church, and the Augustinian church were the agencies, established in Macau by the Society of Jesus, the Dominican order, the Franciscan order, and the Augustinian order respectively, whose members entered mainland China. As a result, each church would have been in charge of one congregation rather than one province. Indeed, the Dominican and Franciscan orders had their headquarters in the Philippines. However, on most occasions they used Macau as a site from which to transport documents, letters, funds, and missionaries themselves from their respective headquarters to mainland China. Therefore, “the funds and grain are sent by the country to the head of the Society in the Luzon, and then sent to Macau for distribution to all churches.”48 This description applies solely to the Dominican and Franciscan orders. Although the archives and documents of the Qing dynasty cited above are not entirely accurate in particulars, they nevertheless demonstrate that the churches in Macau diocese had extremely important ties to mainland China. The sources in the Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties (明清時期澳門問題檔案文獻彙編) further explain the role Macau played in providing logistical support for Catholic missionary work in mainland China.

1. Archive no. 151, from July 14, 1746: People who convert to Catholicism are given one big foreign silver tael per month. The fee attracts people to convert others. The families that host Catholics are given one middle-sized silver tael per month for the accommodation. The silver is obtained from Macau in Guangdong twice per year.49

This was the way in which Dominican missionaries provided funding through Macau.

48 Ibid. 49 Ibid., no. 151, 221. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 51

2. Archive no. 192, from June 23, 1754: José de Araújo 張若瑟 confesses that he is a Westerner and goes to China for missionary work with his compatriot Manuel de Viegas 劉瑪諾. He is helped by Wang Qinyi 汪欽一 and others in missionary work and pays six silver taels to each of them each year. If the silver is used up, he will receive more silver from the priests in Macau.50

Araújo (1721–after 1774) and Viegas (1713–after 1768) were Portuguese Jesuits who received funds from Macau.

3. Archive no. 215, from 27 November, 1759: Westerner Francisco Pallas 郭伯爾納篤 has not set up a church in Fujian to stir up trouble among the masses. However, he sneaked into the house of Wu Yonglong 吳永隆 and twice sent people to bring letters to the home of Simão Xie 謝西滿 in Ganzhou of Jiangxi province and sent 100 Western silver taels. Was the money sent by the general of the Society of Jesus in Macau?51

Francisco Pallas (1723–?) went to Fujian for missionary work after the Franciscan Diego de San José 丁迪我 (1694–1755). He reached Fujian in 1756 (the twenty-second year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong). In 1759 (the twenty-fourth year of the same reign), he was arrested, and was later escorted back to Macau. He was a Franciscan priest, and his money and letters were sent from Macau to Fujian province via Jiangxi.52 It was later confirmed that they were sent by Estevão de San José 石若瑟 (d.1758), the head of the Franciscan church in Macau. In this way, Macau directly supported the missionary work of the Franciscan church in mainland China.53

4. Archive no. 293, January 20, 1785: According to the confession by Simão Liu 劉西滿, […] in more than ten years, the general society in the West sent foreign money six to seven times, with forty to fifty taels each time, from Macau in Guangdong to Xi’an via Liu Biyue.54

50 Ibid., no. 192, 285. 51 Ibid., no. 215, 334. 52 Ibid., no. 222, 347–49. 53 Ibid., no. 222, 348. 54 Ibid., no. 293, 468–69. 52 Chapter 2

Simão Liu (1742–?) had studied theology in Italy and had lived in the West for sixteen years. In 1773 (the thirty-eighth year of Emperor Qianlong’s reign), he returned to Chenggu, Shaanxi. He communicated with Francesco Magni 呢嗎· 方濟各 (d.1785) (vicar apostolic of Shaanxi and Shanxi). Simão and Liu Biyue 劉必約 (1718–86) are likely to have been Franciscans.

5. Archive no. 297, from February 20, 1785: Dominic Liu confesses that he went to Guangdong in 1762 [the twenty- seventh year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong] and studied Catholicism from Westerner Paul Jean Baptiste Bourgine 巴拉底諾. After Bourgine returned to the West, Dominic Liu returned to Xi’an in 1777 [the forty- second year of the same reign]. Each year, he has received 85 foreign silver taels from Westerners, each time from Jiao Zhen’gang 焦振綱 and Pedro Qin 秦伯多祿 via Liu Biyue.55

6. Archive no. 302, from April 3, 1785: Priest Mariano Zarelli confesses that he is an Italian […]. He came to Macau in 1762 [the twenty-seventh year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong] […]. For 23 years, he traveled in Shandong and Zhili for missionary work. Each year, the pope sent him 125 foreign silver taels in funds via Western businessmen.56

These two sources concern the Franciscan order. Mariano Zarelli 梅神甫 (1726–90) was an Italian Franciscan who went to Shandong in 1763 (the twenty- eighth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) and served as the general vicar apostolic of Shandong and Zhili from 1780 onwards.57

7. Archive no. 304, from April 23, 1785: Criminal Mathieu Kou 顧士傚 hails from Xinxing, Guangdong […]. In 1765 [the thirtieth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong], he went to Macau to sell medicines and acquainted himself with Frenchman Pierre Romain […]. He was called by his fellow priest. According to the rules of Westerners, a priest appointed by the archbishop of a country receives 85 silver taels per year and a priest appointed by foreigners in Macau receives

55 Ibid., no. 297, 472–73. 56 Ibid., no. 302, 479. 57 David E. Mungello, The Spirit and the Flesh in Shandong, 1650–1785, trans. Pan Lin (Zheng- zhou: Daxiang Press, 2009), 169. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 53

40 silver taels per year. Since 1765 [the thirtieth year of the same reign], he receives 40 silver taels from […] Romain per year.58

Mathieu Kou (1732–?) was a Chinese priest trained by the Paris Foreign Missions Society, and his fund was consequently provided by the agency of the Paris Foreign Missions Society in Macau.59 The seven sources cited above clearly show that the missionary work of the Catholic religious orders in mainland China relied on the financial support they received from their headquarters in Macau.60 The bases were the churches set up by these orders in Macau, and they were also called “agencies.” According to the American scholar Peter Ward Fay (1924–2004):

Every mission set up an agency in Macau […]. Different from other business offices, two French agencies [the Paris Foreign Missions Society and the French scientific missionary delegation to China] and the agencies of the Spanish Dominican order and the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in Rome were permanent presences in Macau, they received missionaries from European seminaries, made them well prepared, and sent them to various stations in mainland China […]. Local messengers traveled between their places and agencies to send funds, prayer books, wine for holy communion, and perhaps one or two black robes. However, without Macau, the agencies would have faced much more difficult work.61

Some of these agencies were set up in the aforementioned churches established by the various religious orders in Macau. For instance, the Dominican mission was set up in the Dominican church, and the Franciscan society was set up in the Franciscan church. In 1777, the Paris Foreign Missions Society set up its agency in St. Paul’s Cathedral (as the Society of Jesus had been disbanded by this time, the Paris Foreign Missions Society was able to use the cathedral as

58 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 304, 483–84. 59 Mathieu Kou, who was from Xinxing, Guangdong, was ordained in 1765. Adrien Launay, Histoire des missions de Chine: Mission du Se-Tchoan, vol. 2 (Paris: P. Tequi, 1920), 96–97. 60 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 151, 211, no. 192, 285, no. 215, 333, no. 293, 469, no. 297, 472–73, no. 302, 479, no. 304, 483–84. 61 Peter Ward Fay, “French Catholic Missionary Activities in China during the Opium War,” trans. Zhang Hongkang, in Collection of Translations of the History of Sino-Western Rela- tions, no. 5 (Shanghai: Yiwen Press, 1991), 223. 54 Chapter 2 its agency). In 1781, the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in Rome set up its agency in Guangzhou in order to evade Portuguese control. However, the agent of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, Msgr. Francesco della Torre, was subsequently arrested on the grounds that he was responsible for the nationwide church incident in 1784–85,62 and in 1786 the agency in Guangzhou was moved to Macau. In 1788, the French Congregation of the Mission set up an agency in Macau, in the St. Joseph Seminary.63 These agencies not only provided funding for the work of missionaries of various missions in mainland China but also supplied materials for missionary work, such as the “prayer books, wine for Holy Communion, and black robes” recorded by Fay. With the help of the Society of Jesus, the Franciscans in Ji’nan obtained holy oil and silver taels from Macau. Caballero often mentions that wine did not need to be delivered. He also states that Jesuits in Beijing liked white robes, but that such cloth was not produced in China and thus had to be shipped from Macau.64 The “holy scripts, portraits, crosses” and “texts, pictures, prayer beads, crosses, and foreign currency” that were confiscated by the Qing court during the various church incidents were mainly shipped to mainland China from Macau.65 According to the memorial of Chang Ming 常明 (d.1817), governor of Sichuan, in 1815 (the twentieth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing 嘉慶 [r. 1796–1820]):

Criminal Tong Ao 童鼇 went to Guangdong for trade during the reign of Emperor Qianlong. From Macau, he sailed to Goa, took a Western priest, Michel 明額見, as his teacher, and obtained holy scripts, portraits, a robe, and a hat […]. In the nineteenth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing [i.e., 1814] […] he decided to engage in missionary work. He took out the

62 The 1784–85 incident was sparked by the foreign missionaries’ attempts to sneak into Shaanxi, Sichuan, Shandong, and Hebei provinces; the Qing government responded by arresting dozens of foreign missionaries and hundreds of their followers. 63 Joseph Dehergne, Répertoire des Jésuites de Chine de 1552–1800, trans. Geng Sheng (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1995), 834; Silva, Cronologia, 186, 190; First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 292 and no. 304. Louis Wei Tsing-sing, La politique missionnaire, vol. 1, 29–30. 64 Anastasius van den Wyngaert, O.F.M., Sinica Franciscana, vol. 2 (Florence: Apud Colle- gium S. Bonaventurae, 1933), 467, 491. 65 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 280, 448–49, no. 298, 475. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 55

holy scripts that he had taken back, recited them and worshipped the portraits.66

Archives no. 1186, 1187, and 1188, written in Chinese on Macau during the Qing dynasty (now in the Torre do Tombo archives in Lisbon), show that in 1793 (the fifty-eighth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong) missionaries in Beijing dispatched Geng Dexian 龔德賢, Wang Dongzhi 王動之, and Zhao Gongchun 趙功純 to “go to Macau to purchase things,” in response to the fact that missionaries “in Beijing lack all kinds of things.”67 These documents confirm that religious items in mainland China were mostly imported from Macau. Moreover, the letters of missionaries in mainland China had to be sent via Macau in accordance with an imperial decree issued in 1704 (the forty-third year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi): “When the Westerners in Macau and Westerners in Jiangxi need to send letters to Beijing, the letter must be sent from Macau to Jiangxi and then from Jiangxi to Beijing.”68 In 1762 (the twenty- seventh year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), a letter to He Lord 和王 from Jean-Denis Attiret 王致誠 (1702–68), a French missionary who served in Beijing, reported:

I heard that the Portuguese king sent a boat to take back a few Portuguese nationals who live in Macau, among whom three are my French friends, who help me to manage my work, send the letters of my friends, supply things that we need, and live in one place together.69

Similarly, a memorial from Fu Heng 傅恒 (1720–70), in 1766 (the thirty-first year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), states: “It is said that the Westerners who served in Beijing have always relied on foreign leaders or persons employed by the provincial commercial houses to send their letters.”70 These documents show that Macau was consistently used as a logistical station in the provision of funding, materials, and information for missionary work to the Catholic missionary enterprise in mainland China during the Ming

66 Guochao mingchen zouyi [國朝名臣奏議] (Beijing: Peking University Press, 1995), 140– 49. 67 Liu Fang, ed., Colecção de documentos Sínicos do IAN/TT referentes a Macau durante a dinastia Qing, vol. 2 (Macau: Fundação Macau, 1999), no. 1186, 606; no. 1187, 606–7; no. 1188, 607. 68 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 28, 68. 69 Ibid., vol. 1, no. 233, 368. 70 Ibid., vol. 1, no. 244, 380. 56 Chapter 2 and Qing dynasties. Macau thus played an essential part in the development of the Catholic enterprise in mainland China.

3 Macau’s Role in Training Prospective Missionaries for Mainland China

According to the Portuguese Jesuit missionary Álvaro Semedo 曾德昭 (1585– 1658), Macau played a vital role in training missionaries for work inside mainland China and throughout the Far East: “Macau city has always been a school, educating and cultivating many workers who have propagated Christianity not only in China and Japan but also in neighboring countries.”71 During the Ming and Qing dynasties, the development of the Catholic enterprise in mainland China was entirely dependent on funding and talent. Without money, missionary work would not develop anywhere; similarly, without a multitude of missionaries dedicated to Catholicism, the Catholic enterprise would not have been able to develop at all. This point was clearly understood by the missionaries during the time of Alessandro Valignano (1539–1606) and Ruggieri. When, therefore, was the first Catholic school in Macau established? According to Louis Pfister 費賴之 (1833–91), “In 1565, priest Francisco Pérez built a house in Macau as his residence. Soon afterwards, he changed the place to a school.”72 On the basis of church archives, it is very clear that Fr. Pfister held that a residence place rather than a school was built in Macau in 1565 and a school was built only afterwards. However, many Chinese scholarly works claim that the Jesuits established the school in 1565.73 This is incorrect, however. Thus, according to Joseph Dehergne 榮振華 (1903– 90): “Priest Gonzalo Alvares [1527–73] is a Portuguese […]. In 1572, he reached Macau, where he chaired the opening ceremony of a primary school.”74 Fr. Francisco Rodrigues (1873–1956) also provides the same date, “In Macau, they started with a grammar school in 1572, perhaps after the earliest expansion,”75 while the Cronologia da história de Macau by Beatriz Basto da Silva states that

71 Álvaro Semedo 曾德昭, The History of That Great and Renowned Monarchy of China, trans. He Gaoji (Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Book Publishing House, 1998), 210. 72 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 16. 73 Huang Qichen, General History of Macau (Guangzhou: Guangdong Educational Press, 1999), 120. 74 Dehergne, Répertoire, 22. 75 Domingos Mauricio Gomes dos Santos, Macau, primeira universidade do Extremo-Oriente (Macau: Fundaço Macau, 1994), 8. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 57 in 1571 Jesuits established the first school in Macau beside their residence.76 It is clear from the original documents in Portuguese that the school was built in 1571 and held its official opening ceremonies in 1572, the same year in which the establishment of the first school in Macau was recorded. The school’s first principal was António Vaz (1517–89), who was assisted by eight priests of the Society of Jesus.77 The school became a base for training Catholic missionaries in the Far East. Soon after its establishment, the school began to receive considerable financial support from the Portuguese king, who allocated 1,000 silver taels from the customs duties in Malacca each year from 1574 onwards. When Cardinal Infante Dom Henrique of Portugal (1512–80) ascended to the throne in 1578, he increased the amount to 2,000 per year.78 According to a report by the school’s second principal, Cristóvão da Costa (1529–82), in 1577, 150 students were enrolled. Writing in 1584, the priest Lourenço Mexia (1539–99) stated that “the school has 200 students, who learn how to write, read, and sing.”79 According to documents cited by Manuel Teixeira, “in 1592, the school [had] 200 students, who [were] residents of Macau and the child slaves brought by the Portuguese.”80 These documents show that the school in Macau developed at a fast rate, with the number of students attending the school rising to two hundred in a little over ten years. This school was incorporated into St. Paul’s College when the latter institution was established in 1594. According to the yearbook of 1616, “in the primary school, one priest teaches reading, writing, and arithmetic and another one teaches singing.” The year book of 1692 stated that the primary school had 140 students in that year.81 Wu Li 吳歷 (1631–1718), who was at St. Paul’s College in Macau at that time, stated that “the school has a college and a primary school. Classes start at 8 a.m. and end at 12 a.m. with bell.”82 The college provided important personnel for the Chinese mission. According to Liam Matthew Brockey, during the 1690s Macau provided an invaluable resource to the Chinese mission:

76 Silva, Cronologia, 17. 77 Manuel Teixeira, Macau e a sua diocesa, vol. 3, As ordens e congregaçōes religiosas em Macau (Macau: Tipografia Sio Sang, 1944), 152. 78 Wang Wenda 王文達, Aomen zhanggu [澳門掌故] (Macau: Educational Press, 1999), 93. 79 Liu Xianbing 劉羨冰, Bilingual Elite and Cultural Exchange [雙語精英與文化交流] (Macau: Macau Foundation, 1995), 14–15. 80 Manuel Teixeira, A educação em Macau (Macau: Direcção dos Serviços de Educação e Cultura, 1982), 183. 81 Jerónimo Rodrigues, Cartas ânuas do colégio de Macau, 27-1-1616; Tomé Vaz, Cartas ânuas do colégio de Macau 8-1-1692, in Li, Cradle, 29–30. 82 Wu Li 吳歷, Wu Yushan Jizhan zhu [吳漁山集箋注], vol. 2 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 2007), 179. 58 Chapter 2 namely children from Macau. After receiving some language training, Asian children who grew up in Portuguese residence areas, or Christian children, became assistants to the missionaries who entered China during the first waves of the Catholic enterprise.83 Sebastião Fernandes 鍾鳴仁 (1561–1622), João Fernandes 鍾鳴禮 (1581–1602), Francisco Martínez 黃明沙 (1573–1606), António Leitão 徐必登 (1580–1611), and Domingos Méndez 丘良禀 (1581–after 1631) are good examples of this. In 1580, Fr. Ruggieri set up a training institute for missionary work in the school. He called the institute the “St. Martin Biblical School.” Ruggieri wrote:

I call the institute the “Biblical School,” because here we preach to and baptize the Chinese. The institute is very important and is admired by non-Christians. It can be regarded as the grand opening of the conversion of gigantic China […]. Now I study the Chinese language here […]. The Catholic followers here will undoubtedly be the best translators and will help the missionary work tremendously.84

In other words, before the official establishment of St. Paul’s College, Ruggieri had set up a church school, which specialized in training Chinese priests and providing a place to learn Chinese for the European missionaries who went to China. At that time, it was said that the biblical school already had more than twenty students.85 Western priests Ruggieri, Ricci, António de Almeida (1556– 91), Duarte de Sande (1531–1600), and Francesco de Petris (1563–93) all studied the Chinese language there. In 1592, Valignano, the visitor in the Far East, convened the first Far East conference in Nagasaki. At the conference, he argued that it was necessary to set up a college for Jesuits both inside and outside Japan, and that Macau, located in the center of the Far East, would be the best location for the institution. In November 1594, Valignano formally submitted a proposal to set up a center for Far East missionary work in Macau, similar to St. Paul’s College in Goa, as the center for missionary work in India, Malacca, Morocco, Ethiopia, and East Africa. After some setbacks, King Philip II of Spain (r. 1556–98), who also ruled Portugal (as King Philip I) between 1581 and 1598, supported the

83 ARSI Jap-Sin 17:9, Ir–92v, from Liam Matthew Brockey, Journey to the East: The Jesuit Mis- sion to China, 1579–1724 (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007), 143. 84 Matteo Ricci, Complete Works of Fr. Matteo Ricci, S.J., Volume 4, Letters (II), trans. Luo Yu (Taipei: Guangqi Press, 1986), 432. 85 Henri Bernard, Aux portes de la Chine: Les missionnaires du XVIe siècle, trans. Xiao Junhua (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1936), 189. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 59 plan and ordered the Portuguese viceroy in India and the vicar general in Goa to approve the plan to establish St. Paul’s College of Macau (i.e., Macau seminary) by merging Macau primary school and the Chapel of São Martinho. This college was not a full Christian university because it clearly stipulated that it did not teach the Catholic canon, and, as it did not teach civil law and medicine, it was also much smaller than the non-church colleges that taught all of these subjects. However, it was undoubtedly an institution of higher education because it granted official degrees to qualified students,86 as the “Annual Report of the Province of Japan” stated in 1645: “Macau seminary is a university that teaches from elementary knowledge to theology and granted doctoral degrees to people who acquired knowledge from the university.”87 St. Paul’s College was divided into two institutions: a primary school and a seminary. Those who completed the theological curriculum could obtain a doctoral degree. Four subjects were taught when it formally opened on December 1, 1594: reading and writing, grammar, humanities, and the arts.88 The first subject was taught in the primary school while the others were taught at secondary and tertiary levels. The number of students in the primary school far exceeded the number in the seminary. Let us look at the number of students in St. Paul’s College from 1594 to 1645, the college’s “golden age.” According to the History of the Jesuit Missions by Sebastião Gonçalves (c.1557–1619): “In its early time, the seminary normally had 50 students.”89 The Record of the Establishment and Prosperity of Macau by Diogo Caldeira Rego gives a brief description of the college on November 27, 1623: “The seminary hosts 60 to 70 and even more persons.”90 Alfons Väth 魏特 (1874–1937) similarly states: “The magnificent St. Paul’s College housed 60, 80, or even more Jesuits, because Macau was an important place for the diocese of Japan, India, and China, and because at that time Japan also banned maritime trade.”91

86 Santos, Macau, 8. Li, Cradle, 29–30. Qi Yinping, “St. Paul School in Macau and the Educa- tional Organs of the Society of Jesus in the East,” unpublished manuscript, research project of the Cultural Bureau of Macau, 29–49. 87 Santos, Macau, 29. 88 Sebastião Gonçalves, Primeira parte da história dos religiosos da Companhia de Jesus (Coimbra: Atlântida, 1962), 141–42. Various documents give different accounts of the ear liest curriculum of St. Paul’s College. See: Li, Cradle, 77–86; Santos, Macau; Qi, “St. Paul,” 72. 89 Gonçalves, Primeira, 142. 90 Diogo Caldeira Rego, “Relao Caldeira Rego, seo e fortificãalao Caldei,” in Macau RC 31 (1997): 153–58. 91 Alfons Väth, Johann Adam Schall von Bell, S.J.: Missionar in China, kaiserlicher Astronom und Ratgeber am Hofe von Peking, 1592–1666, trans. Yang Bingchen, chapter 4 (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1949), 78. 60 Chapter 2

However, it is noteworthy that St. Paul’s College of Macau had focused on training missionaries for Japan rather than China ever since its establishment was proposed at the Nagasaki conference in 1592. At that time, Goa opposed Valignano, partly because he planned to move the Japanese seminary to Macau.92 In 1623, the Japanese priest (Cristovão) Paulo dos Santos gave 12,000 taels to build the St. Ignatius Seminary in Macau.93 According to Charles Ralph Boxer, the seminary was established to “train Japanese Catholic followers in Macau so that they could be sent back secretly to Japan for missionary work.”94 St. Paul’s College in fact had two schools: a primary school for residents in Macau and the children of the Portuguese (including the people native to Macau), and St. Ignatius Seminary, which was set up specifically for Japanese missionaries.95 The task of training Japanese missionaries was assumed by the primary school and St. Ignatius Seminary. Although St. Paul’s College in Macau was primarily intended to support missionary work in Japan, it was also established on the basis that it would serve as a center for missionary work throughout the Far East. Macau was not only the base for missionary work in Japan but also the base for missionary work in China and Indochina. Because Macau was close to mainland China, St. Paul’s College in Macau became the cradle that supplied missionary personnel to the Chinese province. In 1619, Fr. João Rodrigues Girão (1558–1629) gave the following account of the college and its activities:

Macau college is like a seminary that serves the missionary work for Japan, China, and Cochinchina. This year, it has 86 Jesuits, [and] 47 students, among whom some came as exiles from Japan and China, some are recently arrived from Europe, and some have lived here for a long time. The school has five teachers: one teaches empirical cases, one teaches philosophy, two teach Latin, and one teaches reading and writing.96

According to the Portuguese historian Domingos Maurício Gomes dos Santos (1896–1978): “During the whole first half of the 17th century, St. Paul’s College

92 Gonçalves, Primeira, 142. 93 Carta ânua da província do Japão do ano de 1650. BA, 49-V-13, fol. 641, 53–83. 94 Manuel Teixeira, “The Japanese in Macau,” in Macau RC 17 (1993): 164. 95 “According to an account by Fr. Álvaro Semedo in 1643, only 90 Portuguese children and children native to Macau studied in the primary school.” Pires, Os extremos conciliam-se, chapter 5, 37. 96 João Rodrigues Girão, “Macao, 28 de Diciembre 1619, carta annua de Macao y Cochinchina de 1619, 3a via, in Ivan Verman, Split 1583—Nanchan 1620: Un Croata entre los misioneros Jesuitas de Japón y China,” in Macau RC 27/28 (1996): 72. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 61 was full of teachers, students, and missionaries who came to Macau to learn languages during sabbatical or passed through Macau.”97 How many Chinese and Western missionaries to mainland China were trained in the 134 years from 1594, when St. Paul’s College in Macau was officially established, to 1728, when St. Joseph’s Seminary was established and all of the Jesuits in the Chinese province were transferred there? St. Paul’s College in Macau was established to train missionaries for the Japanese province rather than the Chinese province. Valignano clearly expressed this point in his letters: “Macau seminary was established for the fine education of Japanese missionaries and for supporting the major counter-measures of the Society of Jesus and [the] Japanese new Christian Church.”98 Therefore, although St. Paul’s College was in operation for more than one hundred years from its establishment to its termination, it did not train many missionaries for the Chinese province.99 According to documentation found in various records, the primary school in Macau educated twenty missionaries, all of whom were native to mainland China or Macau. These were João Barradas 巴若翰 (1570–94), Sebastião Correa 郭巴相, Manuel da Costa 郭瑪諾, Domingues Lou 陸希言 (1631–1704), Wu Li 吳歷 (1631–1718), Blaise Verbiest Lieou 劉蘊德 (1628–?), Paulo Banhes Wan 萬其淵 (1635–1700), António Fernandes 蔡安多 (1620–70), Pascoal Fernandes 范有行 (1609–81), Francisco Ferreria 費藏裕 (1604–52), Luis de Figueiredo 費藏玉 (1622–1705), Pascal Méndez 邱良厚 (1584–1640), João Pacheco 郭天龐 (1668– 1725), João de Pereira 李若望 (Chinese, 1618–93), Francisco Xavier a Rosario 何

97 Santos, Macau, 31–32. 98 Takase Kōichirō, Culture in the Era of Christianity (Tokyo: Yagi Bookstore, 2002), 224. Qi, “St. Paul,” 33–35. 99 According to Huang, General History, 121, “about 200 Jesuits studied at St Paul College and entered China for missionary work, accounting for 50% of the missionaries who entered China for missionary work during the Ming and Qing Dynasties, and 109 among them are dated.” He also provides a list of the 109 Jesuits. Yet the list contains a number of errors. First, St. Paul’s College stopped educating missionaries for the Chinese province in 1728 and was shut down by the Portuguese government in 1762; there would not have been any graduates in 1805, as the list suggests. Second, many French Jesuit missionaries entered China for missionary work without passing through Macau, and hence they would not have studied in St. Paul’s, as the list maintains. Third, Guillaume Fabre-Bonjour, O.S.A. 山遙瞻, Matteo Ripa, S.F.G.C. 馬國賢, Alexandre de Gouvea, O.F.M. 湯士選, José Ribeiro- Nunes, C.M. 李拱辰, Gaetano Pires Pereira, C.M. 畢學源, and Domingos-Joaquim Fer- reira, C.M. 福文高, were not Jesuits. Fourth, many of the missionaries listed had already finished their theological studies in their home countries and did not need to study at St. Paul’s. The list does not contain the missionaries listed in the present book who indeed studied at St. Paul’s and entered China for missionary work. 62 Chapter 2

天章 (1667–1736), Manuel Rodrigues 馬瑪諾 (Macanese, 1557–1636), Manuel Rodrigues 馬瑪諾 (Macanese, 1659–1703), Mateus Vaz 魏瑪竇 (1608–after 1681), and Pedro Tomás da Cruz 龔尚實 (1666–after 1736). When those who started their theological studies in Europe and continued their study in Macau are included, thirty-four missionaries were trained in St. Paul’s College before entering mainland China. These were Pedro Ribeiro 黎甯石 (1572–1640), Lodovico Azzi 齐又思 (1635–90), Albert Brac (1622–?), Verissimo de Carvalho 伽爾范 (1708–44), Giovanni Battista Brando 王若翰 (1610–82), António José Henriques 黃安多 (1707–48), Matias Correa 閔瑪弟 (1677–after 1700), Manuel Dos Reis (1634–69), António Ferreira 安道義 (1671–1743), Manuel Ozorio 李國正 (1663–1710), João de Pereira 李若望 (Portuguese, 1663–1738), Adriano Pestana (1617–60), Francisco Pimentel (1629–75), Manuel de Souza 索瑪諾 (1677–after 1732), Léonard Teixeira 瞿良道 (1670–?), Matias Rodrigues 羅瑪弟 (1675–1702), José Estevão de Almeida 梅高 (1612–47), Manuel Ribeiro 陸瑪諾 (1676–after 1734), Manuel Rodrigues 馬瑪諾 (Portuguese, 1638–98), Domingos de Magalhães 馬安能 (1670–1722), Francisco Alberto 裴方濟 (1695–1761), António de Magalhães 張安多(1677–1735), Antão Dantas 恩安當 (1674–1721), Claudio Filippo Grimaldi 閔明我 (1638–1712), Diego de Pantoja 龐迪我 (1571– 1618), João Soerio 蘇如望 (1566–1607), João da Rocha 羅如望 (1565–1623), Gaspar de Ferreira 費奇規 (1571–1649), Bartolomeo Tedeschi 杜祿茂 (1572– 1609), Tomás Pereira 徐日昇 (1645–1708), João Mourao 穆敬遠 (1686–1726), António Lopes 羅安當 (1618–77), Léon Gonzague 李良 (d. after 1705), and Manuel Marques 唐瑪諾 (1674–1703). Twenty-seven of these men were Portuguese, four were Italian, one was Vietnamese, one was Dutch, and one was Spanish.100 How many European missionaries studied Chinese in St. Paul’s College? The available sources do not provide a clear answer to this question. However, it is known that Ruggieri, Ricci, Rocha, Lazzaro Cattaneo 郭居靜 (1560–1640), João Soerio 蘇如望 (1566–1607), Wenceslas Pantaleon Kirwitzer 祁維材 (1588–1626), António de Gouvea 何大化 (1592–1677), Michał Boym 卜彌格 (1612–59), Manuel de Sequeira 鄭瑪諾 (1635–73), Tristano de Attimis 譚方濟 (1701–48),

100 Most of the information above is derived from the biographies in the books of Louis Pfis- ter and Joseph Dehergne. The records for Domingues Lou, Wu Li, and Paulo Banhes Wan come from Brockey, Journey, 150–51. The record for Diego de Pantoja is from Diego de Pantoja, Relación de la entrada de algunos, padres de la Compañia de Jesús en la China, y. Particulares successos que tuvieron, y de cosas muy notables que vieron en el mismo reino (Seville, 1605). See Zhang Kai, Diego de Pantoja and China (1597–1618): A Study on the Soci- ety of Jesus’s “Policy of Adaptation” (Beijing: Beijing Library Press, 1997), 23. The information on Tomás Pereira comes from Joel Canhão, “Um músico Portugȗes do século XVII na corte de Pequim: O Padre Tomás Pereira,” in Macau RC 4 (1988): 39n5. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 63

Pieter van Spiere 史惟貞 (1584–1627), Francesco Sambiasi 畢方濟 (1582–1649), and Giulio Aleni 艾儒略 (1582–1649) learned Chinese with the assistance of St. Paul’s College.101 Because Christianity was banned in mainland China with

101 Ruggieri learned Chinese entirely by himself. He asked for a Chinese teacher to teach him Chinese, learning Chinese characters with the aid of pictures. He finished his primary studies of Chinese in Macau. Ricci and Cattaneo learned Chinese in Macau and Shao- zhou. João Soeiro and João da Rocha’s Chinese courses were taught by Duarte de Sande in Macau. See Brockey, Journey, 247–51. Wenceslas Pantaleon Kirwitzer was a Bohemian, arriving in Macau in 1622. He learned Chinese for two to three years; refer to Auguste M. Colombel, Histoire de la mission du Kiang-nan, trans. Zhou Shiliang (Shanghai: Guangqi Press, 2009), 120. As well as learning Chinese in St. Paul’s College, António de Gouvea also taught grammar there; refer to António de Gouvea, Asia Extrema: Primeira parte—Livro II (Lisbon: Fundação Oriente, 1995), 327–28; Brockey, Journey, 221. As to Michał Boym learning Chinese in St. Paul’s College, see Edward Kajdański, Michał Boym: Ambasador Pańštwa Środka, trans. Zhang Zhenhui (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2001), 75. Tristano de Attimis “reached Macau to study the Chinese language in the ninth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong”; Joseph Siao, Textual Researches on the Spreading of Catholicism in China, ed. Chen Fangzhong, Collection of Archives of History of Catholicism in China, vol. 7 (Taipei: Fu Jen Catholic University Press, 2003), 211. According to Huang, General History, 120, “In it [St. Paul’s College], Chinese language was a mandatory class for everyone, because it was necessary for missionary work in the east.” This statement is mistaken, but it is also a commonly held belief. It is true that Euro- pean missionaries had to learn the Chinese language for missionary work in China. How- ever, since its inception, St. Paul’s College aimed to train missionaries for Japan, and hence it is not the case that everyone at the college had to learn Chinese. Some missionaries learned the Chinese language before they entered China for missionary work, but not everyone learned Chinese in Macau, and many missionaries did not learn Chinese until they entered mainland China. Among the thirty Jesuits who entered China from 1594 to 1624, twelve certainly learned the Chinese language in mainland China: Diego de Pantoja (on the way from Nanking to Beijing), João Soerio (Nanchang), Gaspar de Ferreira (Bei- jing), Alfonso Vagnoni (Nanking), Sabatino de Ursis (Beijing), Nicolas Trigault (Nanjing), Álvaro Semedo (Nanjing), Francisco Furtado (Jiading), Jean Terrenz (Jiading), Johann Adam Schall von Bell (Beijing), João Froes (Hangzhou) (most of the information concerning these individuals is derived from the work of Pfister and Dehergne). There is no record of any of the eighteen remaining people learning Chinese in Macau. In some cases, missionaries would learn Chinese from other individuals in St. Paul’s College on an ad hoc basis. For instance, Duarte de Sande, the first rector of the institution, instructed “two of his compatriots, João Soeiro and João da Rocha, while they completed their theology studies.” See Brockey, Journey, 251. But this was not a permanent course. As narrated by Brockey, “A number of factors converged to make the Jesuits abandon the idea of using the College of Macau for language training. First of all, the difficulties involved in smuggling men into the empire meant that new missionaries had to be sent as soon as an opportunity presented itself, not necessarily after they were grounded in Chinese. Moreover, once inside the empire, trained priests had few opportunities to 64 Chapter 2 increasing strictness from the later years of Emperor Kangxi’s reign onwards, Western missionaries had fewer opportunities to learn Chinese in mainland China. As a result, at that time European priests mostly learned Chinese in Macau and Guangzhou (European missionaries could live legally in Guangzhou during this period). In 1710 (the forty-ninth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), the emperor issued a decree stipulating that Western missionaries newly arrived in China should learn Chinese in Macau: “If we let the newcomers enter Beijing, you will have to work as interpreters as they do not speak the Chinese language. Then they would be discontented. I want them to learn the Chinese language in Macau.”102 This stipulation is confirmed in a memorial written by Zhao Hongcan 趙弘燦 (1655–1717), governor general of Guangdong and Guangxi, in 1710 (the forty-ninth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi): “An imperial decree is granted […]. Newcomers from the West should stay in Guangzhou to learn the Chinese language. If they enter Beijing and do not speak Chinese, they can hardly be used.”103 However, St. Paul’s College was not the only place in which Chinese could be learned in Macau because various Catholic religious orders, in addition to the Society of Jesus, had begun establishing churches in Macau from the sixteenth century onwards. The Dominican order obtained approval from the Portuguese viceroy of India in 1588, for instance, and thirteen Spanish Dominicans subsequently traveled to Macau where they set up a monastery, recruited students, and established a school that taught reading, writing, and Latin, as well as the arts, in its curriculum. In 1584, a Spanish Augustinian priest set up a monastery in Macau. The monastery was expanded in 1586, and by 1589 it housed thirty- six people. It was named the Monastery of Our Lady and was taken over by

return to Macau to teach their colleagues. The cloud of mandarin suspicion that fell over the colony from the 1590s until the 1610s as a result of its links with Japan only served to encourage the China Jesuits to dissociate themselves from Macau. By the time Ming authorities shifted their attention from the Portuguese to the Manchu, relations between the China mission and the Province of Japan had soured. After 1614 the College of Macau became the Japan Jesuits’ headquarters in exile and was packed full with distrustful and despondent priests. Finally, the creation of the Vice-Province in 1619 and the end of the Nanjing affair in 1623 led the China Jesuits to move their teaching program away from the Portuguese colony and into the Ming empire for good.” See Brockey, Journey, 251. Thus Chinese was not a compulsory course in St. Paul’s College. Most of the foreign missionaries started to learn Chinese after arriving at the area in which they would subsequently carry out their missionary work. 102 Palace Museum, Compilation of Documents [文獻叢編], vol. 6, 1. 103 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 45, 88. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 65

Portuguese Augustinians in 1589. In 1579, the first group of six Franciscans went to Macau. They set up a monastery named the “Franciscan Monastery,” which was also known as the “Monastery of Our Lady.” The monastery enrolled more than twenty Chinese, Japanese, and Siamese students, “who spent a lot of time studying Chinese.”104 Rego, who served as a secretary of the city council of Macau in 1623, stated that “Macau city has Augustinian, Dominican and Franciscan orders, and fine hospitals and monasteries. In general, each church or monastery hosts seven to eight priests.”105 These monasteries were not as big as St. Paul’s College, but they all played a role in educating the missionaries who would subsequently enter mainland China. The Dominican monastery in Macau (commonly called “plank hall”), for instance, was “a foothold and refuge for Spanish and Portuguese Dominicans who engaged in missionary work in Fujian [China], Malacca, and Timor.”106 In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century, when Catholicism was prohibited in China, “Catholic followers native to Fujian and missionaries are hosted in the plank monastery.”107 Sans y Jordá, from the Fujian province of the Dominican order, stayed in the monastery for six years.108 Documents also refer to the missionaries trained by the Franciscan monastery. In 1740 (the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the Westerner Francesco M. Garreto 王若含 “studied Chinese language and dress” in Macau and then went to Zhao cheng 趙城, Shanxi.109 Shanxi was a Franciscan zone of missionary work. In 1762 (the twenty-seventh year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), Domingos Liu 劉多明我, a native of Shaanxi, “studied Christianity from Westerner Paul Jean Baptiste Bourgine for many years” and then infiltrated Shaanxi for missionary work under the supervision of Magni, the vicar apostolic of Shaanxi and Shanxi.110 Shaanxi was also an area of Franciscan missionary work. In 1766 (the thirty-first year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the Spanish Franciscan Sebastián Medina 安當呢都 went to the Franciscan monastery in Macau with a book for learning Chinese. He stayed there for a few years and then took up

104 Teixiera, Macau e a sua diocesa, vol. 3, 406, 435, 628. Jin Guoping, Selections of Western Historical Documents on Macau: 15th to 16th Centuries (Guangzhou: Guangdong People’s Press, 2005), 248. Guo Yongliang, Early Relations between Macau and Hong Kong (Taipei: Research Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, 1990), 60–66. 105 Rego, “Relao Caldeira Rego,” 155. 106 Pires, Os extremos conciliam-se, 154. 107 Ibid., 137. 108 Silva, Cronologia, 115. 109 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 153, 216. 110 Ibid., vol. 1, no. 297, 472–73. 66 Chapter 2 missionary work in Jiangxi.111 In 1780 (the forty-fifth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), a Spanish Franciscan priest, referred to as Francisco 方濟覺 in the Chinese archives, “lived in [the] Catholic church in Macau for more than two years, learning the Chinese language,” and then entered mainland China for missionary work.112 Although there is no comparable record in the Chinese- language documents of the Augustinian monastery in Macau, the Cronologia da história de Macau notes the following: “On May 17, 1721, the Portuguese viceroy in India ordered the council to go out to help Augustinians to act in their monastery.”113 This shows that the monastery did not engage in many activities in Macau. In 1686, five Augustinians, including Lucas de S. Estêvão, entered Guangzhou from Macau.114 The Paris Foreign Missions Society’s agency and treasury were in St. Paul’s Cathedral. In 1707, Jean Basset 白日升 (1645–1715) and Artus de Lionne 梁宏仁 (1655–1713) of the Paris Foreign Missions Society brought André Li 李安德 (1692–1774) and Antoine Tang 黨懷仁 (1691–1745), two young men from Shaanxi, to Macau. These two men studied Latin under two priests who had been members of the Paris Foreign Missions Society.115 In 1765 (the thirtieth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), Mathieu Kou 顧士傚, a native of Xinxing, Guangdong province, went to Macau, “studied Christianity” under French priest Pierre Romain 羅滿 (1736–after 1777) and was “ordained as a priest.”116 The order that Kou joined is likely to have been the Paris Foreign Missions Society, which sent ten people to study in Macau from 1806 to 1809, and trained recruits for missionary work in Sichuan.117 A number of documents from the early nineteenth century record the teaching in the monasteries of Catholic missions in Macau that were not operated by the Society of Jesus: “Priests and members of monasteries of various provinces offered free classes. The school set up by the Dominican monastery had great quality of teaching.”118 There are no statistics on the Chinese missionaries trained by the monasteries of the non-Jesuit Catholic missions in Macau. However, the documents excerpted above provide a general picture of their activities.

111 Ibid., vol. 1, no. 248, 388. 112 Ibid., vol. 1, no. 308, 489. 113 Silva, Cronologia, 103. 114 Ibid., 63. 115 Fang, Biographies, vol. 3, 126–27. 116 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 304, 483–84. 117 Zhang Ze, Catholicism during the Prohibition Period in the Qing Dynasty (Taipei: Guangqi Press, 1992), 158–59. 118 Pires, Os extremos conciliam-se, 154. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 67

St. Joseph’s Seminary, which was established in the period between 1727 and 1728, was another important institution in Macau for training Chinese missionaries and supplying recruits for the China mission.119 St. Paul’s College in Macau originally focused on training and supplying Japanese missionaries, but after the Society separated its Chinese province from the Japanese province, the Jesuits sought to establish a seminary for training missionaries specifically for the Chinese province. In 1672, when Prospero Intorcetta 殷鐸澤 (1625–96), vice-provincial of China, went to Rome, he proposed to Giovanni Paolo Oliva (1600–81), the superior general of the Society, that the order set up a seminary in Macau, and he was able to obtain funding for the new seminary from Portuguese king Pedro II (r. 1683–1706). In August 1674, Fr. Intorcetta returned to China and tried to persuade the leaders of the Japanese province to establish a new seminary,120 but this effort failed. The seminary was not officially set up until 1728, after it had been proposed by many different people. According to the Cronologia da história de Macau, “On February 28, 1728, following the order from João de Sá 楊若望 [1672–1731] vicar general of the diocese and from Luís de Sequeira 紀類斯 [1693–1763], procurator of the Jesuit province, priests from the China vice-province moved from St. Paul’s College to the new St. Joseph’s Seminary.”121 According to the biography of Manuel Pinto by Joseph Dehergne, “On February 23, 1728, Manuel Pinto became the first rector of the new St. Joseph’s Seminary in Macau. The Jesuits of the Chinese vice-province left the St. Paul’s College [which belonged to the

119 Different scholarly works offer different accounts of the date for the establishment of St. Joseph’s Seminary, such as 1672, 1732, 1762, and even 1630. However, only Pires refers to the original founding document of the seminary. See Pires, Os extremos conciliam-se, 122n24. According to the source provided by him, “Today, February 23, 1728, fathers of the Chinese diocese received the order signed by deputy director João de Sá to move from St Paul’s College to St. Joseph’s Seminary and deputy director Luís de Sequeira is in charge of accounting.” According to Bishop Lin Jiajun, someone named Mr. George built two houses in Gangding in 1722, and when he died in 1727 he donated these houses to the Society of Jesus and in the next year the Society formally set up St. Joseph’s Seminary on this basis. Lin, Digest, 21. However, according to Manuel Teixeira, 400th Anniversary of the Start of the Catholic Mission in Macau by Jesuits (Macau: Dadong Publishing House, 1964), 27–28, the seminary was set up by Jorge Miguel, who built a house for himself and for his brother on a hill next to St. Augustinian Hall. According to the certificate, “Deceased Jorge Miguel built a hall. He provided a house and land close to [the] St. Augustinian society. In 1622, he built the house for himself and for his brother. At that time, P. Mareus Gago was in charge of accounting for the Society of Jesus. Based on the will of the deceased, we make this certificate today, February 25.” As Mareus Gago died in 1634, Lin was clearly mistaken. 120 Brockey, Journey, 149. 121 Silva, Cronologia, 114. 68 Chapter 2

Japanese province at that time] and moved to the place of the Chinese vice- province.”122 Therefore, Fr. Manuel Teixeira stated: “As a significant event, St. Joseph’s Seminary was established in 1728 to train missionaries for China.”123 Father Lam Ka-tseung 林家駿 (1928–2009) also states, “When it was established, St. Joseph’s Seminary was only a division of St. Paul’s College and specialized in training Chinese missionaries. Therefore it was called ‘small Saint Paul’ by the Chinese while St. Paul’s College was called ‘big Saint Paul.’”124 The seminary initially had two houses in Gangding, Macau, and the St. Joseph’s Church was not completed until 1750. From the work of Pfister and Dehergne, it is clear that St. Joseph’s Seminary had thirty-three students and teachers in total from 1728 to 1762, when the seminary was closed.125 table 2.1 Students and teachers at St. Joseph’s Seminary, 1728–62

Name Origin Years of School system enrollment

José Correa 鄒若瑟 Macau 1749 Primary João Simonelli (Qiusan) 艾若望 Jiangxi 江西 1743 Primary （球三） Paulo Soeiro 崔保祿 Shanxi or Shaanxi 山西或陝西 1749 Primary Francisco Vincent Yang 楊方濟 Nanjing 南京 1737 Primary Mathieu Xavier Li 李瑪竇 Macau 1733 Primary Theology Simon Dos Santos 尚西滿 Shanxi 山西 1740 Primary Symphorien Duarte 杜興福 Zhejiang Hangzhou 浙江杭州 1749 Primary Francisco da Cunha 許方濟 Jiangnan Danyang 江南丹陽 1740 Primary Theology Jacques Hiu 許閔伯 Mainland China 中國內地 1738 Primary Stanilas Monteiro 蒙斯唐 Shanxi Taiyuan 山西太原 1738 Primary Theology José Félix 費若瑟 Macau 1749 Primary Francisco Xavier 鮑濟各 Macau 1734 Primary António de Barros 龍安國 Macau 1737 Primary Manuel de Morais 毛類斯 Macau 1731 Primary João de Sousa 蘇若翰 Macau 1749 Primary

122 Dehergne, Répertoire, 510. 123 Teixeira, Church, 42. 124 Lin, Digest, 19. 125 Most of the information in this table is derived from Pfister, Notices biographiques, and Dehergne, Répertoire. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 69

Name Origin Years of School system enrollment

Paulo Machado 馬保祿 China or Jiaozhou 中國或交州 1728 Primary João P`eng 彭若翰 Beijing 北京 1749 Theology Philippe Gonzaga 孔裴理 Jiaozhou 交州 1730 Primary João Francisco Régis 陳聖修 Shunde 順德 1732 Primary Pierre Tch’en 陳多祿 Suzhou 蘇州 1734 Primary João de Sá 楊若翰 Portugal 1728–31 Teacher Manuel Pinto 秉多 Portugal 1728–37 Teacher Luís de Sequeira 紀類思 Portugal 1752–62 Teacher Denis Ferreira 費德尼 Portugal 1756–62 Teacher Manuel de Aguiar 孫瑪諾 Portugal 1743–62 Teacher Francisco da Silva 陳方濟 Portugal 1755–62 Teacher José da Silva 李若瑟 Portugal 1754–62 Teacher António Saverio Falcão 法爾康 Portugal 1754–62 Teacher António Simões 習安東 Portugal 1758–62 Teacher Manuel de Carvalho 德卡瓦略 Portugal 1750–62 Teacher Simão de Almeida 麥西蒙 Portugal 1751–62 Teacher Antonio Saverio Morabito 林安多 Italy 1748–62 Teacher Francesco Folleri 法方濟各 Italy 1733–62 Teacher

Because the Society of Jesus had been suppressed by the Portuguese monarchy in 1759, St. Paul’s College and St. Joseph’s Seminary in Macau were both closed in 1762. In 1784, Alexandre de Gouvea 湯士選 (1751–1808), bishop of Beijing diocese, reopened St. Joseph’s Seminary in order to train Chinese missionaries for the Congregation of the Mission. Its first rector was Manuel Correia Valente 瓦倫特 (1735–1804), from Portugal.126 According to Anders Ljungstedt 龍思泰:

The priests belonging to this college are all European Portuguese, commonly six: their superior is appointed from Europe. Of this institution, the principal aim is to provide China with teachers of Gospel. Young Chinese, not exceeding twelve in number, are admitted, and furnished with what they necessarily want. If they evince a sincere desire to become priests, their education is directed that way; but it generally requires ten

126 Silva, Cronologia, 158, 183. 70 Chapter 2

years before the candidates can receive the first order. Those whose vocation is dubious wait longer, or leave the college; others, who want application, or are noted for a misdemeanor, are sent away. The Professors give instructions in the Portuguese and Latin grammar, arithmetic, rheto- ric, philosophy, theology, &c. Many children of the inhabitants participate in them, though few of them are made priests. The Chinese language is taught, and English and French occasionally. Parents, who can afford to pay for their children a small remuneration monthly, for food and a cell, fix them at the college, where the students learn to speak genuine Por tuguese, and acquire sometimes a taste for the improvement of their minds. Some children dine at the college, and join their families at night; others attend the lectures delivered “gratis” by the Professors at distinct hours. In 1815 eight young Chinese, two Malays, and sixteen boys, born at Macao, were settled in the college. In 1831, seven young Chinese, two boys from Manila, whose fathers were Portuguese, and thirteen born at Macao.127

When St. Joseph’s Seminary was set up again in 1784, it only had eight students, though it later enrolled many more. In 1829, the Chinese priest Matthieu Sué 薛瑪竇 (1780–1860) sent eight students in a few groups from Beijing to Macau,128 following the so-called church incident in 1812.129 The seminary was moved to Macau in 1820 and all members of the Congregation of the Mission went to Macau.130 In May and August 1840, Sué and Joseph-Martial Mouly 孟振生 (1807–68) sent two groups of students to study for two years at St. Joseph’s Seminary in Macau.131 In the early years of Emperor Daoguang’s reign (1820– 23), the seminary had trained a total of thirty-three Chinese priests for the

127 Ljungstedt, Historical Sketch, 51. 128 Octave-Marie-Lucien Ferreux, Histoire de la congrégation de la mission en Chine (1699– 1950), trans. Wu Zongwen (Taipei: Huamin Press, 1977), 146. 129 In 1812, Catholicism was forbidden in Beijing; the government expelled the Westerners and shut down the churches. St. Joseph’s Seminary in Beijing was closed down in the same year. 130 “In 1812, because of the crackdown on Catholicism, all students were sent back home.” “One record shows that in 1820 because of the turbulence in Beijing, the Congregation of the Mission moved the monastery to Macau.” Zhang, Catholicism, 206. “In 1842, all northern friars are in Macau.” Ferreux, Histoire, 160. 131 Valeer Rondelez, “The Catholic Village of Xiwanzi,” in Mission Beyond the Great Wall, ed. Gu Weiying (Taipei: Guangqi Press, 2002), 28. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 71

Congregation of the Mission.132 According to the documents I was able to locate, however, thirty-six Chinese priests had been educated there.133

Table 2.2 Students at St. Joseph’s Seminary, 1791–1848

Name Origin Years of enrollment

Étienne Tch’eng 程歐蒂斯尼 Beijing 北京 1791–? Luiz-José Alvares Gonzaga 公撒噶 Portugal 1804 Policarpo José Antunes 安當 Portugal 1804 Michael Gomes Dantas 丹塔 Portugal 1804 Thomas Tchang Pignero 張湯瑪斯 Beijing 1812–17 Simos Tchang Pirès 張紹臺 Beijing 1812–17 Paulo Kin A. Costa 金逸雲 Weixian, Guangping 廣平威縣 1812–17 Matthieu Chen de Sequeira 沈經綸 Chongming, Jiangsu 江蘇崇明 1813–18 Paulo Tch’en 陳保祿 Tangxian, Henan 河南唐縣 1825–30 Florian Lo 羅清漢 Ji’an, Jiangxi 江西吉安 1825–32 João Baptista Kin 靳天西 Nanyang, Henan 河南南陽 1825–32 João Pé 白若翰 Queshan, Henan 河南確山 1825–32 Pierre Ngai 艾皮埃爾 Yunyang, Hubei 湖北鄖陽 1825–32 Mathias Ngai 艾馬蒂亞斯 Yunyang, Hubei 湖北鄖陽 1825–32 Jerónimo-José da Mata 馬塔 Portugal 1825–? João de França Castro e Moura 趙若望 Portugal 1825–29 José Li 李若瑟 Mianyang, Hubei 湖北沔陽 1827–28 Matthieu Tchao 趙馬蒂厄 Zaoyang, Hubei 湖北棗陽 1827–30 Matthieu Lu 呂馬蒂厄 Linjiang, Jiangxi 江西臨江 1828–30 Francisco K’ieou 邱方濟各 Dali, Guangzhou 廣州大荔 1828–30 António Than 譚安多尼 Guangdong 廣東 1828–30 António Leite de Amorim 阿莫裡姆 Portugal 1832–33 João Chrysotome Kho 柯望儒 Luanzhou, Hebei 河北灤州 1833–38 Paulo Tcheng 鄭保祿 Xiwangzi, Inner Mongolia 1834–38

132 Zhang, Catholicism, 214. 133 This table is based on Joseph Van Den Brandt, Les Lazaristes en Chine 1697–1935, trans. Geng Sheng (Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press, 2010), 549–729. It is clearly recorded that there were thirty-six people studying to become priests in St. Joseph’s Sem- inary in the period prior to 1840, among whom thirty were Chinese and six were Portu- guese. 72 Chapter 2

Table 2.2 Students at St. Joseph’s Seminary, 1791–1848 (cont.)

Name Origin Years of enrollment

內蒙古西灣子 José Yeou 游道宣 Jianchang, Jiangxi 江西建昌 1835–41 André Yang 楊安德 Hejian Prefecture 河間府 1835–38 João Baptista Wang 王儒翰 Jianchang, Jiangxi 江西建昌 1837–39 José K’ieou 邱安遇 Dali, Guangzhou 廣州大荔 1837–39 Matthieu Kin 金馬蒂厄 Nanyang, Henan 河南南陽 1838–41 João Tcheng 鄭自貴 Yuci, Shanxi 山西榆次 1838–41 Pedro Fong 鳳伯多祿 Lama, Mongolia 蒙古喇嘛 1840–42 André Li 李安德 Changzhou, Jiangsu 江蘇常州 1843– Vincent Fou 傅道安 Quzhou, Zhejiang 浙江衢州 1843–45 Paulo Tchang 張保祿 Xuanhua, Zhili 直隸宣化 1835–38 Maurus Lu 呂景堂 Xuanhua, Zhili 直隸宣化 1844–46 Pierre Yuen 袁皮埃爾 Wuxi, Jiangsu 江蘇無錫 1846–48

It should also be noted that while the members of Congregation of the Mission who went to China had completed their studies before heading there, at that time they had to learn Chinese before they could begin their missionary work. Most of these priests learned Chinese in Macau before heading to mainland China. The most important priests included Mouly, Jean-François Régis Clet 劉克萊 (1748–1820), Jean-Gabriel Perboyre 董文學 (1802–40), Joseph Gabet 秦噶嗶 (1808–53), Joseph Perry 蘇神父 (1807–after 1844), Évariste-Régis Huc 古伯察 (1813–60), and André-Vincent Privas 吳神父 (1814–47). Most of them learned Chinese from Joaquim Afonso Gonçalves 江沙維 (1781–1841) at St. Joseph’s Seminary.134 Thus, after St. Joseph’s Seminary had been re-established in 1784, the enterprise for training European priests in Macau made a great leap forward, and Macau again became an important base for supplying recruits to China.

134 Ferreux, Histoire, 147, 150, 151, 162. Geng Sheng 耿昇, “Travel around China by French Laz- arist Evariste Régis Huc and the Diplomatic Negotiation between China and France,” His- torical Research of Ji’ian University [暨南史學] 1 (2002). Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 73

4 Macau as a Site for Conversions to Catholicism

During the Ming and Qing dynasties, Macau supplied personnel to the Chinese province for the purpose of missionary work, and was an important site where people from mainland China could convert to Catholicism. At that time, most of the Catholic converts on the mainland had been baptized by local missionaries, but some followers personally went to Macau to convert to Catholicism. Traveling from mainland China to Macau in order to convert was a phenomenon that began in the late sixteenth century. Zhong Nianshan 鍾念山, a merchant in Xinhui, Guangdong, and his two sons, Sebastião Fernandes and João Fernandes, converted in Macau at this time.135 Another person from mainland China, who had to spend thirty days on his trip to Macau, also became a Catholic there. His baptismal name was André, and he carried out missionary work in Macau among the Chinese, some of whom were baptized.136 In 1575 (the third year of the reign of Emperor Wanli 萬曆 [r. 1573–1620]), a Buddhist went to Macau to convert to Catholicism and was baptized by Bishop Melchior Carneiro Leitão (1519–83). His Christian name was Paul.137 In 1621 (the first year of the reign of Emperor Tianqi 天啟 [r. 1621–27]), Zheng Zhilong 鄭芝龍 (1604–61), a native of Anping, went to Macau to be baptized. His baptismal name was Nicolau Gaspar.138 Many merchants from mainland China also went to Macau to convert in order to facilitate their business there. According to Chen Xichang 陳熙昌, who was writing during the reign of Emperor Tianqi:

Some Chinese served as underlings transporting materials to the Portuguese […]. They live together in Macau. They state that they have to win the heart of foreigners in order to get profits from foreigners. They speak foreign languages, wear foreign dress, and practice foreign religions. Chinese and foreigners are mixed.139

135 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 127. 136 Henri Bernard, Le père Mathieu Ricci et la société de son temps (1552–1610), trans. Guan Zhenhu (Beijing: Commercial Press, 1998), 466. 137 Bernard, Aux portes, 133–34. 138 Biblioteca Pública e Arquivo Distrital de Évora, MS CV-2-25, 59; François de Rougemont, Relaçam do estado politico a espiritual do imperio da China, pellos anos de 1659 ate o de 1666, trans. He Gaoji (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 2008), 223–24. 139 Gao Rushi 高汝栻, Huang Ming xuji sanchao fazhuan quanlu [皇明續紀三朝法傳全錄], vol. 13, Memo of Chen Xichang, 13. 74 Chapter 2

Because an increasing number of people from mainland China went to Macau to convert to Catholicism, a Chinese church was built there in 1602 that “specialized in spreading [the] Gospel to the Chinese people. The church was called the Chapel of Our Lady, but it was burnt down by the anti-Catholic people this year.”140 In 1634, the church was renovated by Visitor André Palmeiro 班安德 for the Chinese who had converted to Catholicism. It was called the Chinese Temple by the Chinese.141 From the late Ming to the early Qing dynasty (1630s–70s), the Chinese government did not legally prohibit people in mainland China from going to Macau to convert, and many mainlanders consequently went there to do so. According to Qingfeng tangrensi zouji (請封唐人寺奏記) by Zhang Rulin,

Chinese people who convert to Catholicism are of two types. The first group [is composed of] converts in Macau. In the second group, each year there will be some people from mainland China coming to Macau to convert to Catholicism […]. Ten days before the Tomb-sweeping Day each year, they keep vegetarian fast for 49 days. The winter solstice is a time for worshiping God. Worshippers from nearby counties, such as Nanhai 南海, Panyu 番禺, Dongguan 東莞, Shunde 順德, Xinhui 新會, and Xiangshan 香山, came to Macau to worship God. Some people come to Macau from other provinces. But people from Zini 紫泥, and Shunde claim the largest number.142

According to Zhiyu aoyi lun (制馭澳夷論) by Zhang Zhentao 張甄陶: “There was a Chinese temple in Macau. Chinese Christians all enter the temple to worship God. People interested in making […] profits in coastal areas, such as Xiangshan, Shunde, Xinhui, Dongguan, Nanhai, and Panyu, mostly converted to Catholicism.”143 According to Shixing Xianzhi (始興縣誌), compiled during the Republic period of China (1911–49): “During the reign of Emperor Qianlong, Mr. He from Fangdong 方洞 went to Macau and converted to Catholicism. Upon his return, he set up a Catholic church in Fangdong.”144

140 Lin, Digest, 51. 141 BAJA, 49-V-3, fols. 106–1; Pires, Os extremos conciliam-se, 38; Lin, Digest, 51. 142 Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin, Record of Macau, vol. 1 (Macau: Cultural Bureau, 1992), 82. 143 Zhang Zhentao 張甄陶, “Zhiyu aoyi lun” [制馭澳夷論], in Xiaofanghuzhai yudi congchao [小方壺齋輿地叢鈔], vol. 9, 1891, 331. 144 Chen Jishi 陳及時, (Minguo) Shixing xianzhi （民國）始興縣誌[ ], in Zhongguo fangzhi jicheng, vol. 4 (Nanjing: Phoenix Publishing Press, 1991), 316. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 75

Because people from mainland China increasingly went to Macau to convert to Catholicism, the chapel built in 1602 specifically for spreading the Gospel to the Chinese was renovated in 1634, expanded in 1679, and further expanded in 1719.145 The repeated expansion of the Chinese church in Macau thus shows that many people went to Macau in order to convert during the late Ming and early Qing dynasty. During this period, the following people went to Macau to convert or to be ordained: Pedro Tomás da Cruz 龔尚實 (1666–after 1736), a native of Hangzhou, converted in Macau in 1686. Wu Li 吳歷 (1631– 1718) from Changshu joined the Society of Jesus in Macau in 1681. Blaise Verbiest Lieou 劉蘊德 (1628–?) from Huguang converted in Macau in 1684. Paulo Banhes Wan 萬其淵 (1635–1700) from Jianchang, Jiangxi, studied in Macau from 1682 to 1684. Domingues Lou 陸希言 (1631–1704), from Huangting, joined the Society of Jesus in Macau in 1682. Mathieu Xavier Li 李瑪竇 (1711–after 1771), from mainland China, joined the Society of Jesus in Macau in 1734. João Francisco Régis 陳聖修 (1713–76) from Shunde was ordained in Macau in 1738. Francisco Vincent Yang 楊方濟 (1704–85) from Nanjing studied in Macau in 1737. Pierre Tch’en 陳多祿 (1688–1768) from Suzhou was ordained in Macau in 1740. Paulo Soeiro 崔保祿 (1724–95) from Shaanxi went to Macau to become a novice in 1749. João Simonelli (Qiusan) 艾若望（球三） (1714–85) from Jiangxi became a novice in 1743. Antoine Tang and André Li from Shaanxi joined the Paris Foreign Missions Society in Macau in 1709. It is likely that Mr. Lin Jifeijichao 林咭吠嘰吵 and his son Zhou Shilian 周世廉, who engaged in missionary work in the Chinese church in Macau in 1746, also went to Macau to convert.146 During the reign of Emperor Yongzheng, the phenomenon of mainland Chinese people converting in Macau attracted the attention of the Qing government. In 1729 (the seventh year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng), Jiao Qinian 焦祈年 was appointed the commissioner of supervising and rectifying customs (Guangfong zhensu shi 觀風整俗使) of Guangdong, with the task of inspecting various places there. He visited Shaoguan and Zhaoqing first, and then Lei Zhou and Qiongzhou, and finally reached Macau where he sought to

145 Lin, Digest, 51, states that it was built in 1602. Teixeira, 400th Anniversary, 10, states that it was built in 1643. It was built in 1679 and expanded in 1719, according to Yin and Zhang, Record of Macau, vol. 1, 82. The chapel constantly expanded to meet the growing demands of the Catholic enterprise in China. 146 Information derived from the work of Fang, Pfister, and Dehergne, as well as Brockey, Journey, 150–51. 76 Chapter 2 rectify the local customs in Guangdong and to prohibit the spread of Catholicism.147 The Catholic church in Shunde was also affected. As volume 32 of Shunde Xianzhi (順德縣誌) states:

There is a Catholic church at the east gate of Shunde. It is unknown when it was built and it is not recorded in the previous gazetteer. It had been treated by the government in a very friendly manner. During the reign of Emperor Yongzheng, Jiao Qinian, the commissioner of supervising and rectifying customs, blamed Catholicism for stirring up trouble among the masses. He cited the law in Fujian: the Catholic church shall be expelled and the venue should be demolished. The Catholic church was sold by Chen Shengbo 陳聲伯, who was a wealthy person.148

However, this time no rule was promulgated to prohibit people in mainland China from going to Macau to follow Catholicism. This issue was not formally raised until Pan Siju 潘思榘 (1695–1752), surveillance commissioner in Guangdong, submitted a memorial in 1731 (the ninth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong): “[Foreigners in Macau] lured the masses to join Catholicism […]. The governor and governor general implement the ban strictly and I am also committed to rectification. However, because the place is on the coast, the situation is not resolved and can hardly be controlled.”149 Although this problem was discussed, it was initially left unresolved. When Zhang Rulin 張汝霖 (1709–69) became sub-prefect of Macau in 1746 (the eleventh year of the reign of Qianlong), “A Catholic church called the Chinese Temple was set up besides many foreign churches in Macau. It specializes in attracting people from mainland China to convert to Catholicism and shall be banned. I report this issue to propose to shut down the church.”150 In February 1747 (the twelfth year of the same reign), Xiangshan County formally issued the ban:

If people from the nearby counties still dare to go to Macau to worship God or to practice Catholicism to cheat the masses, they should be

147 Zhao Erxun 趙爾巽, Draft of the History of Qing Dynasty [清史稿], Volume 291, Biography of Jiao Qinian (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1977), 10295. 148 Guo Rucheng 郭汝成, (Xianfeng) Shunde xianzhi （咸豐）順德縣誌[ ], vol. 32, Qing Xianfeng renzi (1852) kanben 清咸豐壬子刊本, 11. 149 Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, vol. 1, 75. 150 Ibid., 81. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 77

punished by law stringently. If their neighbors do not report the crime, the neighbors should also be punished […]. Foreigners in Macau shall not lure people from mainland China to follow Catholicism in Macau or open churches that have been banned without authorization.151

The details of the prohibition are listed in the Aomen Yueshu Zhangcheng (澳門約束章程) in 1749 (the fourteenth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong):

Article one. Ban on Catholicism. Foreigners in Macau mostly follow Catholicism. However, they are not allowed to recruit or convert Chinese to corrupt the customs. Neighborhood heads of the foreigners shall inspect every house to ban Chinese from converting to Catholicism, and shall hand in Chinese Catholics. If anyone violates the rules and follows Catholicism, he, the neighborhood head, and foreign head should all be punished and driven out of Macau.152

After this rectification campaign, far fewer people from mainland China went to Macau to follow Catholicism. However, the ban was not thoroughly implemented, as is clear from the following account by Zhang Zhentao, who was the district magistrate of Xiangshan County in 1750 (the fifteenth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong):

In the past, people from nearby places around Xiangshan County went to the Chinese church to worship God. They changed to foreign dress. The church was shut down. Now the problem has not been thoroughly resolved. The people who used to go to the Chinese church go to St. Paul’s Cathedral now and are hard to track.153

The following people went to Macau in order to convert to Catholicism: Paulo Tch’en from Jiangxi went to Macau for this purpose in 1766; Domingos Liu from Shaanxi went to Macau in 1762; Mathieu Kou from Xinxing, Guangdong, went in 1765; and Wu Tianguang 吳甜廣 from Fujian also went to Macau to convert to Catholicism at that time. Chen Ruowang 陳若望, from Xinhui, Guangdong, studied under a Westerner in Macau who is referred to as “Manuel” 馬諾 in the

151 Bao, Qianlong Xiangshan Xianzhi, vol. 8, 362. 152 Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, vol. 1, 94. 153 Wang Xiqi, ed., Xiaofanghuzhai yudi congchao, vol. 9, 320. 78 Chapter 2

Chinese archives.154 During the reign of Emperor Jiaqing, people from mainland China again went to Macau to convert to Catholicism. According to volume 152 of The Historical Records of Emperor Jiaqing (仁宗睿皇帝實錄): “Foreign ships go frequently to Macau in Guangdong province. Seizing the opportunity of doing business in Guangdong, foreigners conspire with people from mainland China, cheat the masses and spread Catholicism.”155 Volume 284 of The Historical Records of Emperor Jiaqing (仁宗睿皇帝實錄) gives the following description of the situation in 1814 (the nineteenth year of Emperor Jiaqing’s reign): “Many people from Guangdong follow Catholicism secretly and many women in counties such as Xiangshan follow Catholicism […]. Around Xiangshan and Macau […] recently Catholicism has re-emerged and might stir up trouble in future.”156 A few documents in Chinese at the Torre do Tombo in Lisbon also mention the situation with regard to Catholicism in Macau. According to archive no. 1046, dated April 16, 1812 (the seventeenth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing): “In the county [Xiangxiang County], it was found that men and women from various places in mainland China came to Macau to follow Catholicism and worship God in church. This practice violates the law.”157 According to archive no. 1047, dated July 13 of the same year: “It was found that when foreigners held religious services, men and women from mainland China sneaked into Macau to follow Catholicism,”158 while archive no. 1048, dated February 3, 1814 (the nineteenth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), similarly states that “many people from Guangdong sneak into Macau for Catholicism and many women in counties such as Xiangshan follow Catholicism.”159 According to archive no. 1051, dated July 29, 1814: “Recently, it was found that some Chinese still follow Catholicism privately. They are either residents of Macau or people from various nearby counties. They are lured by a few crooks to Macau. They get Catholic texts, keep vegetarian fasts, and take part in religious services.”160 In order to accommodate those who traveled from mainland China to convert, a number of houses specifically designed for Catholic pilgrims began to appear in Macau:

154 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 297, 472, no. 304, 483–84, no. 411, 636. 155 Historical Records of Emperor Jiaqing [仁宗睿皇帝實錄], vol. 153, 1099. 156 Ibid., vol. 284, 889. 157 Liu, Colecção, vol. 2, no. 1046, 526. 158 Ibid., vol. 2, no. 1047, 527. 159 Ibid., vol. 2, no. 1048, 528. 160 Ibid., vol. 2, no. 1051, 529. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 79

At the foot of St. Paul’s Cathedral, there was a Catholic church called the pilgrimage church or the Chinese church. It was banned in 1747 [the twelfth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong]. Before 1795 [the sixtieth year of the same reign], there was a place at the foot of St. Paul’s Cathedral that had dozens of small rooms for old female pilgrims to live in. In the early years of the Emperor Jiaqing, foreigners demolished the place and reconstructed it into a building. They built houses beside the Church of St. Lazarus outside of Rua do Campo 水坑尾 to host old female pilgrims.161

In 1818 (the twenty-third year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing), the building hosted “98 families, among whom 54 families call themselves foreigners, take on foreign dress, and speak foreign languages.”162 The fact that they called themselves foreigners implies that they not only followed Catholicism but that they also adopted the manners, behavior, and general style of the Portuguese. The situation with regard to pilgrimage in Macau is recorded in detail in the “Confession of Chinese Priest Xie Yu 謝玉,” in archive no. 1053 in the Torre do Tombo in Lisbon:

In March of 1812 [the seventeenth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing], I went to Macau. Because I got sick, I stayed in the St. Joseph’s Church 小三巴. A Western priest Anselmo Luís 昂沙盧歪 promoted Catholicism among the Chinese and gave me a name of priest Zanye 吧地哩占也. I am in charge of the conversion of all followers from Guangdong. […] I have converted eight people in total from Zhaoqing 肇慶, Xinhui, and Kaiping 開平, including gardeners and chefs. People from other provinces are received by Mr. Shen 沈 from Suzhou. He is also a convert. He manages letters and teaches the Chinese language to Westerners. Now the St. Joseph’s Church hosts three people from Zhili 直隸 and three people from Shanxi and Shaanxi 陝西. They have both converted to Catholicism, wear foreign clothing, and are more than 30 years old. In July of last year, Mr. Huang 黃 from Fujian 福建 brought to the church a young man, who later disappeared. Now St. Joseph’s Church does not host people from

161 Wang Tingqian 王廷鈐, Investigation of 13 Villages in Xiagongchangdu, Xiangshan County [香山縣下恭常都十三鄉採訪冊], vol. 1, 40; Tang Kaijian, “Discovery of Investigation of 13 Villages in Xiagongchangdu, Xiangshan County and Its Value as Historical Document” [道光七年《香山縣下恭常都十三鄉採訪冊》的發現及其史料價值], Macau Re- search [澳門研究] 3 (2011). 162 Liu, Colecção, vol. 1, no. 17, 12. 80 Chapter 2

Jiangxi or Fujian. I engage in Bible teaching and preaching only in St. Joseph’s Church and have never preached Catholicism in other places or other provinces.163

This clearly demonstrates that people from mainland China continued to make pilgrimages to Macau during the reign of Emperor Jiaqing. Ljungstedt’s An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements in China records the following:

To the eastward of the city is a field—“Campo”—which may be said to extend to the very boundary of the peninsula. Passing the gates of St. Lazarus, we have to the left a range of mean huts, mixed with a few better looking houses, along the road leading to the Hermitage of Hope. The first habitations built there were occupied by new Christians, whom a Spanish Augustine friar had, in 1809, congregated. A mass of three or four hundred Chinese, by becoming Christians, had set the prohibitory laws of the country at defiance, and by dwelling together raised the spirit of persecution. Mandarin satellites surrounded them in 1814. Some of them were carried before their judge, others dispersed. At present, old and new Christians live promiscuously in the place.164

Thus, at one time during the reign of Emperor Jiaqing, three hundred to four hundred people from mainland China had traveled to Macau for pilgrimage. In an effort to limit the number of those doing so, in 1814 (the nineteenth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing) the Qing court re-issued the order designed to prohibit people in mainland China from going to Macau:

Westerners living in Macau have always followed Catholicism. They cheat people from mainland China and stir up trouble. Now this situation is rectified according to law. People are prohibited from practicing Catholicism privately. Yan Benming from Shanxi came to Macau to do business. He lures people to convert to Catholicism. He will be arrested and punished.165

163 Ibid., vol. 2, no. 1053, 530. 164 Ljungstedt, Historical Sketch, vol. 3, 42. 165 Liu, Colecção, vol. 2, no. 1051, 529. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 81

5 Macau as a Refuge for Catholic Missionaries in Mainland China

During the Ming and Qing dynasties, Western missionaries who entered mainland China for missionary work experienced considerable difficulties. People without a great spirit of sacrifice could not serve as missionaries under such circumstances. Missionary work presented two primary hardships: suffering from illness, on the one hand, and oppression by the Chinese authorities on the other. Macau was the best place for missionaries working in mainland China to take refuge from both afflictions.

5.1 Macau Provided an Ideal Place for Missionaries to Recover from Illness Environmental inadaptability was the first problem facing the Europeans who traveled to China for missionary work. At that time, mainland China, and especially the economically backward mountainous and rural areas, suffered from poor sanitary conditions. Many missionary groups had insufficient funds and inadequate supplies. Consequently, missionaries often lacked medicines and suffered from malnutrition. As a result, after reaching mainland China, many missionaries became ill, and some even died from illness at a young age while working in China.166 Most missionaries were usually treated at the

166 Many Western missionaries died from illness at a young age after they entered China. According to Pfister, Notices biographiques, a total of fifty-one missionaries died before they were fifty years old. These include: António de Almeida 麥安東 (Portuguese), thirty- five; Francesco de Petris 石方西 (Italian), thirty; João Soerio 蘇如望 (Portuguese), forty- one; Bartolomeo Tedeschi 杜祿茂 (Italian), thirty-seven; Felicia da Silva 林斐理 (Portuguese), thirty-six; Bento de Góis 鄂本篤 (Portuguese), forty-five; Sabatino de Ursis 熊三拔 (Italian), forty-five; Wenceslas Pantaleon Kirwitzer 祁維材 (Bohemia), forty; Andrzej Rudomina 盧安德 (Lithuanian), thirty-eight; Luís Gonçalves 龐類斯 (Maca- nese), thirty-three; João Monteiro 孟儒望 (Portuguese), forty-five; José Estevão de Almeida 梅高 (Portuguese), thirty-three; Andreas Wolfgang Koffler 瞿安德 (German), thirty-eight; Jan Mikołaj Smogulecki 穆尼閣 (Polish), forty; Manuel de Pereira 金百煉 (Portuguese), forty-five; Juan de Yrigoyen 魯日孟 (Spanish), forty-two; Francisco Cayosso 洪度亮 (Spanish), thirty-seven; Joachim Calmes 金玉敬 (German); Luca Adorno 魯類思 (Italian), forty-one; Antonio Faglia 法安多 (Italian), forty-three; Louis Pernon 南光國 (French), thirty-nine; Pierre Frapperie 樊繼訓 (French), thirty-nine; Jean François Noëlas 聶若翰 (French), thirty-three; Jean-Gaspard Chanseaume 尚若翰 (French), forty-five; André-Nicolas Forgeot 傅安德 (French), forty-five; and Hubert Cousin de Mericourt 李俊賢 (French), forty-five. Pfister’s book contains the biographies of 467 people. After we exclude the Chinese, the people whose years of birth and death are undated, and the people who died from aging rather than from illness, we get 280 people, 16 percent of whom died before they were fifty years old. 82 Chapter 2 places in which they were based. However, when priests and friars suffered serious illness, or when there were no doctors or medicines in the area in which they were operating, they were often sent to Macau for medical treatment. According to Ricci and Pfister, more than twenty Jesuits returned to Macau for treatment from mainland China because of illness, including: the Portuguese priests António de Melle 德梅洛 (1681–1752), Soerio, Felicia da Silva 林斐理 (1579–1614), Jerónimo Rodrigues 駱入祿 (1575–1631), Semedo, Pedro Marques 馬多祿 (1613–70), and Domingos de Britto 畢登庸 (1674–1742); Italian priests Filippo-Felice Carrocci 羅斐理 (1646–95), Antonio Faglia 法安多 (1663–1706), Luca Adorno 魯類思 (1655–97), and Francesco Valla 法方濟各 (1685–1747); French missionaries Porquet, Labbe, Jean Sylvain de Neuvialle 紐若翰 (1696–1764), André-Nicolas Forgeot 傅安德 (1716–61), and Jean-François Beuth 黃明鳳 (1704–47); Polish priest Andrzej Rudomina 盧安德 (1596–1631); and Francisco Martínez and João Fernandes from mainland China.167 While he was in Nanjing, the Italian Jesuit Cattaneo “went back to Macau three times in five years because he was physically weak and suffered from severe joint pain.”168 The missionary João Monteiro 孟儒望 (1602–48), who was based in Hangzhou, went to a monastery in Macau for treatment in 1644 after becoming exhausted from paper work and the task of training converts.169 The Spanish Franciscan Juan de Villena 魏列納 (1697–1744) went from Shandong to Macau for treatment from 1726 to 1728.170 Franciscan priests Bernardino Maria Bevilacqua and Juan Bañeza de Lucera and French priest Ignace He 何司鐸 (1781–1844) from the Congregation of the Mission also went from mainland China to Macau for treatment.171 Many foreigners became ill immediately after they reached China and had to stay in Macau for treatment. For instance, an Italian missionary referred to as Chang Guotai 常國泰 (d.1759) in the Chinese archives “was sick because of the humidity at sea, and after he reached Macau, he became seriously ill with typhoid fever and failed to recover after medical

167 Ricci and Trigault, China, 310. Ricci, Complete Works, 134. Pfister, Notices biographiques. Dehergne, Répertoire, Colombel, Histoire, 91. Wu Min 吳旻 and Han Qi 韓琦, Collection of Catholic Documents during the Reigns of Emperor Yongzheng and Emperor Qianlong in Europe [歐洲所藏雍正乾隆朝天主教文獻彙編] (Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Press, 2008), no. 53, 172. 168 Colombel, Histoire, 73. 169 António de Gouvea, Cartas ânuas da China (Macau: Instituto Português do Oriente, 1998), 197. 170 Sinica Franciscana, vol. 11–12 (Rome: Collegii S. Bonaventurae, Grottaferrata, 2006), 152. 171 Mungello, Spirit, 156, 169; Brandt, Les Lazaristes, 562. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 83 treatment.”172 The Portuguese missionary Cayetano Pires Pireira 畢學源 (1763– 1838) “was seriously sick, saw a medical doctor many times, failed to recover after taking medicines and became incurable.”173 The twenty people listed above represent only a sample of those recorded in the documents, and it is unclear how many people remain unrecorded. Yet these cases alone clearly reveal that Macau was a much-needed site for missionaries seeking to recover from illness. A modern hospital named Hospital de S. Rafael was established in the late sixteenth century. It was also known as the “Hospital Temple.”174 It was set up in 1569 by Bishop Carneiro. In 1623, Rego wrote: “The charity hall also provided funds to establish two hospitals, which have always hosted many patients, who include Portuguese, local people and people from other places. All patients are well treated and taken care of.”175 The two hospitals mentioned in this account were the Hospital de S. Rafael and a leprosy hospital of St. Lazarus. The Franciscan order also had a medical institute in Macau: “Approximately from 1672 to this year [1678], a Spanish friar called Blas García 艾腦爵 [1635–99] lived in [the] Franciscan monastery, where he set up a pharmacy and worked as a doctor.”176 The Franciscan hospital is also documented in the Chinese archives. According to the memorial of Shu Chang 舒常, governor general of Guangdong and Guangxi, in 1785 (the fiftieth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong): “According to the confession by foreign priest Martín Palau 瑪丁 [1720–88], he is from the Philippines, is 67 years old, and has worked as a medical doctor in [the] Franciscan church for more than 30 years.”177 According to Aomen jilue (澳門記略), “In Macau, foreign medical doctor Antonio de la Concepción 安哆呢 has enjoyed a good reputation as a surgeon for a long time.”178 These examples clearly indicate that Macau had the best medical facilities in China at that time. Moreover, with its nature and tranquility, Macau was an ideal place for vacation and recuperation. Many missionaries consequently spent their later years in Macau, as is clear from the number of tombs of European missionaries who engaged in missionary work in mainland China

172 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 218, 341. 173 Liu, Colecção, vol. 2, no. 1078, 546. 174 Guo, Early Relations, chapter 5, 72. 175 Rego, “Relação sobre a fundação,” 155. 176 Silva, Cronologia, 60. 177 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 307, 487. 178 Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, 182. 84 Chapter 2 and died in Macau. Such examples are abundant in Daoxuejia zhuan (Biographies of missionaries), Pfister’s Notices biographiques et bibliographiques sur les Jésuites de l’ancienne mission de Chine, and Répertoire des Jésuites de Chine de 1552–1800 by Joseph Dehergne.179 Notably, however, many of the missionaries who went to Macau for medical treatment returned to mainland China to continue their missionary work after they had recovered,180 thus sus- taining the strength of the Catholic enterprise in mainland China.

5.2 Macau as a Refuge from Political Suppression for Missionaries in Mainland China Semedo claimed that Macau was a haven and a holy place; when missionaries encountered hardship or oppression, they found protection in Macau. Although the Ming and Qing dynasties sometimes adopted more tolerant policies, their general stance was one of opposition and resistance towards the spread of Catholicism in mainland China, later stringently cracking down and cruelly suppressing Catholicism. According to The Historical Records of Emperor Jiaqing (仁宗睿皇帝實錄),

Catholicism thoroughly destroys ethics. It is a heresy that causes the greatest damage. If Westerners practice Catholicism on their own, we can avoid intervention. If they pass on Catholicism to people from mainland China, they break the law, become a potential concern, inflict the greatest damages, and the situation is even worse than the case of the White Lotus Society and we have to think seriously. Jiang Yougua should publicize widely to inform the merchants and civilians in coastal China and Westerners who come to Guangdong for business. If Chinese people practice Catholicism, they should be arrested by local government officials and punished seriously. If Westerners lure merchants and civilians from mainland China to join Catholicism, they should be punished harshly. All government officials shall follow these rules, crack down on the heresy, and rectify people’s morality. It is so ordered.181

179 Dozens of famous missionaries in the late Ming and early Qing dynasty had carried out missionary work in mainland China and spent their later years in Macau and died there. Nicolas Standaert 鍾鳴旦, ed., Catholic Documents of the Ming and Qing Dynasties in the Library of Xujiahui [徐家匯藏書樓明清天主教文獻], vol. 3 (Taipei: Taipei Ricci Insti- tute, 2002), 1025–1228. 180 Pfister, Notices biographiques. 181 Historical Records of Emperor Jiaqing [仁宗睿皇帝實錄], vol. 290, 966. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 85

Missionary activities had frequently been suppressed in accordance with the policies adopted during the Ming and Qing dynasties. Missionaries were expelled from China on fifty-four separate occasions during the Ming dynasty alone (1368–1644).182 During the Qing dynasty (1644–1911), large-scale crack- downs on Catholicism were even more severe, and many European missionaries were tortured and died in prison. Nearly one thousand Chinese Catholics were executed according to the law, and some also died during imprisonment.183 In many other cases, the priests and friars who were engaged in missionary work in China faced the threat of being arrested by governments at all levels. Under such circumstances, Macau, a “holy land” where missionary work was permitted by the Qing court, became a refuge for the missionaries in mainland China.184 Those seeking political refuge in Macau can be divided into two categories. The first category includes those who went to Macau for political refuge in order to avoid being pursued by the government. In 1587, for instance, the governor of Guangdong seized the European-style residence built by Ricci and the “priests had to go back to Macau,”185 while in 1638, as a result of the campaign against Catholicism in Fuzhou, the Portuguese priest Manuel Díaz 陽瑪諾 (1574–1659) was forced to return to Macau immediately after his arrival in Fuzhou.186 At around the same time, the Chinese priest Luo Wenzao brought three Franciscan priests to Macau,187 and in 1640, in response to the vehement anti-Catholic sentiment in Hainan Island, the Portuguese priest Bento de Matos 林本篤 (1600–?) also “returned to Macau for refuge.”188 In 1651, the Portuguese priest Francisco Furtado 傅汎濟 (1587–1653) similarly “returned to Macau in difficult circumstances”;189 in 1665, he was followed by the French priest Germain Macret 方瑪諾 (1620–76), who returned to Macau as “he could not settle down”190 while doing missionary work in Hunan. The Portuguese priests Baltasar Diego da Rocha 羅迪我 (1632–94), José de Magalhães 楊若瑟 (1636–83), and Diego de Sotomaior 羅閣伯 (1635–83) also went to Macau in the

182 Zhang Li and Liu Jiantang, History of Catholic Cases in China (Chengdu: Sichuan Academy of Social Sciences Press, 1987), 37. 183 Louis Wei Tsing-sing, La politique missionnaire, vol. 1, 86. 184 Tyler Dennett, Americans in Eastern Asia, trans. Yao Zengyi (Beijing: Commercial Press, 1959), 42. 185 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 33. 186 Ibid., 113. 187 Fang, Biographies, vol. 2, 146. 188 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 213. 189 Ibid., 157. 190 Ibid., 365. 86 Chapter 2 same year.191 In the following century, during the crackdown on Catholicism in 1729, the Portuguese priest Manuel Mendes 孟由義 (1656–1741) hid in Wusong and Shanghai, but was subsequently discovered and fled to seek refuge in Macau;192 the French priest de Neuvialle and the Portuguese priest Francisco da Costa 郭方濟 (1690–1766) are also recorded as having fled to Macau in the same year. During the persecution of Catholics from 1746 to 1748, “facing the hunt by the government,” Portuguese priest Martin Correa 安瑪爾 (1699–1786) “fled to Macau.”193 As a result of the nationwide crackdown on Catholics, the Chinese priest Pedro Cai 蔡伯多祿 also fled to Macau, where he stayed in “commercial houses in Macau in Guangdong to hide himself.”194 The second category is made up of those who were arrested by the Ming or Qing government and escorted to Macau. The so-called Nanjing Persecution in 1616 was the largest anti-Catholic campaign to have been launched by the Ming court. At that time, “priests in and out of Beijing were all driven out.”195 Sabatino de Ursis 熊三拔 (1575–1620) and Pantoja were driven to Guangzhou from Beijing and then escorted to Macau, while Manuel Díaz, Alfonso Vagnoni 王豐肅 (1566–1640), and Semedo were driven to Guangzhou from Nanjing and then escorted to Macau.196 In 1708 (the forty-seventh year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), the Qing court created a system whereby those seeking to engage in missionary work had to apply for permits. Some missionaries who refused to apply for permits were expelled by the Qing court and later escorted to Macau. These included French priests François de Montigny 孟尼 (1669–1742), François

191 Ibid., 365–66. 192 Ibid., 399. 193 Ibid., 730, 751, 867. 194 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 311, 494. 195 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 75. 196 Ibid., 75, 92, 110, 149. After Alfonso Vagnoni and Álvaro Semedo were arrested, “they were asked where they would go. Most probably they would like to go Macau. However, if they get into Macau, we can hardly control them. We decided to detain them in a place in Guangdong province. Every day they are guarded by two soldiers who rotate every five days and they are denied communications with [the] outside. We issue an order that if it is discovered that a Western ship in Macau is to go back to the West, we would dispatch two officers to escort these two people to the ship and report back [on] the departure of these two people.” See “Reply from the Censorate of Nanjing” [南京都察院回咨], in Xu Changzhi 徐昌治, Shengchao poxie ji [聖朝破邪集], vol. 1. After they were expelled from mainland China amid the anti-Catholic campaigns, most missionaries chose to seek refuge in Macau. However, since its inception, the French mission had clashed fiercely with the Portuguese protectorate of missions and they preferred to remain in Guangzhou rather than being expelled to Macau. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 87 le Breton 董莫教 (1676–1714), Pierre Hervé 赫宣 (d.1710), de Lionne, and Basset; German priest Johann Müllener 穆天尺 (1673–1742); Italian priests Francesco San Giorgio di Biandrate 施提仁 and Antonio Pececco 勞宏納; and Spanish priests Tomás Cróquer 萬多默, Francisco Cantero 方濟國, Antonio Díaz 利明遠, Francisco González de San Pedro 羅森多, Juan Caballero y Esquivel 單若蘭, Juan Astudillo 艾玉漢, and Francisco Caballero 單若古.197 In 1707, the Portuguese priests António Ferreira 安道義, Manuel da Mata 瞿良士 (1667– 1724), and José Pereira 李若瑟 (1674–1731), and an Italian priest, Carlo Amiani 賈嘉祿 (1661–1723), were also escorted to Macau.198 In 1717, the Portuguese priest Manuel de Sousa 索諾 (1677–1737) was also “sent into exile in Macau.”199 In July 1723 (the first year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng), when persecution broke out in Fuan, “Two Westerners were arrested and sent to Macau, Guangdong, according to precedence.”200 Thereafter, Catholicism was banned in all of China. In 1724, the Italian priest Antonio Saverio Morabito 林安多 (1691–1769) was discovered after hiding in a number of different places, after which he too was expelled to Macau, while the French priest Baborier was also driven to Macau in the same year. The Portuguese priest João de Sá 楊若翰 (1672–1731) was escorted to Macau in 1726. After an anti-Catholic campaign began in Guangzhou in 1732 (the tenth year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng):201

There are in total eight Catholic churches in the outskirts of the old and new cities of the capital of Guangdong and they host thirty Westerners including Francisco de Cordas 方玉章 [1689–1766]. In recent years, they have used Catholicism to cheat the masses and many people nearby have converted to Catholicism. On August 21, […] Cordas and others were transferred to Macau from the provincial capital.202

In 1746 (the eleventh year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), an anti-Catholic campaign broke out again in Fuan and persecution became rampant across

197 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 37, 82. 198 Dehergne, Répertoire, 218, 419, 494. Pfister, Notices biographiques, 500. 199 Dehergne, Répertoire, 643. 200 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 90, 135. 201 In 1723, the Qing government ordered all missionaries to leave Guangdong and to go to Macau. Thirty missionaries were expelled. 202 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 125, 172. 88 Chapter 2

China. Many missionaries in various places were arrested. A few of them were executed and the others were escorted to Macau. For instance, the Paris Foreign Missions Society’s “Yunnan bishop Joachim E. de Martillat 马青山 [1706–55] and his fellow priests were all expelled and escorted to Macau, and priest Bai 白神父 from the Society of Jesus had been tortured repeatedly, and after he was returned to Macau, he died immediately.”203 In 1746, the Franciscans Giovanni Battista Pedrazzini 白希義 and Herbert Schneider 石耐德 were arrested in Shanxi and escorted to Macau.204 In 1748, the Chinese priest João Simonelli (Qiusan) 艾若望（球三） (1714–85) was arrested in Jiangxi and escorted to Macau.205 In 1754, Urbain Lefebvre 費布仁 (1725–92) from the Paris Foreign Missions Society and the Franciscan Urbain Schamberger 李世輔 (d.1756) were arrested and escorted to Macau. In 1755, the Franciscan Giovanni Antonio Boucher 包克日 (1701–65) was arrested in Hanzhong and escorted to Macau.206 In 1756, the Portuguese Jesuits Araújo, Viegas, Denis Ferreira 費德尼 (1720–71), António Pires 畢安多 (1721–59), and José da Silva 林若瑟 (1725–82) were escorted to Macau after they were released from prison.207 In 1759, Pallas, the Franciscan, was arrested in Fujian and escorted to Macau. In 1766, the Franciscan Joseph Sancio 申希奧 (d.1766) was arrested in Guangdong and escorted to Macau.208 In 1769, two Western priests from the Dominican order, José Lavilla 潘若色 and Jacinto Castañeda 趙葉聖多, were arrested and escorted to Macau.209 Amid the nationwide crackdown on Catholicism in 1784, priests Jean de Saint-Martin 馮若望 (1743–1801) and Jean-Gabriel-Taurin Dufresse 李多林 (1750–1815) of the Paris Foreign Missions Society were arrested in Sichuan, and in 1785 they were escorted to Macau.210 The examples listed above clearly show that a large number of European missionaries went to Macau, whether voluntarily or otherwise, during the

203 Siao, Textual Researches, vol. 7, 210. 204 Zhang, Catholicism, 131. 205 Dehergne, Répertoire, 631. First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 304, 484. 206 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 194, 288, no. 195, 290. Zhang, Catholicism, 135. 207 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 864, 909, 915, 919, 917. 208 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 215, 334. Zhang, Catholicism, 238. 209 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 251, 394. 210 Fang, Biographies, vol. 3, 140. Macau and the Spread of Catholicism in Mainland China 89 periods in which Catholicism was suppressed in mainland China. Once there, they rested and waited for opportunities to return to the mainland. When opportunities arose, they returned covertly to the mainland to continue their missionary work, and to sustain the development of the Catholic enterprise in China. 90 Chapter 3

Chapter 3 Japanese Christians in Macau and the Guangdong Government’s Response

The opening of Macau to trade was closely related to the elimination of pirates by the Portuguese. According to BaoXiao shimo shu (委黎多报效始末疏):

After many years, by 1557, the thirty-sixth year of the reign of Emperor Jiajing 嘉靖 [r. 1522–66], governors and gentry in Guangdong all knew what the Portuguese had in mind. Pirates from Xiamen occupied Macau in Xiangshan County and were rampant at sea. The villagers were frightened. The government asked the Portuguese to attack the home base of the pirates and permitted the Portuguese to live in Macau.1

One of the main reasons why the Ming dynasty’s Guangdong authorities had permitted the Portuguese to live in Macau was to use the power of the Portuguese to strengthen the maritime defense of Guangdong to resist pirates. Huo Yuxia 霍與暇, a magistrate in the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), explained this point very clearly: “Macau was the fortress for the sea around Xiangshan County. In the past, pirates such as Lao Wan, Zeng Yiben, and He Yaba dared not attack and the place was very safe.”2 The situation with regard to piracy had improved from 1557 to 1565, soon after Macau had been opened to foreign trade. However, the Guangdong government was also concerned about the Portuguese living in Macau. Following the suggestions of Huo, it “built a fortress, appointed government officials, and adopted soft tactics.”3 The Guang dong government additionally appointed a military commander for maritime defense in Nantou naval base in order to “stop foreigners in Macau from invading, […] to control foreign ships in places such as Macau in Xiangshan County, and to inspect ships that served foreigners.”4 In other words, after the Portuguese settled in Macau, the Ming court sought to use their maritime

1 Han Lin 韓霖, Shouyu quanshu [守圉全書], vol. 3 (Taipei: Academia Sinica Fu Sinian’s Library), 87. 2 Huo Yuxia 霍與瑕, Mianzhaiji [勉齋集], vol. 19 (Qing Guangxu Bingxu keben 清光绪丙戌刻本, 1886), 814. 3 Ibid. 4 Ying Jia 應檟 and Liu Raohui 劉堯誨, Cangwu Zongdu junmen zhi [蒼梧總督軍門志], vol. 24 (Guangdong: Secretary for District Administration, 1581), 55–56.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004305526_005 Japanese Christians in Macau 91 power to strengthen maritime defense, yet it also remained vigilant regarding the potential military threat posed by the Portuguese and began adopting military measures as a precaution. After the opening of Macau, therefore, the Guangdong government adopted a two-sided policy towards the presence of the Portuguese.

1 Japanese Christians Who Entered Macau during the Ming Dynasty

Catholicism was first introduced into Macau when Father Gregório Gonçalves went there for missionary work in 1555. By the later years of Emperor Jiajing’s reign (1557–66), Catholicism had made progress in Macau. According to Wu Guifang 吳桂芳 (d.1578), “Foreigners from various nations occupied the places of Macau. They built thatched houses and set up foreign temples without authorization.”5 During the reign of Emperor Longqing 隆慶 (1567–72), Macau already had “three churches, one hospital for the poor and charity hall, and became a village of 5,000 Christians.”6 Later, Jesuits, Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians all went to Macau to establish their bases. In January 1576, Pope Gregory XIII (r. 1572–85) issued a decree which officially established the Macau diocese, which was under the authority of Goa and in charge of missionary work in Japan, China, and Southeast Asia. As a result, Macau had become not only the transit station on the trade road between China and Japan but also the transfer station for Catholics who went to Japan for missionary work. Macau consequently played a significant role in Catholic missionary work in Japan, as is clear from the remarks of Fr. Manuel Teixeira (1912–2003):

In the history of one hundred years of Christians in Japan, one thing little known and very interesting is that Macau, as a major port, developed into a place that inspired the missionaries and Japanese priests and finally became a home for the expelled Japanese Christians and the resting place for many Japanese martyrs.7

5 Chen Zilong 陳子龍, ed., Mingjing shiwen bian [明經世文編], vol. 342, The Memorial on Preventing the Foreigners in Macau from Paying Tribute [議阻澳夷進貢疏] (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1962), 3669. 6 Rui Manuel Loureiro, Em busca das origens de Macau (antologia documental), doc. 12, Carta do Padre Gregório González a D. Juan de Borja (Malacca, c.1571), 195. 7 Teixeira, “Japanese in Macau,” 154. 92 Chapter 3

I have not been able to locate early documents in Western languages with regard to the year in which Japanese Christians first entered Macau. However, Chinese documents clearly state that they first began to arrive in significant numbers in 1592. As Wang Yining stated in 1613 (the forty-first year of the reign of Emperor Wanli 萬曆 [r. 1573–1620]), “Foreigners in Macau came from Portugal. Japanese crooks did not live among them until the twentieth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli [1592].”8 Yet some Japanese had been sold as slaves to Macau in the period before this. After the trade road between China and Japan was opened in the sixteenth century, the Portuguese traded many people from Macau. In 1598, Bishop Luís de Cerqueira (1552–1614) wrote: “At that time, there were many Japanese slaves and they were very cheap. Even Portuguese sailors and chefs could purchase slaves and then bring them to boats. Even black Portuguese slaves dared to purchase Japanese slaves.”9 The slave trade seriously damaged Portuguese commerce and missionary work in the Far East. In 1571, therefore, Portuguese king Sebastian I (r. 1557–78) issued an order banning the trade in Japanese slaves: “The Japanese purchased or captured should be set free. Anyone who purchases Japanese slaves should have all his assets confiscated as punishment.”10 The Portuguese families in Macau used a large number of slaves, on average six slaves per family.11 So they certainly had a considerable number of Japanese slaves. The Tenshō embassy, which headed to Europe in 1582, was dismayed when it saw Japanese slaves who had been sold to Macau.12 According to Matteo Ricci‎ 利瑪竇 (1552–1610) St. Paul’s Cathedral in Macau had many “Japanese slaves”: “Government officials led soldiers into Macau […] to expel priests and slaves by military force […]. Priests could fight against the attack, but they were stopped by their

8 Wang Yining 王以寧, “Dongyue shucao” [東粵疏草], vol. 7, Sikujinhuicongkan [四庫禁燬叢刊] (Beijing: Beijing Publishing House, 1997), 1–2. 9 See Charles Ralph Boxer, Subsídios para a história dos Portugueses no Japão (1542–1647), in “Boletim da Agência Geral das Colónias,” year 3, no. 24 (May 1927), 5–24. 10 Yoshitomo Okamoto 岡本良知, Research on Japanese–European Transportation in the 16th Century (Revised Edition) (Tokyo: Rokkō Shobō, 1942), 731. 11 According to António Bocarro, “Livro das plantas de todas as fortalezas,” in Macau RC 31 (1997): 171, “Os casados que tem esta cidade são oitocentos(e) cinquenta portugueses e seus filhos, que são muito mais bem dispostos e robustos que nenhuns que haja neste Oriente, os quais todos têm, uns por outros, seis escravos de armas, de que os mais e mel- hores são cafres e de outras nações.” 12 Duarte de Sande 孟三德, Tenshō Embassy [天正年間遣歐使節], trans. Hisanosuke Izui, in New Books from Abroad [新異國叢書], 1st series, vol. 5 (Tokyo: Yushodo, 1984), 257. Japanese Christians in Macau 93

Japanese slaves from taking the risk.”13 It was also mentioned that there were Japanese among the slaves who fled Macau: “The mission is in a favorable position to save the slaves who fled Macau […]. Most of the slaves are Japanese or Ethiopians from Africa who frighten the Chinese.”14 Many Koreans were also sold to the Portuguese as “Japanese slaves”:

Taiko [Toyotomi Hideyoshi 豐臣秀吉, 1537–98] prohibited the trade of Japanese slaves. Consequently, the trade declined […]. However, since the war to conquer Korea [1597–98], the slave trade that was suspended for a while became prosperous again […]. Many daimyos went to Korea and captured many Korean men and women, brought them back to Nagasaki 長崎 and sold them to the Portuguese for guns and silk.15

According to a letter from Francesco Pasio 巴範濟 (1554–1612) in 1594, at that time more than two thousand Korean Catholics were sent into exile in Japan, where they mostly lived in Nagasaki.16 These Korean Christians in Nagasaki were later sold by the Japanese to the Portuguese. In June 1597, the Italian merchant Francesco Carletti, who was in Japan for business, wrote: “Many states close to the coast [in Korea] have a lot of numero infinito [infinite number]. Men, women, boys, and girls of various classes are brought to Japan and sold as slaves at very low prices.”17 Bianwen jinyi zuiqiu shu (Memorial about the suspected criminals) by Tian Shengjin 田生金, the inspector of Guangdong, also states that Koreans were sold as slaves to Macau:

Three people, Mafeiyuluo 嗎吠籲囉, Mafeizhiluo 嗎吠吱囉, and Dansi luo 嘽施囉, confessed that they were from Pusan in Korea. When they were young, they were sold by the Japanese to the Portuguese, were brought to Macau, Xiangshan, [and] Guangdong, and they lived in a street next to St. Paul’s Cathedral.18

13 Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault, China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journal of Matthew Ricci, trans. He Gaoji et al. (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1983), 523. 14 Ibid., 219. 15 Michael Steichen, History of Catholic Daimyos [切支丹大名史], trans. A. Billion (Tokyo: Sancai Press, 1929), 200. 16 Manuel Teixeira, Macau e a sua diocese XVI, a missāo da Coreia, 10–11. 17 Francesco Carletti, Ragionamenti del mio viaggio intorno al mondo (1594–1606) (Turin, 1969), from Enoki Kazuo 榎一雄, Works of Enoki Kazuo [榎一雄著作集], vol. 6 (Tokyo: Kyuko Shoyin Press, 1994), 64, 65. 18 Tian Shengjin 田生金, Anyue shugao [按粵疏稿], vol. 6 (Tianjin: Tianjin Ancient Book- store, 1982), 662–63. 94 Chapter 3

After they were sold to Macau, these Koreans were regarded by the Chinese as Japanese. According to Tian, “At first, we thought that these people, like Mafeiyuluo were bald Japanese. Now we notice that they are different from the Japanese as they have long hair. They are originally from Pusan, Korea, were sold to the Portuguese and were brought to Macau [and] Xiangshan.”19 The Japanese or Korean slaves sold to the Portuguese or the church all followed their masters in converting to Catholicism. How many Japanese Christians were sold to Macau? According to a document written by Wang Yining in 1610 (the thirty-eighth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli):

Recently I have seen something dangerous. Foreigners from various nations engage in trade in Macau. Before the reign of Emperor Jiajing, they came to Macau only once per year. Nothing can prevent them from coming here. Later, hundreds of them sneaked into mainland China. Using defense as an excuse, they purchased 2,000 to 3,000 Japanese as their underlings.20

Thus, by 1610, it is possible that as many as two thousand to three thousand Japanese Christians had entered Macau. A memo written by Wang in 1613 (the forty-first year of the reign of Emperor Wanli) also mentions this issue:

The Japanese are shrewd. They hold that they cannot occupy China by force from the sea. In Macau, 5,000 to 6,000 Japanese slaves and black slaves have been sold. And Macau is willing to host the Japanese. Amid setbacks, foreigners would surely join the Japanese. They can take advantage of Tsushima Island and invade Korea. We shall learn from such lessons from history.21

Hence in 1613 there were five thousand to six thousand Japanese slaves and black slaves. This suggests that the figure of two thousand to three thousand Japanese slaves in the thirty-eighth year of Emperor Wanli’s reign is an accurate one. These Portuguese-owned Japanese slaves were the first Japanese Christians to enter Macau. The second category of Japanese Christians who went to Macau was made up of missionaries and priests who traveled there to study. As Macau was an important port on the route for missionary work in Japan, Japanese

19 Ibid., 665–66. 20 Wang, Dongyue shucao, vol. 3, 5. 21 Ibid., vol. 1, 5. Japanese Christians in Macau 95 missionaries began to stay in Macau immediately after Macau was opened to foreign trade. According to a letter from the Society of Jesus in 1598, “Because the pope issued the decree [in 1561], the chapel in the home of the Jesuits became the center for spiritual renewal. Three hundred Portuguese went there. With the help of the missionaries from Japan, many people completed the achievement in the cathedral.”22 In 1572, the Society of Jesus in Macau established a grammar school, which not only enrolled the children of local residents “but also child slaves who were brought to Macau by the Portuguese to serve the Portuguese.”23 These child slaves included Japanese children. In 1582, in accordance with a prearranged plan by Alessandro Valignano (1539–1606), a daimyo in Kyushu 九州大名 sent a delegation of children represented by Itō Mansho 伊東マンショ (1569–1612) and Miguel Chijiwa 千々石ミゲル (1569– 1633) to visit Rome. The delegation had seven members in total. After reaching Macau, the delegation “lived in the guest house of the Society of Jesus and stayed in Macau for nearly ten months. They read, wrote, played music, and talked with priests of the Society of Jesus.”24 In order to adapt to the ban that had begun to be placed on Catholicism in Japan, and to train religious personnel for missionary work in the country, in 1592 the Society of Jesus convened in Nagasaki, where a decision was made to set up a seminary in Macau. Valignano repeatedly stated that the Macau seminary (i.e., St. Paul’s College) was established “to offer fine education to Japanese clergymen” and declared that the seminary was “an institute of Japan.”25 Valignano gave serious consideration to the needs of the Japanese students studying in Macau. He proposed,

I. Because the Japanese strongly dislike unsatisfactory hygiene conditions, we must keep the canteen, kitchen and whole casa clean. II. For health and cleanliness, since their childhood the Japanese have the habit of washing their body frequently. The casa should have a Japanese-style bath and hot water should be boiled for Japanese students so that they could take a bath one or two times per month.

22 “Cartas que os padres e irmãos da Companhia de Jesus escreveram dos Reynos de Japam e da China, fol. 145 e ss. Évora,” 1598, from Domingos Mauricio Gomes dos Santos, Macau, primeira universidade do Extremo-Oriente (Macau: Fundaço Macau, 1994), 5n17. 23 José Montanha, “Apparatos para a história do bispado de Macau,” fol. 240, from Santos, Macau, 8n25. 24 Manuel Teixeira, “The Japanese in Macau,” in Macau RC 17 (1993): 158. 25 Takase Kōichirō, “Reconstruction of the Seminary in Macau and Japanese Students,” in Kōichirō, Culture in the Era of Christianity, vol. 2 (Tokyo: Yagi Bookstore, 2002), 264–67. 96 Chapter 3

III. The Japanese hope to drink tea to remain healthy. The casa should always provide Japanese-style chanoyu. IV. Japanese do not eat food of strong flavor as Europeans do, but they eat garlic as a source of nutrition and therefore we should not neglect the supply of garlic. V. Japanese can easily get used to curried chicken and we shall supply it frequently. VI. In order to let the Japanese students master [the] Portuguese language, when they are in Macau, [the] Portuguese language should be taught and learned for thirty minutes every day. In particular, the Japanese students should understand “the difference of articles before nouns, plu- rality of verb tenses, difference of the characteristic of words, and the difference between singular and plural nouns.” The Japanese language does not have such a grammar system at all. Therefore, the Japanese would make basic errors when they speak Portuguese if they are not taught carefully.

Valignano also offered the following advice with regard to the way in which secular and religious Europeans should communicate with the Japanese:

I. Europeans who will head to Japan to assume their posts should strive to get used to the Japanese-style light food in Macau college. The Japanese usually do not eat animal meat and they mainly eat fish. Therefore Europeans should get used to eating fish a few times per week. II. Japanese are born to be sentimental. If they are criticized harshly, they would feel very sad. Such criticism would lead to division among the Japanese. When we criticize the Japanese, we shall explain the reasons and use mild language to tell them where they have made a mistake. III. The Europeans who are to head to Japan shall learn the Japanese language from assigned teachers while they wait for their departure in Macau, so that they might use [the] Japanese language proficiently when they assume their posts in Japan.26

Valignano died in the Qingzhou residence of St. Paul’s College on January 20, 1606. In one of his last instructions, he wrote to a confrere of his: “You shall exhaust all efforts to send as many Japanese students as possible to the college, where they should stay for four to five years to study morality and knowledge.”27

26 Ibid., 249–63. 27 Jap. Sin. 14–22, fols. 299–30, cited in Takase, Culture, vol. 2, 311–12. Japanese Christians in Macau 97

Immediately after St. Paul’s College was established in 1594, it had “eight or ten students from Japan.”28 In the early period after its establishment, fifty students are recorded as having studied there. According to the annual report of the Society of Jesus in 1605, “The Society [of Jesus] has a college in Macau. It usually hosts 30 [students]. However, this year [1601], it hosts nearly 70 students, because some students who went to Japan in 1600 and 1601 stay here during the winter.”29 This seminary in Macau became a study base for the Japanese missionaries, and a large number of Japanese Christians consequently traveled to Macau each year. Japan began to place a ban on Catholicism during the reign of Toyotomi (1586–98) in the late sixteenth century. On July 25, 1587, Toyotomi issued an order to expel missionaries, and in 1592 Japan attacked Korea. Toyotomi asked Christian daimyos and their warriors to join the long march, as he wanted to use the killing and sacrifice on the battlefield to weaken the expanding power of Japanese Christians.30 On February 5, 1597, twenty-six missionaries and Christians were sentenced to death in Nagasaki by Toyotomi because of their involvement in “spreading Christian creeds, which was strictly banned a few years ago.” On January 27, 1614, Tokugawa Ieyasu 德川家康 (r. 1603–16) re- issued the ban on Catholicism and gave orders to expel the Catholic missionaries in Japan. On November 7 and 8, the expelled priests and Christians left Japan in five ships, two of which went to Manila and three of which went to Macau and Siam.31 According to a letter written by Diogo de Carvalho (1578– 1626) in Macau to the head of the general association, “The following people were sent into exile from Japan to the seminary in Macau: 33 priests of the Society of Jesus, 29 seminarians, and 53 assistants to missionaries.”32 The renowned painter Giovanni Niccolò 尼閣老 (1560–1626) and his Japanese students Mancio Taichiku 大竹奧西曼 (d.1615), Pedro Chicuan 奇川佩德羅 (d. after 1622), and Todeu 田手烏 (d. after 1638) were among those driven to Macau during this period.33

28 Montanha, “Apparatos,” fols. 240, 247r–v, 250v, cited in Santos, Macau, 14n53. 29 Fernão Guerreiro, “Relação anual das coisas que fizeram os padres da Companhia de Jesus,” tomo 2, in Macau RC 31 (1997): 135. 30 Montalto de Jesus, Historic Macao, trans. Huang Hongzhao and Li Baoping (Macau: Fundação Macau, 2000), 64. 31 Teixeira, “Japanese in Macau,” 161. 32 ARSI, Jap. Sin.16–I.F.131; Jap. Sin, 16–II, fol. 128, cited in Takase, “Reconstruction,” 77–79. 33 Teixeira, “Japanese in Macau,” 157. 98 Chapter 3

On June 20, 1626, Francisco de Pacheco (1568–1626) died as a martyr and more missionaries and Japanese Christians were expelled from Nagasaki and went to Macau to seek refuge.34 In 1636, the shogun issued a third order to close the country to the foreign world, according to which the Japanese Christians were to be expelled once again. According to Fr. Teixeira, “Japanese women who married the Portuguese and their children, in total 287 people, were sent into exile in Macau,”35 including Ursola de Gargas, the daughter of Zheng Zhilong 鄭芝龍, and his Japanese wife. “The pirate [Zheng Zhilong] and a local woman there gave birth to a girl. The girl is a Christian. As a Christian, she was expelled from Japan together with other Christians in 1636. She was hosted in Macau and was raised by the charity institution.”36 The Japanese Christians who entered Macau before 1614 were mainly the slaves of the Portuguese, namely the Japanese slaves purchased by the Portuguese (a group that included Korean slaves sold by the Japanese). However, the Christians who entered Macau after 1614 were quite different. According to Charles Ralph Boxer (1904–2000):

After the influx of Japanese exiles and expellees in 1614, 1626 and 1636, Japanese Christians grew rapidly and naturally formed a street. They included the wives, concubines, and slaves of the Portuguese, merchants and priests. There was a legendary figure among the priests. He was a Japanese lay priest named (Cristovão) Paulo dos Santos. He was much talked about by the people and was one of the four Japanese priests from Nagasaki. In Macau, he helped to build a seminary, which assumed the task of training twelve Japanese exiles into priests and helped them to sneak into Japan successfully after Japan banned Christianity and expelled a lot of missionaries in 1613 and 1614 […]. Some artists and craftsmen also lived in the Japanese neighborhood in Macau.37

The influx of Japanese Christians placed new economic pressures on the church in Macau. According to the English scholar Michael Cooper,

34 Manuel Teixeira, Macau no séc. XVII (Macau: Direcção dos Serviços de Educação e Cultura, 1982), 45. 35 Ibid., 65. 36 Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, Historia de la conquista de la China por el Tartaro, trans. He Gaoji (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 2008), 80–89. 37 Charles Ralph Boxer, “The Function of Macau as a Transshipment of Religion and Trade in the 16th–17th Century,” trans. Huang Hongzhao, in Collection of Translations of the His- tory of Sino-Western Relations, no. 5 (Shanghai: Shanghai Yiwen Press, 1991), 85. Japanese Christians in Macau 99

In 1623, 72 members of the Japanese Society of Jesus lived in Macau. Each person required 45 taels of annual expenses. However, in the next year, the amount increased to 55 taels. João Rodrigues 陸若漢 [1561–1633], as the accountant, had to work very hard for the priests in exile. Jerónimo Rodrigues 駱入祿 [1575–1631] reluctantly acknowledged that due to the inflation in Macau, the expenses paid to the college [were] insufficient. As it did not have funds, it faced [a] serious financial situation and could only support eight people among the exiles. Even so, the college president still had to collect donations from the merchants and otherwise could hardly make ends meet. In early 1624, João Rodrigues wrote to Rome to ask for economic assistance. He proposed that the Society of Jesus as a whole should share the necessary expenses in order to sustain the Japanese Society of Jesus. To pay back the loans [30,000 taels in 1616] and to help the priests in Macau and the priests purged by the Tokugawa Shogunate, […] Rodrigues had to donate not only funds but also materials, such as wine for the Mass, buttons and shoes. A few bundles of silk belonging to the Society of Jesus in the trade in Macau [were] also donated.38

To support the Japanese Christians living in Macau in the construction of St. Paul’s Cathedral, “Japanese Christians were recruited to build the church and the magnificent stone wall at the front gate so that they could get financial support.”39According to the historian Montalto de Jesús 徐薩斯 (1863–1927), “This magnificent historic building is in sharp contrast with the public architectures and other churches of simple style in the colony. It is the earliest European artistic work to exhibit Japanese artistic talents—all of the craftsmen were Japanese Christians.”40 The students of Niccolò, the Japanese artists who fled to Macau for refuge in 1614, were involved in painting the interior of St. Paul’s Cathedral. According to the Portuguese scholar Gonçalo Couceiro,

Some Japanese painters went to Macau for refuge in 1614 and continued painting for the St. Paul Cathedral and serving the delegation for missionary work in China. They volunteered to do all kinds of things, such as

38 Michael Cooper, Rodrigues, o intérprete: Um Jesuíta Português no Japão e na China do século XVI (Lisbon: Quetzal, 2003), 360. 39 Wang Wenda, Aomen zhanggu (Macau: Educational Press, 1999), 95. 40 Jesus, Historic Macao, 37. 100 Chapter 3

donating their works to senior government officials or new Christians or decorating the chapels that have been newly built.41

As stated above, the Catholic men religious who went to Macau for study in the late sixteenth century, and the Japanese family members of the Portuguese merchants, craftsmen, and artists expelled by the Japanese government during the early seventeenth century, made up the second category of Japanese Christians in Ming-era Macau.

2 The Guangdong Government’s “Defense against Japanese Pirates” and Clash with Macau

The influx of Japanese Christians into Macau alarmed the Guangdong government. The concern over “Japanese pirates” had eased during the reign of Emperors Jiajing and Longqing. However, in the early years of Emperor Wanli’s reign (1573–78), Huo Yuxia noted the following: “The intersection of Panyu 番禺, Dongguan 東莞 and Shunde 順德 gives access to the islands directly. Waves there are high. Some local people build their lairs there, and trade with the Portuguese. They help the foreigners in Macau and collude with the Japanese pirates […]. Consequently, people along the coast become victims.”42 In 1610 (the thirty-eighth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli), Wang Yining wrote: “If the Japanese […] are lured by the profits in Macau and sail to Macau, then foreigners from various countries might not defeat the Japanese. Government officials along the coast shall not wait passively.”43 According to a memorial written by an official on the Board of Punishments, Guo Shangbin 郭尚賓, in 1613 (the forty-first year of the reign of Emperor Wanli): “Foreigners have no reason to live in China. They have many Japanese slaves, black slaves, and crooks. They occupy the Chinese land. Their crimes are fully revealed.”44 This issue is also mentioned in a memorial written by Zhang Minggang 張鳴岡 (1548–1616), governor general of Guangdong and Guangxi, in the same year:

41 Gonçalo Couceiro, “Macau and the Art of the Society of Jesus in China,” in Macau RC 21 (1994): 33. 42 Huo, Mianzhaiji, vol. 22, 16. 43 Wang, Dongyue shucao, vol. 3, 6. 44 Guo Shangbin 郭尚賓, Guo geijian shugao [郭給諫疏稿], vol. 1, Congshujichengchu- bianben 叢書集成初編本 (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1937), 2. Japanese Christians in Macau 101

Guangdong 廣東, Fujian 福建, and Zhejiang 浙江 all assume the task of resisting the Japanese pirates. Zhejiang is not frequented by foreign merchants. People travel from Fujian to other places for trade and foreigners do not come to Fujian for trade. Foreigners do not march into Fujian through the turbulent sea. However, foreigners from various countries come to Guangdong for trade and can hardly be stopped. Japanese pirates and foreigners live among the Chinese and can hardly be differentiated. Foreigners from Macau occupy places in mainland China. Recently, they have raised Japanese slaves as underlings. It is hard to drive them out. It is hard to stop crooks in Fujian and Guangdong from entering Macau to stir up trouble.45

Similarly, according to a memorial written by Zhang in 1614 (the forty-second year of the reign of Emperor Wanli): “The Portuguese in Macau are like a sore on a person’s back. The Japanese slaves in Macau are like adding wings to the tiger, which means, they are threats to the security of Guangdong.”46 In responding to these renewed fears, a number of measures were implemented as a precaution against the potential threat posed by Japanese pirates, but this in turn caused a series of military conflicts to erupt in Macau.

2.1 Building City Walls without Authorization The Portuguese started building city walls in Macau in 1568 when Captain Tristão Vaz da Veiga (1537–?) gave orders to “build an adobe wall” to prevent Chinese pirates from attacking Macau. However, as a result of the Chinese government’s intervention, the wall was demolished.47 In 1601, the Dutch began seeking to expand their influence over Macau. The Portuguese detained more than ten Dutch sailors and executed them, which in turn caused relations between Portugal and the Dutch Republic to deteriorate. The Dutch attacked the Portuguese at sea to exact revenge, and the Portuguese again built city walls to protect Macau from Dutch attacks. However, the Guangdong government misinterpreted the true intentions of the Portuguese and, alarmed by the specter of “Japanese pirates,” it sent soldiers to prevent the walls being constructed, which led to a military clash between the two sides. According to Ming shilu (明實錄) (The historical records of the Ming dynasty), “In 1605 [the thirty-third year of the reign of Emperor Wanli], [foreigners in Macau] built

45 Historical Records of Emperor Wanli [明神宗實錄], vol. 509, 6. 46 Ibid., vol. 527, 3. 47 Gaspar Frutuoso, “Livro segundo das saudades da terra,” in Macau RC 31 (1997): 131–32. 102 Chapter 3 city walls. When soldiers asked, they were killed by the Japanese pirates.”48 Wanli yehuobian (萬曆野獲編) also remarked on this event:

In 1607 [the thirty-fifth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli], Lu Tinglong 盧廷龍, a master 舉人49 in Guangdong, proposed expelling foreigners from Macau in Xiangshan County […]. At that time, foreigners in Macau built city walls and lived together. Seven years later, in the forty-second year of the reign of Emperor Wanli, governor general Zhang Ming- gang reported the situation of foreigners. “Foreigners raise Japanese slaves, built city walls and fought against and killed Chinese soldiers. The Japanese have wives and houses. Now the Chinese troops seized all the foreign boats and expelled the foreigners without suffering any casualties.”50

To resist the Japanese pirates, the soldiers of the Ming dynasty stopped foreigners from building city walls. While the soldiers were eventually killed by Japanese pirates, according to the Chinese sources, the Portuguese documents do not appear to make any mention of this; nor have I seen any documents explaining how the incident was ultimately resolved.

2.2 The Qingzhou 青洲 Persecution Qingzhou is an island to the northwest of Macau peninsula. Ricci described it as “a small island of big stones and its circumference is about 1.5 miles.”51 Because it was desolate, it was called “ghost island.”52 In 1603, the Society of Jesus started working on this “ghost island,” where they planted trees and built houses and a church. The Jesuits regarded Qingzhou as a retreat for students from St. Paul’s College. However, because of their concerns regarding the threat of Japanese pirates, the Guangdong authorities came to the conclusion that the “Portuguese built defense works to oppose them [i.e., China].”53 Some Chinese mistakenly identified the buildings in Qingzhou as forts. There were rumors that “the Society of Jesus planned to rebel and conquer China.”54

48 Historical Records of Emperor Wanli, vol. 527, 3. 49 Master (举人, Juren) was a secondary-level degree in the Chinese imperial examination. 50 Shen Defu 沈德符, Wanli yehuo bian [萬曆野獲編], vol. 30 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1959), 785. 51 Ricci and Trigault, China, 523. 52 BAJA, 49–v–5, fol. 344, cited in Jin Guoping and Wu Zhiliang, Dongxi wangyang (Macau: Macau Adult Education Society 澳門成人教育學會, 2002), 307. 53 Ricci and Trigault, China, 523. 54 Jesus, Historic Macao, 45. Japanese Christians in Macau 103

According to Ming shilu: “In 1606 [the thirty-fourth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli], [foreigners in Macau] built a temple in Qingzhou. About 20 meters tall, the temple is magnificent and mysterious. It is unrivalled by Chinese Buddhist temples. County head Zhang Dayou 張大猷 [d.1652] sought to destroy the city walls without success.”55 Ming Shi: Fulangji Zhuan (明史·佛郎機傳) also states that the campaign to destroy the city walls was “unsuccessful.”56 A slightly more detailed account of this event is offered in the essay “Discussion on the Rights That the Society of Jesus Holds for Qingzhou,” by the Jesuit Alfonso Vagnoni 王豐肅 (1566–1640):

With this covenant, the inspector was relieved and assured. He started paying fees to clean up the island. About two years later, fathers started using the island. Some Chinese with evil intentions wanted to make trouble against them, and to get more silver taels from fathers and landlords. Therefore, they went to the government office to complain, saying that the inspector sold a graveyard. Due to the envy and fear towards the foreigners, the government officials tried to stop us from building houses. Therefore, they came to the island secretly and burned down all the grass-roofed houses, which hosted a Saint Michael’s chapel. However, the government officials did not think to drive the fathers from the island. When the houses were set on fire, all the fathers were furious. Therefore, they led the servants and the students who rushed back from outside to protest against the government officials. Later, we learned that the government in Guangzhou did not accuse us, and instead punished these government officials and dismissed them.57

According to a document cited by Cooper: “Finally, one day in 1606, seizing the opportunity that all Portuguese went to church, a government official led mobs to the island and completely destroyed the buildings.”58 Thus, in 1606 (the thirty-fourth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli), Zhang Dayou carried out a campaign that destroyed the buildings on Qingzhou. After the structures had been destroyed in 1606, the Society of Jesus again started building houses in Qingzhou:

55 Historical Records of Emperor Tianqi [明熹宗實錄], vol. 11, 4. 56 History of the Ming Dynasty [明史], vol. 325 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1974), 8433. 57 BAJA, 49–V–5, fol. 345. 58 Cooper, Rodrigues, 355. 104 Chapter 3

Later, the fathers started building houses again and nobody made trouble against them. They had held the island for many years and nobody would make trouble against them. After a while, government officials discussed the island again, and decided to dispatch a maritime officer whose surname is Yu 俞 [Yu Anxing 俞安性] to Macau for inspection. Mr. Yu sailed around the island. He laughed, stating that the island looked like a bot- tom-up ceramic bowl. He also stated that the Chinese king would not give any land to anyone. Subsequently, government officials no longer mentioned the island. Later, a coastal patrol inspector whose surname is Liu 劉 [Liu Chengzhou 劉承諏 (d.1620)] inspected Macau. He saw the island and did not pay much attention. If houses had not been built, government officials in Macau would not pay attention. They came to check these houses and noticed that they were built on the old base. Therefore they reported the issue to their superiors. The government officials in Qianshan reported the issue to the Coastal Defense Circuit. Liu came for inspection and confirmed that the situation was consistent with the official letter from the council.59

The Chinese authorities and the Portuguese held some discussions about Qingzhou church. However, in 1621 (the first year of the reign of Emperor Tianqi 天啟 [r. 1621–27]), after the death of Liu—the coastal defense patrol inspector of Guangdong who had agreed that the Portuguese could keep the buildings in Qingzhou—the church was demolished again by the Guangdong government. According to Fr. Vagnoni:

After the Canton Fair ended, everything was peaceful and the issue of Qingzhou was not raised again. However, after the death of the Coastal Patrol Inspector [Liu Chengzhou], the county head who opposed us was determined to reach his goal. Therefore, he mentioned the issue again and wanted to demolish those houses, but he did not get a chance. He waited until the time when the Portuguese went to the fair, asked merchants from Fujian to seize the Portuguese boats, and finally demolished the houses.60

This event is also recorded in the annual report of the Society of Jesus in 1621:

59 BAJA, 49–V–5, fol. 345. 60 Ibid., fol. 346. Japanese Christians in Macau 105

The Chinese were instigated and became furious. They demolished the houses and forced us to go back to Macau. Moreover, they wanted to seize Qingzhou Island, which was the property of the college. They played some dirty tricks rather than using their weapons, which they did not know how to use at all. The maritime officer of Guangdong province was stationed in Guangzhou, where the Portuguese committed many silver taels to work, trade, and purchasing commodities. The Chinese held that it was a great opportunity for them to reach their aim. Therefore, they dispatched a government official to Macau and asked the ruler to issue an order to demolish the houses constructed in Qingzhou by the Catholic fathers, and otherwise threatened to seize the Portuguese and their assets in Guangzhou. The councilors of the city did not have any idea, and they answered that they could not intervene into the matters of the fathers, who were religious personnel and were not under the jurisdiction of the councilors. This answer did not succeed. The Chinese repeatedly insisted upon demolishing the houses. As an additional threat, they even prohibited the villages nearby from supplying daily necessities. The poor people were harmed the most. Councilors reported the issue to us, and asked us to try our best to resolve the problem. We knew that only we could ease this turbulence and preserve our houses, which were very important for us. However, the Chinese would not step back until they forced us to agree to demolish these houses. We agreed so that the council would not incur greater trouble.61

Hence the houses that had been rebuilt in Qingzhou in 1621 were eventually demolished by the Chinese again. This is also confirmed by Chinese documents. According to volume 11 of the Historical Records of Emperor Tianqi (明熹宗實錄):

[In June 1621], Wang Zunde, the touring censorial inspector in Guangdong, reported to the emperor that the buildings newly built by foreigners in Macau, Xiangshan County, had been demolished. He also reported that commanders Feng Conglong and Sun Changzuo had made great accomplishments, and proposed to record their achievements. The royal court agreed.62

61 ARSI Jap-Sin, 114, 268–69, in João Paulo Oliveira e Costa, “Annual Report of St. Paulo Col- lege,” 236–38, cited in Jin and Wu, Dongxi wangyang, 312–13. 62 Historical Records of Emperor Tianqi, vol. 11, 4. 106 Chapter 3

According to volume 11 of Wangyunlou gao (望雲樓稿) by Xu Ruke 徐如珂 (1562–1626), “The buildings in Qingzhou were all destroyed. In the past few decades, we adopted a policy of appeasement and did not dare to ask about the issue […]. Commander Sun Changzuo made great achievements.”63 These documents clearly show that the government of Guangdong issued official orders during the first year of Emperor Tianqi’s reign to demolish the buildings of the Society of Jesus on Qingzhou.

2.3 A Rumor about Lazzaro Cattaneo 郭居靜 (1560–1640) In 1606 (the thirty-fourth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli), a rumor began to circulate in Guangzhou. “The rumor says that the Portuguese have evil intentions, and secretly plan to invade China. They have built quite a few fortresses and now [1606] are strengthening their maritime defenses. Someone even claims that a Jesuit named Lazzaro Cattaneo has been elected the emperor.”64 According to a Chinese author who was writing during the same period:

Cattaneo casts his greedy eyes on becoming the emperor. He had con- sciously inspected all major cities from Macau to Beijing. He is well versed in the language, rituals, and customs of the Chinese emperor, and knows the routes that the army and navy travel well. He has assembled many followers, who are waiting for a powerful fleet and accomplices from Japan and Malacca. The terrifying fleet might come to China at any time, and then the subjects of the heavenly kingdom would become slaves and the beautiful land would fall into the hands of foreigners. The Chinese in Macau circulated the article, became panicked, and fled to Guangzhou.65

The rumor primarily originated from St. Paul’s College and Cathedral, which were then under construction:

When the Portuguese built the St. Paul’s Cathedral, they used curtains to hide the building deliberately so that the public could not see the building. On the day of completion, the grass curtains are taken down, bells ring joyfully, and people rush here to appreciate the beautiful building.

63 Xu Ruke 徐如珂, Wangyunlou gao [望雲樓稿], vol. 11, Fufengyunchongdaozun 覆馮雲沖道尊 (Beijing: China National Microfilming Center for Library Resources in Qing Dynasty, 1986). 64 Jesus, Historic Macao, 45. 65 Ibid., 46. Japanese Christians in Macau 107

Because the construction workers are Japanese, the Chinese authority guessed that a gigantic fort was secretly being built.66

As St. Paul’s College was an institution of the Japanese province of the Society of Jesus, the architects and craftsmen who built the college were mainly Japanese. According to Chinese statistics, at that time two thousand to three thousand Japanese lived in Macau. As a result, it was almost inevitable that the Chinese would view the gigantic building “secretly” being constructed by the Japanese as a “colossal fort.” Because of their fears regarding the threat that continued to be posed by Japanese piracy, the Chinese began to take precautions against Macau and intervened:

Learning of the situation in Macau, the governor of Guangdong issued an order to mobilize all army and navy forces in Guangdong province. Then he issued an order to demolish all houses outside of the city walls of Guangzhou, reportedly more than 1,000 houses, bringing endless suffering to the poor people. All trade with the Portuguese was banned. Nobody was allowed to bring food to Macau. All the city gates of Guangzhou facing Macau were blocked with stones and mortar. The vigilance by day and night was increased. Bulletins with large characters were posted to prohibit anyone from receiving anyone from Macau, under threat of a heavy penalty. In particular, they prohibit people from receiving foreign priests.67

One of those imprisoned as a result of this rumor was the Jesuit Francisco Martínez 黃明沙 (1573–1606), who was arrested on suspicion of being a spy for Cattaneo and ultimately died in prison. However, further investigation revealed that the supposed rebellion in Macau was only a rumor:

They brought him [the military officer who came to investigate] to visit all the departments in the whole seminary. When they entered the library, pointing at the books on shelf, […] Cattaneo stated, “these are the weapons that I [will use] in my attempt to overthrow China.” When they entered the first classroom, pointing at the students, […] Cattaneo stated, “these are the troops that I have trained to conquer your country.” […] After visiting the seminary, they brought him to see the whole city, where he inspected every church, hotel, and hospital […]. Then he [the naval officer] asked him [Cattaneo] about the Japanese and Ethiopian slaves of

66 Ibid., 45. 67 Ricci and Trigault, China, 525. 108 Chapter 3

the Portuguese who landed in Macau. The father replied that the Japanese were brought to Macau by a storm, that it was a devout action to receive these Japanese who were in danger, and that the Japanese had been promptly deported back to Japan. Regarding the Ethiopian slaves, he explained that if the slaves had hurt the Chinese, they did so behind the back of their masters and against the will of their masters […]. Later, the fathers discovered that the naval officer had sent a letter to the governor general stating that he had met […] Cattaneo, announcing that […] Cattaneo was completely innocent, and reporting that the incident of Macau had been resolved peacefully. The governor general reported the whole incident in detail to the emperor, dispelling the rumors by offering abundant evidence to prove that the Portuguese in Macau did not want and were unable to initiate a revolt against China.68

As we have seen, this rumor about Cattaneo originated from Chinese suspicions regarding the secretive construction of a church by Japanese Christians. In fact, as early as the founding of St. Paul’s College, a Jesuit father had warned against establishing a college in Macau for the Japanese on the grounds that it would almost certainly lead to opposition from the Chinese authorities:

The Chinese have great hatred towards the Japanese. They dislike the Japanese and regard them as enemies and bandits. Moreover, now that the Japanese engage in an unjust war against China [against the Choson dynasty in Korea in 1594], the Chinese people would never accept the establishment of a college on Chinese territory [Macau] for the Japanese. The suspicious Chinese might suspect that the Portuguese are being encouraged by the Japanese king or Japanese lords to use Macau college as a base to collude with the Japanese, and might join the Japanese to rebel when the time is ripe.69

The rumor consequently confirmed the predictions of the Jesuit father.

2.4 The Japanese Rebellion in Macau, 1608 Before 1608 (the thirty-sixth year of Emperor Wanli’s reign), Macau and Japan had always maintained good trade relations and had never engaged in a military conflict. However, in November 1608, a riot instigated by Japanese merchants erupted in Macau.

68 Ibid., 535–38. 69 Takase, Culture, vol. 2, 165–75. Japanese Christians in Macau 109

According to a Portuguese document,

In November of the thirty-sixth year of the dynasty [1608], three Japanese ships reached Macau. We Portuguese were unaware of their arrival, as they came at midnight. We wanted to figure out who came. Seeing their hostile appearance, we resolved to arrest them for interrogation. They injured the royal judge and killed a few of his subordinates. They marched around with weapons in their hands. We assembled people and killed more than 30 bandits, and the other bandits fled. In the next year, our ship reached Nagasaki in Japan. The Japanese crooks defeated by us sailed to Nagasaki from other ports and killed more than 100 of us, including the fleet commander. Our ship was burned and the economic losses were over 10,000 silver taels.70

Another Portuguese source also remarks on this event:

In the winter of 1608, a Chinese-style sailing boat belonging to daimyo Arima stayed in Macau port. With assistance from the crews of other Chinese ships in the bay, the crew of the boat had a series of conflicts with the Portuguese. One day, perhaps because they held that they had enough power to occupy the port, they fought against the Portuguese. André Pessoa was informed of this plan in advance. As a courageous and resolute person, he rushed to the place of conflict and led a group of people out to defeat the Japanese. The Japanese fled to hide in two houses. […] Pessoa ordered a siege of the houses and set them on fire. While they fled, some Japanese were killed. The leader was captured, imprisoned, and hanged for the crime of robbery. The Macau bishop and other people begged for pardon for about 15 people, who barely escape with their lives. These Japanese were pardoned on the condition that they sign a document prepared by […] Pessoa, which stated that […] Pessoa did not assume any responsibility, and that they acknowledged that the Japanese started the conflict. The Japanese signed the documents. However, after they returned to Japan, they told a different story to the Japanese king, stating that they were forced to sign the document.71

70 António Bocarro, Década 13 da história da Índia, vol. 2 (Lisbon: Lisbon Academy of Sci- ences, 1876), 728–37. 71 Josè Frazāo de Vasconcelos, Os Portugueses no oriente (1601–1610), 114n1, cited in Jin Guop- ing and Wu Zhiliang, Guo Shizimen [過十字門] (Macau: Macau Adult Education Society 澳門成人教育學會, 2004), 145–48. 110 Chapter 3

A document cited by Fr. Teixeira goes into slightly more detail:

On November 30, 1608, in Macau a serious riot involving the crew of two Japanese sailing boats and Portuguese soldiers broke out. Two sailing boats had reached Macau. Unfortunately, one ship had an accident nearby. No record reveals why the crew of these two ships later made threats in Macau. With weapons in their hands, a group of 30 to 40 Japanese walked around to various places in the city. Frightened by such arrogant action, many citizens asked the authorities to drive out the Japanese. The councilors of Macau city suggested that the Japanese should restrain their behavior and dress like Chinese citizens. The Japanese refused to follow these demands. Consequently, a serious riot broke out in the city. In the conflict, the judge in Macau was injured and some Japanese were killed. The bells in the church gave an alarm. Commander André Pessoa, the magistrate, brought soldiers to the site where the combat took place. The Japanese rapidly entered a house to resist. Some of them surrendered and later were detained in prison for a short time, but about 40 of them fought to the last man. Another group of 50 Japanese did not take part in the riot and hid in another room. Bishop João Pinto da Piedade [in office 1604–26] and some Jesuits mediated. If the Japanese surrendered, their life and freedom would be guaranteed. Most of them finally were freed, but several of their leaders were imprisoned.72

It is possible that the riot the Japanese initiated in Macau was related to the eunuch Li Feng 李鳳 (d.1614), who had been assigned to Guangdong as a tax- collector. In 1601 (the twenty-ninth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli), Li went to exact bribes, but he “enraged the black foreigners,” the two sides fought, and the translator accompanying Li was killed. As a result of this incident, Li developed a hatred for the foreigners in Macau,73 and in the same year he encouraged the Dutch to attack Macau. A contemporary criticized Li as follows: “He often went to countries such as Siam and Japan, showed off the

72 Teixeira, “Japanese in Macau,” 167. 73 Zhu Wubi 朱吾弼, Huangming liutai zouyi [皇明留臺奏議], vol. 14, in Xuxiusikuquanshu [續修四庫全書] (Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Press, 2002), 52–53. Tang Kaijian, Aomen kaibuchuqishiyanjiu [澳門開埠初期史研究] (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1999), 154–73. Japanese Christians in Macau 111 wealth of Macau, lured the foreigners to come to Macau, to seek revenge for the shame that he failed to extort bribes.”74 The author also claimed that

the Dutchmen, Siamese and Japanese conspired. The foreigners might regard Li […] as a planted agent operating from within, in coordination with outside forces. Li […] intended to defeat the foreigners in Macau and exercise his ambition. However, the riot of foreigners in Macau leads to turbulence in Guangzhou, and such turbulence gradually leads to unrest in all of China.75

It seems likely that most members of the Guangdong government would have realized that the riot initiated in Macau by the Japanese was begun in cooperation with Li. The Japanese were associated with a series of military conflicts that took place in Macau from 1605 (the thirty-third year of the reign of Emperor Wanli) to 1608 (the thirty-sixth year of the same reign). There are no detailed documents about the Japanese who traveled to or lived in Macau at that time; however, the rich Japanese culture in Macau during the reign of Emperor Wanli roughly confirms the statement made by Wang Yining 王以寧 (1567–?), the judicial commissioner of Guangdong, in 1602 (the thirtieth year of that reign) that there were two thousand to three thousand Japanese slaves in Macau. In previous “troubles initiated by the Japanese,” a few or a few dozen Japanese had shown they could cause considerable trouble, and now several thousand Japanese lived in Macau. These were the slaves or guards of the Portuguese, or friars and students of the Catholic Church. And they were Christians, just as the Portuguese were Christians. If the Portuguese colluded with the Japanese Christians, the outcome would be disastrous for the Chinese. The Guangdong government, which still feared turbulence of the kind initiated by Japanese pirates during the reign of Emperor Jiajing, was naturally concerned by the several thousand Japanese who now lived in Macau. In the words of Wang:

The Japanese slaves easily occupied Ryukyu 琉球. They also have a plan to seize Keelung 雞籠 and Tamsui 淡水. Their ambition is to rule the world. If they cast their covetous eyes on the great profits in Macau, sail to Macau and cooperate with their planted agents in Macau, then the foreigners from various countries could not defeat the Japanese, and the

74 Zhu, Huangming liutai zouyi, vol. 14, 53. 75 Ibid., 53–54. 112 Chapter 3

government officials and military staff along the coast can hardly deal with the situation.76

3 Japanese Christians in Macau and the Guangdong Government’s Response

When fears began to grow about the potential trouble the Japanese could cause, many Chinese people simply wished to expel the Japanese slaves from Macau altogether in order to prevent the Portuguese from “colluding with the Japanese and rebelling together when the time was ripe.”77 According to a memorial written by Wang in 1613 (the forty-first year of the reign of Emperor Wanli): “We shall discipline the foreigners in Macau. They should strictly follow the rules, pay taxes, dismiss all their Japanese slaves, and abandon their suspicions. Then we can live with them peacefully.”78 According to a memorial written by Guo Shangbin in the same year:

Foreigners raise a lot of Japanese and black servants and thus are suspected by China […]. An imperial decree shall be ordered stating that the foreigners must deport their Japanese and black slaves, dismiss the out- laws they host, and should not hide such persons in Laowanshan 老萬山. A deadline should be set up for the foreigners to leave Macau, together with their wives and children.79

The investigating censor in Guangdong, Tian Shengjin, later stated:

Recently, we have arrested the criminals who conspired with the Japanese. Some of them had carried back a lot of spoils and some had a lot of Japanese commodities and had not yet gone overseas. Lured by profits, they are willing to assume great risks. Macau, as an important area, is hosting a lot of criminals, but is not necessarily the base of the Japanese. Many Chinese gather in Macau, making a conspiracy to stir up trouble and smuggle. They use Macau as a place to host the Japanese. We also need to take notice of these Chinese lawbreakers.80

76 Wang, Dongyue shucao, vol. 3, 6. 77 Takase, Culture, vol. 2, 165–75. 78 Wang, Dongyue shucao, vol. 1, 5. 79 Guo, Guo geijian shugao, vol. 1, 2. 80 Tian, Anyue shugao, vol. 3, 263, 264. Japanese Christians in Macau 113

At that time, the various suggestions made to extend the precautionary con- trols in Macau not only proposed expelling all the Japanese from Macau but also recommended harsh measures being taken against the foreigners. “They should be driven out and trade only on ships so that we can get rid of the troubles.”81 However, despite numerous similar appeals to expel the Japanese and Westerners from Macau, Zhang, the governor general of Guangdong and Guangxi, refused to expel the Portuguese on the grounds that doing so would harm the economic interests of Guangdong. He instead expelled the Japanese from Macau and strengthened the control and guard over the peninsula and city.82 His successors followed this policy with few changes. The increasing control the Guangdong government exercised over Macau during the Ming dynasty found expression in the following areas:

3.1 Strengthening the Military Power of the Army and Navy as a Precaution against Macau First, “the troops in Hutoumen 虎頭門 were moved to Ying’Erpu 鷹兒浦, fortresses were built from stone in Tangjiwan 塘基灣, 400 soldiers guarded Tangjiwan, and soldiers were also stationed around for reinforcement.”83 The troops who guarded the sea in Xiangshan County were originally stationed in Hutoumen. Zhang suggested moving the troops from Hutoumen to Ying’Erpu (also known as Yingyupu 鷹魚浦) in Guzidu 谷字都, Xiangshan County. He set up a fortress in Tangjiwan where he stationed four hundred soldiers, with more soldiers being stationed nearby as reinforcements. Tangjiwan, also known as Lianhuajing 蓮花莖, was written as “Tangjihuan 塘基環” on the Overall Map of Macau (濠鏡澳全圖), found at the beginning of Kangxi Xiangshan Xianzhi (康熙香山縣誌), a text compiled during the reign of Emperor Kangxi 康熙 (r. 1662–1722).84 According to volume 10 of Kangxi Xiangshan Xianzhi, and volume 1 of Aomen jilue (澳門記略), Lianhuajing was built in 1574 (the second year of the reign of Emperor Wanli).85 In his Haifang wuyi (海防五議) (Five suggestions on maritime defense), written in 1612 (the fortieth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli), Zhang explicitly proposed that the government should build “fortresses from stone in Tangjiwan, and station 400 soldiers there.”86 This sug-

81 Historical Records of Emperor Wanli, vol. 527, 3. 82 Tang Kaijian, Scholar-Bureaucrats and Macau in the Ming and Qing Dynasties [明清士大夫與澳門] (Macau: Macau Foundation, 1995), 101–5. 83 Historical Records of Emperor Wanli, vol. 499, 3. 84 Shen Lianghan, (Kangxi) Xiangshan Xianzhi （康熙）香山縣志[ ], vol. 1 (Guangzhou: Guangdong Province Library, n.d.). 85 Ibid., vol. 10, 2. Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, 2. 86 Historical Records of Emperor Wanli, vol. 499, 3. 114 Chapter 3 gests that the fortresses built in Lianhuajing by the Ming court in 1574 were probably temporary buildings that were soon destroyed. Zhang therefore proposed building fortresses from stone in Tangjiwan and turning earth forts to stone forts. This was a major measure designed to strengthen the land defense for Macau during the tenure of Zhang. Secondly, a fort was built in Yongmo Village 雍陌村. Yongmo Village was in Guzidu 谷字都, Xiangshan County 香山縣, to the northwest of Qianshan Village 前山村. Zhang described it as the “old camp” because troops had pre viously been stationed there. In 1612 (the fortieth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli), Zhang proposed strengthening the defenses in the “old camps in Yongmo Village” and transferred four hundred soldiers there “to guard in rotation.”87 In 1614 (the forty-second year of the same reign), Zhang proposed to “station a commander in the camp in Yongmo and transfer 1,000 soldiers there.”88 Thus, according to the Xiangshan Xianzhi (香山縣志), compiled during the reign of Emperor Kangxi, “Yongmo camp was set up in the forty- second year of the reign of Emperor Wanli in Yongmo Village in Guzidu.”89

3.2 Driving the Japanese Slaves from Macau In 1613 (the forty-first year of the reign of Emperor Wanli), the Guangdong government was determined to expel the Japanese hiding in Macau, and undertook to drive out all of the Japanese living on the peninsula. Yu Anxing, the coastal patrol inspector, and Dan Qiyuan 但啓元, the magistrate of Xiangshan County, were in charge of this campaign. According to a memorial written by Zhang:

I ordered inspector Yu Anxing and Xiangshan County magistrate Dan Qiyuan to inspect Macau to advocate the glory of the Chinese emperor. We did not kill the 123 Japanese who surrendered, and had already deported them back to Japan by sea. Foreign leaders there signed a letter pledging that they would follow the ban.90

Hence, according to Zhang, 123 Japanese slaves had been deported back to Japan. However, this is contradicted by the account of Li Sunchen 李孫宸 (1579–1634), an officer in the Board of Rites:

87 Ibid., 3. 88 Historical Records of Emperor Tianqi, vol. 11, 4. 89 Shen, (Kangxi) Xiangshan Xianzhi, vol. 9, 9. 90 Fang Kongzhao 方孔炤, Brief Record on Frontier [全邊略記], vol. 9 (Hohhot: Inner Mon- golian University Press, 2006), 349. Japanese Christians in Macau 115

Foreigners held a lot of Japanese slaves. They used the excuse that they did so to defend themselves against the Dutchmen. However, they had evil intentions […]. An order was issued to them, asking them to surrender their slaves. In total, more than 200 slaves were surrendered. They were expelled and sailed away.91

Kangxi Xiangshan Xianzhi also gives a different figure:

In the forty-first year of the reign of Emperor Wanli [1613], Coastal Patrol Inspector Yu Anxing asked Zhang [the governor general of Guangdong and Guangxi and procurator of Guangdong] to pass a law forbidding the Portuguese in Macau to keep Japanese. He said that when he inspected Macau, ninety-eight Japanese were expelled. Afterwards, no ship was allowed to bring Japanese to Macau, and no foreigners were allowed to keep Japanese children.92

It is possible that these figures differ because they refer to the number of Japanese deported on three separate occasions. On the first occasion in which the Japanese were deported, in 1613 (the forty-first year of Emperor Wanli’s reign), Chinese government officials went to Macau and “deported 98 Japanese slaves.” This is confirmed in the Haidaozunfeng Liangyuan yuxuwoshibei (海道遵奉兩院諭蓄倭石碑):

The Japanese are evil and cunning. They never pay tribute to the Chinese emperor. They are sure to be executed if they enter mainland China without authorization. The royal court has strict laws. Foreigners in Macau with evil intentions raise Japanese slaves, who pose a serious threat. The inspector relied on the censorate to inspect and control Macau. The foreigners in Macau deported 98 Japanese slaves back to Japan. Then residents and foreigners in Macau had peace. From now on, commercial boats shall not bring Japanese to Macau. Foreigners from various countries shall not raise young Japanese anymore. In case of violation, the Japanese and foreigners should be arrested immediately and punished in accordance with law by the censorate. This rule shall be followed strictly.

91 Li Sunchen 李孫宸, Jianxialou wenji [建霞樓文集], vol. 4, Songfumu danhourujinxu [送父母但侯入覲序]. 92 Shen, (Kangxi) Xiangshan Xianzhi, vol. 10, 2. 116 Chapter 3

July, the forty-first year of the reign of Emperor Wanli [1613]. Order by the imperial envoy in Guangdong.93

The first article of the Haidao jinyue wukuan (海道禁約五款) (Five articles of maritime ban)—which began to be imposed in 1614 (the forty-second year of the reign of Emperor Wanli)—states that “Japanese slaves are prohibited” in Macau. It also stipulated that a coastal patrol inspector should visit Macau once a year,94 which clearly implies that the Chinese government was still seeking to remove the Japanese hiding there during this period. In 1616 (the forty-fifth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli), the Guangdong government inscribed the Haidao jinyue wukuan on a stone tablet, which was placed in the council building in Macau.95 Thus the prohibition against Japanese slaves was still being implemented in the forty-fifth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli. In 1613 and 1614 (the forty-first and forty-second years of Emperor Wanli’s reign), Yu Anxing twice went to Macau to expel the Japanese. His memoir, Record for Dispelling the Japanese from Macau (香山墺散倭記事), records the event in considerable detail:

In the spring of 1613 [the forty-first year of the reign of Emperor Wanli], I was transferred from the position of Military Defense Circuit in Luoding 羅定 to the post of coastal patrol inspector. In the sea there is Macau, which has been occupied by Westerners from various countries for sixty years. Macau is surrounded by sea on three sides and is connected to land only by Tangjiwan, which is like the stem of a lotus leaf and holds great geographic importance. Foreigners from 30 to 40 countries from the West and south engage in trade in Macau and only the Portuguese are in charge. The military commander and the missionaries all take part in managing affairs in Macau. In the past, foreign ships that came to Canton to trade for Chinese commodities always paid taxes and never hid anything. Later, because of the instigation by crooks from Fujian, they evaded taxation, stole children and shipped them overseas, or smuggled saltpe- ter, sulphur, or other prohibited items to Macau. Using the excuse of guarding against the Dutchmen, they brought Japanese slaves to Macau.

93 The monument no longer exists: cited in Lin Zisheng 林子昇, Relationship between Macau and China from the 16th Century to the 18th Century [16–18世紀澳門與中國之關係] (Macau: Macau Foundation, 1994), 56. 94 Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, 69–70. 95 Manuel Múrias, Instrução para o bispo de Pequim: E outros documentos para a história de Macau (Lisbon: Agência Geral das Colónias, 1943), 118. Japanese Christians in Macau 117

The situation was rather dangerous, and it may affect the safety of Guangzhou. Military staff who tended to make trouble would exaggerate such situations […]. Literati were panicked and the gentry were concerned. The royal court discussed the plan of sending 100,000 soldiers to attack the lair. General governor of Guangdong and Guangxi Zhang Minggang and many government officials discussed the proposal. I rebuffed the opposition, “The Japanese slaves rather than Westerners are the problem. If we get rid of the Japanese, the Portuguese would not resort to military means.” However, people with opposing ideas doubted this, saying that “the Portuguese have a lot of weapons, build high walls, and raise hundreds of Japanese slaves for evil purposes. Even if the West erners would not pose [a] threat after we get rid of the Japanese, it is not easy to get rid of the Japanese at all.” I replied bluntly, “I shall assume the task of expelling the Japanese, and I am confident that I can handle it.” In April, I reached Guangzhou and the situation became increasingly tense. I secretly entered Xiangshan County. The magistrate of Xiangshan County, Dan Qiyuan, worked out a plan to drive out the Japanese by means of spying. Villagers from Cuiwei Village 翠微村 stood on the street and complained, “After raising Japanese slaves, the Portuguese in Macau became much stronger, and they invaded Xiangshan County. Forts were built as a blockade. Who did it?” I stated, “Macau has always been a Chinese land. If you built the forts that were built for blockade, then the Portuguese will be driven out. I am inspecting Macau to drive out the Japanese and control foreigners and I do not need the forts.” Then I went through the forts and entered Macau. Various Portuguese leaders were waiting for Yu […], suspicious and frightened. They displayed weapons and played foreign music. They intentionally asked the black slaves to shout and dance in the street. Our horses were frightened and some officials afraid. I maintained my emotions and went to downtown Macau with the foreign leaders. Portuguese leaders saluted me. Facing the south, I announced the command of the royal court and pointed out the pros and cons. I summarized our position with one sentence, “The Portuguese in Macau can be saved if the Japanese are expelled and will be killed if the Japanese remain in Macau.” The foreign leaders said, “We Westerners take great risks to travel a long distance with a lot of assets to China to trade with China. We benefit not only the West but also China. The Japanese are evil. However, is there any necessity of deploying 100,000 soldiers which may cause great destruction?” I stated, “The royal court indeed discussed this option. Now I inspect the circumstances with my own eyes. If we seal off the three sides to the sea to stop any boat from 118 Chapter 3

shipping food to Macau and deploy merely a few hundred people to cut off the transport to Tang[ji]huan, you would collapse in half a month and hundreds of you would die from hunger. We do not need to dispatch 100,000 soldiers at all.” [The] Portuguese leaders look[ed] at each other with great surprise. They stated, “Hundreds of people in Macau rely on the heavenly kingdom. If we have the intention to rebel, we would definitely perish. We would surely follow the order.” Then I issued an order immediately, “Report information on the Japanese and I will not return until the Japanese are dispatched from Macau.” The Portuguese leaders worked immediately and overnight to comb out the Japanese. The Japanese feared that they would be executed, so they dared not enter. I ordered that [each group of] ten Japanese should be given a card, guided by one translator and followed by their Western master. The Japanese were no longer suspicious and came to us. [They] were treated with wine and trotter and were deported by boat. I stayed there for one night and then returned to my office. In the next year, I inspected Macau again. The Portuguese were sincere and dedicated. The Portuguese deported the married Japanese in Macau, whom they were unwilling to deport in the past. Thus all Japanese had been deported and the Portuguese in Macau followed the Chinese law strictly. I stayed there for one night and then returned. The Portuguese leaders and their children saw me off at the shore. They stated, “They are the children of China and we hope that the heavenly kingdom would not discriminate against us as foreigners.” They sobbed for a long time. When I entered Cuiwei Village, they still saw me off and did not return. Standing next to the handrail I sighed, “Now I believe that loyalty and credibility can conquer the barbarians.” When the Japanese returned to Japan, they submitted the document with [a] Japanese seal to Zhang Minggang. Zhang […] submitted a memo about this episode to the emperor.96

According to the figures released by the Chinese at that time, as we have seen, two thousand to three thousand Japanese slaves lived in Macau in 1602 (the thirtieth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli), and only two hundred Japanese were expelled from Macau in 1617 (the forty-fifth year of the same reign). In other words, less than ten percent were deported. What is the reason for this? Some clues are contained in a speech made by a Portuguese:

96 Niu Yinlin 牛荫麐, (Minguo) Shengxian zhi （民國）嵊縣誌[ ], vol. 27 (Taipei: Chengwen Press, 2007), 1947–50. Japanese Christians in Macau 119

These 98 Japanese [namely the ninety-eight Japanese expelled in 1613] were not brought to Macau by us. We would surely deport them out of Macau. The remaining Japanese have wives and children, or are slaves. We guarantee that they would abide by the law and engage in business legally.97

When officials from the Guangdong government went to Macau to expel the Japanese, they did so very cautiously; the government did not arrest people arbitrarily. It instead adopted a policy of asking the merchants who had Japanese slaves to “report their Japanese slaves”98 before a decision was made about how they should be treated. Thus Zhang stated that the Portuguese had “surrendered 123 Japanese.”99 The Portuguese argued that the Japanese who had wives and children in Macau, and the Japanese slaves who served the Portuguese directly, should be allowed to stay in Macau. This is why only a relatively small number of Japanese were expelled from Macau. This was the final outcome of the large-scale campaign launched by the Guangdong government in Macau to drive out the Japanese. The relatively small number of Japanese who were deported demonstrates that the Guangdong government consistently pursued an even-handed policy in managing Macau.

3.3 Demolish the City Walls Built by the Westerners in Macau In 1601 (the twenty-ninth year of Emperor Wanli’s reign), the Dutch unsuccess- fully attempted to occupy Macau. In response, the Westerners in Macau began to construct a large number of city walls and forts to protect Macau from the Dutch. When the Guangdong government was informed of this in 1605 (the thirty-third year of the reign of Emperor Wanli), it intervened by sending soldiers who were subsequently killed by the “Japanese slaves” who had built the city walls. At the time, the Portuguese argued:

Since we set foot on this land, we have always obeyed the authorities. In the last ten years, the Dutch pirates have robbed and killed us […]. We are unarmed. How can we resist these bandits? The boats of these bandits sail very rapidly. When these bandits rob us, we cannot do anything. If we wait for authorization from government officials, we would all be killed by the time we receive the authorization. With no alternatives, we build

97 Bocarro, Decada 13 da historia da India, vol. 2, 728–29. 98 Li Sunchen, Jianxialou wenji 建霞樓文集, vol. 4, Songfumu danhourujinxu 送父母但侯入覲序. 99 Fang, Brief Record, vol. 9, 349. 120 Chapter 3

forts at the city corner and prepare to protect our lives and ships at any time. Our action also defends the territory of the Chinese emperor.100

When the Portuguese–Dutch War broke out in 1602 (the second year of the reign of Emperor Tianqi), and in particular after the first Macau governor Francisco Mascarenhas (in office 1623–26) assumed his post, city walls began to be constructed in Macau with increasing speed. Many people were involved in their construction, including those Japanese who had not been expelled from Macau. According to a record in the archives of the Ming dynasty,

dozens of cannons are set up in a circle. Looking from outside, people all say that it is a fort. Actually it is empty inside and does not have a founda tion. Investigators always report that Westerners spent 200,000 silver taels to build the city and reported to their king that they had occupied a land in China […]. The foreign military leader who built this city exaggerated the issue. He planned to lay a foundation and then build a pagoda. He proposed that a prince should be stationed there. So he stayed there. He took the city seriously and is willing to sacrifice his life to defend the city.101

According to a manuscript written by Diogo Caldeira Rego, the secretary of the Macau council, dated November 27, 1623,

To […] strengthen the defense [of the city], we have worked hard on the Chinese and bribed them again. Then a few Chinese government officials came to inspect the enemy’s fleet and the dead bodies left in the battlefield. They also took the heads of a few dead people to Guangzhou to prove that we were building city walls only to defend the city. The city is located on the land of the Chinese emperor. Therefore, the enemy wanted to take the land of the Chinese emperor, and paying money would get everything done. Thus the biggest obstacle was finally overcome and the construction started. The Chinese government officials pretended that they were unaware of the project. More and more people took part in the construction with great enthusiasm. The project developed well. In more than a year, a few sections of a long wall [were] completed. Each section is about two meters long and four meters high. And forts and battlements

100 Bocarro, Decada, vol. 2, 736–37. 101 Research Institute of History and Language, Academia Sinica, ed., Historical Documents of Ming and Qing Dynasties [明清史料], vol. 2, book 7 (Beijing: Beijing Library Press, 2008), 614. Japanese Christians in Macau 121

are above them. Thus almost all the land in the city is completely encircled.102

This account suggests the city walls had been built in Macau after 1622, when the Portuguese in Macau had bribed Chinese government officials who were aware that the construction of city walls was illegal. “Construction without authorization is prohibited” was listed in the covenant inscribed on the stone that Yu, the coastal patrol inspector of Guangdong, had placed in the Macau council building in 1614 (the forty-second year of the reign of Emperor Wanli).103 Yet it would appear that some Chinese officials turned a blind eye to their construction, and thus the city walls of Macau were basically completed after 1622. However, Guangdong government officials remained concerned that the Portuguese would turn Macau into a military base. In 1624 (the fourth year of Emperor Tianqi’s reign), He Shijin 何士晉 (d. after 1625) became the governor general of Guangdong and Guangxi. In 1625 (the fifth year of the same reign), he summoned the Portuguese from Macau and asked why they had built city walls without authorization. Cai Shanji 蔡善繼, the magistrate of Xiangshan County, was in charge of the matter: “He Shijin, governor general of Guangdong and Guangxi, gave orders to destroy the city walls and forts in Macau, and all these ideas originated from Cai Shanji.”104 Similarly, according to the Aomen jilue:

The city walls of Macau were built by the Portuguese during the Ming dynasty. During the reign of Emperor Wanli, Cai Shanji was transferred from the magistrate of Xiangshan County to the magistrate of Lingxi Circuit. Following the advice from Cai […], Governor General He Shijin gave orders to demolish the city walls in Macau.105

Finally, under pressure from the Guangdong government, the Westerners in Macau dismantled the city walls, as Cooper records, “On March 31, 1625, citizens in Macau jointly took part in the work of dismantling the city walls.”106 This is confirmed by volume 58 of the Mingxizong shilu (明熹宗實錄) (Historical records of Emperor Tianqi),

102 Diogo Caldeira Rego, “Relação sobre a fundação e fortificação de Macau,” in Macau RC 31 (1997): 157. 103 Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, 60. 104 Shen, (Kangxi) Xiangshan Xianzhi, vol. 5, 6. 105 Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, 147. 106 Cooper, Rodrigues, 365. 122 Chapter 3

[In April 1625 (the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Tianqi)], He Shijin, governor general of Guangdong and Guangxi, submitted a memorial stating that foreigners came to Macau from faraway places and were aggressive. The government officials decided to strengthen the resistance. Now hidden traitors are eliminated and Westerners are obedient, willingly destroy their city walls, and only leave the wall facing the sea in order to resist the Dutchmen.107

Wang Zhi 王制, the magistrate of Longmen County 龍門縣, was in charge of dismantling the walls:

Wang Zhi, styled Youdu 幼度, hails from Jingshan 京山. In 1594, the year Jia Wu [甲午] during the reign of Emperor Wanli, under encouragement, he was appointed as an official in charge of education in Shanghai County 上海縣. Shortly afterwards, he was transferred to become the magistrate of Longmen County. At that time, the Portuguese in Guangdong occupied Xiangshan County and built forts. Governor General He Shijin asked Wang […] to destroy the city walls. Wang […] went to Macau alone and told the foreigners the pros and cons. The Japanese were frightened. They did not dare to disobey the order and they dismantled the city walls. He Shijin stated, “I know that you are the only person who is able to dis- mantle the city walls.”108

This shows that the city walls were built by the Japanese slaves in Macau.

3.4 Sign Five Articles on the Maritime Ban In 1608 and 1609 (the thirty-sixth and thirty-seventh years of the reign of Emperor Wanli), Cai, the magistrate of Xiangshan County, had drafted Ten Articles on Controlling Macau (制澳十則),109 which specifically discussed measures designed to control the Portuguese. But the legislation was never implemented. In 1613 (the forty-first year of the same reign), Yu, the coastal patrol inspector, proposed that a stone tablet should be erected in Macau to prohibit foreigners from raising Japanese slaves. Zhang Minggang approved of this suggestion and asked Yu to draft the Covenant on the Maritime Ban in order to impose a “ban on raising Japanese slaves in Macau.” In 1614 (the forty-second

107 Historical Records of Emperor Tianqi, vol. 58, 31. 108 Mai Zhu 邁柱, Yongzheng Huguang tongzhi （雍正）湖廣通誌[ ], vol. 53, Wenyuangesi- kuquanshu 文淵閣四庫全書 (Shanghai: Ancient Books Press, 1987), 11. 109 Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, 68. Japanese Christians in Macau 123 year of Emperor Wanli’s reign), Yu “went to Macau personally to announce the royal court’s glory and explain the pros and cons.”110 In February 1617 (the forty- fifth year of the same reign), the stone tablet was officially erected before the council building in Macau. The Covenant on the Maritime Ban has five articles:

Article I. Westerners are prohibited from raising Japanese slaves. If old or new foreign merchants dare to raise Japanese slaves as before and allow the Japanese to engage in trade conducted by foreign ships, they shall be reported by the people who had engaged in such business and shall be arrested and punished. People who do not report such offenses shall also be punished seriously. Article II. Trading in human beings is prohibited. Old and new merchants shall not buy Chinese children. Violators shall be punished. Article III. Military ships are prohibited. Foreign ships bound for Macau are allowed to enter Macau and wait for taxation. If they cast anchor in places such as Dadiaohuan 大調環 or Maliuzhou 馬騮洲 they shall be identified as criminals and shall be destroyed. Article IV. Dealing without authorization is prohibited. Foreigners who trade in commodities shall go to the provincial capital. If criminals ship the commodities secretly to Macau to the foreigners, their ships shall be confiscated. The people who receive such commodities shall be punished too. Article V. Construction without authorization is prohibited. With the houses that have been constructed and the renovation of damaged houses according to the old style, any person who builds new houses in any manner shall be punished, and the newly built houses shall be demolished.111

The Portuguese version of the Five Articles on the Maritime Ban contains some variations of these articles:

Article I. Westerners are prohibited from raising Japanese slaves. You Westerners already have black people as your slaves and shall not raise Japanese slaves. Many Japanese slaves have come to Macau. The royal court implements this law strictly and kills any Japanese slave that it catches. You raise Japanese slaves as one would raise [a] tiger at home

110 Tian, Anyue shugao, vol. 3, 264. 111 Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, 69–70. 124 Chapter 3

and it will definitely lead to trouble. When I inspected Macau, I saw many Japanese slaves. I immediately gave orders to expel these Japanese slaves. In total more than 90 of them were expelled. I gave orders to inscribe the prohibition on raising Japanese slaves on a stone tablet. After the Japanese slaves are expelled, you foreigners can have peace. I am concerned that in future you might still bring Japanese slaves to Macau. In future, ships shall not bring Japanese slaves to Macau and foreigners in Macau shall not raise Japanese slaves any longer. Violators shall be executed. Article II. Trading in local people is prohibited. After you purchase Chinese people, you shave off all their hair, put them in Portuguese-style clothing, imprison them, and then you ship and sell them like commodities. So many people are sold that the masses complain that I am not concerned with the issue. I have already issued an order to deport all of your slaves across China, and to prohibit you from holding them. I have reported the issue to the censorate. The censorate ordered that navy officers should not host such slaves. You shall not purchase Chinese children anymore. If you see someone purchasing people in Macau, the chief commander for the defense of Macau city, royal judges, and priests shall search for that person and send them to the government officials in Macau. If they are unwilling to submit such persons to the government officials, they can record the name of the purchasers. When such Portuguese go to Guangzhou for trade, they will be arrested and required to confess their business partners. Article III. Military ships are prohibited. It was said that these boats were warships. I heard that when the Portuguese came to Macau, they had always paid the tax according to law, did not stir up trouble, and had traded peacefully. Now they use the issue of the Dutchmen as an excuse to tell many lies and are cunning. It is said that the Dutchmen engage in robbery on the way and thus the large boats are commercial ships while the big sailing boats are warships. Such a deceitful trick leads to serious losses in taxation and brings much trouble to government officials. Due to the losses in taxation, government officials have to collect many taxes from the subjects of the Chinese emperor to fill in the gap. Some senior government officials in Beijing proposed to expel all of you out of Macau. With two capitals and thirteen provinces, China is very big, therefore, this country does not need the tax of 20,000 silver taels from us. Perhaps you do not cause such losses in taxation deliberately. Instead criminals lead to such losses through instigation. Therefore, from now on ships of all sizes shall enter Macau port to cast anchor and shall pay the tax accord- Japanese Christians in Macau 125

ing to law. You shall not play the trick of warships again. Otherwise I will destroy you, the ships, and the commodities. Article IV. Dealing without authorization is prohibited. People who secretly ship commodities to Macau shall be handed to the government officials in Macau. In this way I will regard you as a good people. You can go to Guangzhou to purchase commodities. The goods there are good and inexpensive. People who indulge those who purchase commodities in Macau secretly shall also be punished. Such purchases leads to losses in taxation. If there are no such purchasers, nobody would secretly ship commodities to Macau. Article V. Construction without authorization is prohibited. You have been given permission to live in Macau. You shall build small and low buildings. We do not expect […] you [to] build high buildings. Since these buildings have been completed, I do not investigate your accountability. St. Paul’s Cathedral is magnificent and high. Why are forts built there and cannons installed there? For what purpose? They shall be prohibited. Why have you broken the law? I will not punish the builders according to law. However, you shall not build things again. If some buildings are damaged, you may only renovate them. Foreign merchants without wives and children shall not live here and shall live only in ships. If you follow my command, I will ask the government officials to report faithfully. In case of violation, I will punish you seriously. The Chinese government officials and the violators shall all be punished.112

These five prohibitions were imposed in response to various violations of the law of the Ming dynasty by the Portuguese in Macau. After the Covenant on the Maritime Ban was introduced, a contemporary account stated that “these people [the Portuguese in Macau] are honest and [behave] with reverence and awe […]; they follow the order strictly.”113

4 Conclusion

Due to the intense military situation in northeast China from 1620 onwards (the forty-eighth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli), the Ming dynasty began to focus on defense in the north, and the emphasis on resisting the Japanese

112 Bocarro, Decada, vol. 2, 724–27. 113 Tian, Anyue shugao, vol. 3, 264, 265. 126 Chapter 3 gradually disappeared. After the Guangdong government expelled the Japanese from Macau for the first time in 1613 (the forty-first year of the same reign), the number of Japanese Christians who entered Macau increased rather than decreased. In 1636 (the ninth year of Emperor Chongzhen’s 崇禎 reign [r. 1628– 44]), 298 Japanese Christians were expelled from Japan to Macau by the Japanese shogun. The Guangdong government did not adopt any measures in response to this influx of Japanese into Macau, which suggests two things. First, at that time the relationship between the Ming government and the Portuguese in Macau was relatively harmonious because the Ming government urgently needed the support of the troops and Western cannons in Macau.114 Second, the severe situation in Liaoning 遼寧115 meant that the Chinese government was unable to devote much attention to the increasing number of Japanese Christians in Macau. Several thousand Japanese Christians lived in Macau. Because the Japanese government had banned Catholicism, these Christians were unable to return to Japan. They regarded Macau as their home—they lived and worked there together with the residents, and even took part in missionary work;116 they intermarried with the local people in Macau and were buried there after they died.117 They secretly brought the bodies of the Christians who died as martyrs in Japan to Macau and buried them in St. Paul’s Cathedral.118 Macau became a haven for Japanese Christians in exile. Among these Japanese Christians, a few secretly returned to Japan for missionary work, although most had gradually integrated themselves into the local population in Macau.119 This fact needs to be taken into account when studying the local people in Macau.

114 Tang Kaijian, Weiliduo baoxiao shimoshu jianzheng [委黎多《報效始末疏》箋正] (Guangzhou: Guangdong People’s Press, 2004), 123–98. 115 There was a series of wars in northeast China (i.e., Liaoning) following the Battle of Sarhu between the Ming dynasty and the Manchus in 1619. 116 A number of Japanese Christians, such as Ni Yicheng, entered China for missionary work. Many of them are listed in Joseph Dehergne, Répertoire des Jésuites de Chine de 1552–1800, trans. Geng Sheng (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1995). 117 The Japanese daughter of Zheng Zhilong married Manuel Bello, a Portuguese in Macau. See Anastasius van den Wyngaert, O.F.M., Sinica Franciscana, vol. 2, (Florence: Apud Col- legium S. Bonaventurae, 1933), 363–67. For instance, Giovanni Niccolò’s Japanese disciples, Mancio Taichiku and Pedro Chicuan, among others, were buried in St. Paul’s Church after their death. See Teixeira, “Japanese in Macau,” 162. 118 “Relics of Japanese Martyrs Preserved in Macau,” from Teixeira, “Japanese in Macau,” 162. 119 As stated by Teixeira, “With the ‘closing of the doors’ of Japan to the outside world, these Japanese and Eurasians never returned to their homeland. They settled [in] Macau, and Japanese Christians in Macau 127

Appendix

The following individuals were preserved in St. Paul’s Cathedral, and are now preserved in the Franciscan church in Coloane, Macau.120

Table 3.1 Table of Japanese martyrs whose remains are preserved in Macau

Name of martyr Place and date of death Japanese name

1. Joana Taisafaixi Arima 有馬, Oct. 7, 1613 高橋華納 2. Pedro Quiain Arima 有馬, Nov. 22, 1614 久安佩德羅 3. Pedro Tintaro Yatsushiro 八代, Jan. 11, 1609 真烏寅太郎佩德羅 4. Tomé Voregi Arima 有馬, Oct. 9, 1613 川上托梅 5. João Nexi Ikitsuki 生丹, Nov. 14, 1609 仁志若昂 6. Mar Faiaxida Arima 有馬, Oct. 7, 1613 森田馬爾達 7. João Tatun Unknown Unknown 8. Leão Taiaxida Arima 有馬, Oct. 7, 1613 森田營衛門萊昂 9. Jacob Taiaxida Arima 有馬, Oct. 7, 1613 森田哈科（沃迪奧戈） 10. João Tafiore Yatsushiro 八代, Feb. 4, 1609 服部若昂 11. Simão Tajeda Yatsushiro 八代, Dec. 8, 1603 武田吾兵衛西芒 12. Tomé Vada Tagbaje Arima 有馬, Jan. 28, 1613 遠田托梅 13. Leão Quita Arima 有馬, Aug. 22, 1612 喜多左衛門萊昂 14. Miguel Fingemon Hirado 平戶, Mar. 6, 1624 山田喜葉門米格爾 15. Marta Voda Arima 有馬, Jan. 23, 1613 遠田馬爾塔 16. Jacob Voda Arima 有馬, Jan. 23, 1613 遠田哈科沃 17. Tomé Maithaiti Yatsushiro 八代, Feb. 4, 1609 三石托梅 18. Inez Tingano Yatsushiro 八代, Dec. 9, 1613 武田伊內斯 19. Leão Tapdami Unknown Unknown 20. Joaquim Vatamabi Kumamoto 熊本, Aug. 26, 1606 渡邊次郎左衛門若阿基姆 21. Justo Veda Arima 有馬, Jan. 28, 1613 遠田胡斯托 22. Joana Tajeda Yatsushiro 八代, Dec. 9, 1603 武田華納 23. Miguel Vatanabi Arima 有馬, July 25, 1612 渡邊（伊藤）米格爾 24. Paulo Tagedomi Arima 有馬, Oct. 7, 1613 武田華納 25. Matias Vatanaba Arima 有馬, July 25, 1612 渡邊（伊藤）馬蒂亞斯 26. Luis Minami Yatsushiro 八代, Feb. 11, 1603 南路易士

here they established families.” See Manuel Teixeira, “The Macanese,” in Macau RC 20 (1994): 94. 120 Teixeira, “Japanese in Macau,” 162. 128 Chapter 3

Table 3.1 Table of Japanese martyrs whose remains are preserved in Macau (cont.)

Name of martyr Place and date of death Japanese name

27. Madalena Taiaxida Arima 有馬, Feb. 11, 1613 森田馬達倫納 28. João Quango Nagasaki 長崎, Aug. 19, 1622 揚戈若昂 29. Domingos Jorge Nagasaki 長崎, Nov. 18, 1619 若熱 30. Father García Unknown Unknown 31. Diogo Kissai Unknown Unknown 32. Maria Madalena Yatsushiro 八代, Dec. 9, 1603 馬達倫納 33. Miguel Mituachai Yatsushiro 八代, Feb. 6, 1609 三石米格爾 34. Joana Canquazaqui Unknown Unknown 35. Adrião Zacataxi Arima 有馬, Oct. 7, 1613 高橋門多阿德里安 36. Diogo Cangugami Unknown 加賀山迪奧戈 37. Tomé Tamaguihi Kuchinotsu 口之津, Nov. 22, 1614 寺町托梅 38. Leonardo Magataxi Unknown Unknown 39. Estevão Mitarai Unknown Unknown 40. Leão Tagedomi Arima 有馬, Oct. 7, 1613 武基近衛門萊昂 41. Tomé Miteami Arima 有馬, July 14, 1613 松島托梅 42. Pedro Tituro Unknown Unknown 43. João Naco Unknown Unknown 44. Justo Voda Arima 有馬, Jan. 28, 1613 遠田胡斯托 45. Tomé Vitanabi Fukuoka 福岡, Mar. 24, 1614 渡邊托梅 46. João Minami Yatsushiro 八代, Feb. 11, 1603 南若昂 47. Damião Tamagiki Yamaguchi 山口, Aug. 16, 1605 山口達米昂 48. Bento Tabaja Unknown Unknown 49. Paulo Tagedomi Arima 有馬, Oct. 7, 1613 武富保祿 50. Madalena Minormi Yatsushiro 八代, Dec. 9, 1603 南馬達倫納 51. Inácio Tai Unknown Unknown 52. Simeão Velho Unknown Unknown 53. Vicente, Catechist Unknown Unknown 54. Francisco Tolame Hiroshima 廣島, Feb. 16, 1624 富山弗蘭西斯科 55. Jorão Bugo Notsu 野津, 1588 仲霍拉姆 56. Gaspar Nexi Unknown, Nov. 14, 1609 賀原西加斯帕 57. Ursula Nexi Unknown, Nov. 14, 1609 西烏爾蘇拉 58. Matias Voda Arima 有馬, Jan. 28, 1613 遠田馬蒂亞斯 59. Jacob Cunochi Xugiro Macau 澳門, Nov. 12, 1627 古田忠次郎雅各 The Rise and Fall of Catholicism in Hainan 129

Chapter 4 The Rise and Fall of Catholicism in Hainan during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties

The Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1911) dynasties were a crucial period in the history of the spread of Catholicism in Hainan 海南. However, with the exception of Joseph Dehergne (1903–90), this subject has thus far received little attention from scholars in the West.1 Moreover, while Chinese scholars have engaged in some research on the Catholic missionary endeavors in Hainan—including Wang Yu’s “Missionaries in Hainan Island,”2 and Wei Jingzhao’s “The Spread of Christianity in Hainan”3—these works are slightly vague with regard to particulars, they lack footnotes, and the names of missionaries are sometimes translated incorrectly. This essay consequently seeks to re-examine the history of Catholicism in Hainan during the Ming and Qing dynasties.

1 The Rise of Catholicism in Hainan

Catholicism first entered China in 1557 when the Portuguese arrived in Macau to establish a residence for foreigners in China. After the Jesuits built a residence in Macau in 1560, they made a number of attempts to enter mainland China. By the 1630s, through the efforts of Italian fathers such as Michele Ruggieri (1543–1607) and Matteo Ricci (1552–1610), Catholic missionaries had entered many places including Zhaoqing 肇慶 and Shaoguang 韶關 in Guangdong, Shaoxing 紹興 and Hangzhou 杭州 in Zhejiang, Nanjing 南京 in Jiangsu, Nanchang 南昌 in Jiangxi, Beijing 北京 and Xi’an 西安 in Shaanxi, Shanghai 上海 and Ji’nan 濟南 in Shandong, Kaifeng 開封 in Henan, and

1 Joseph Dehergne, Les origines du Christianisme dans l’île de Hainan, vol. 5 (Beijing: Beijing Vetch, 1940); “A Christandade de Hai-nan e o antigo cemiterio Portuguez de Kium-cheu,” Ta- Ssi-Yang-Kuo 2 (1901): 733–46. This article mainly discusses the deeds and graveyard of three fathers buried in Qiongzhou: Jean Forget 傅滄溟, Stanislao Torrente 瞿篤德, and Joachim Calmes 金玉敬. 2 Wang Yu 王禹, “Missionaries in Hainan Island” [傳教士在海南島], in Research on History of Qing Dynasty [清史研究] 2 (1997). 3 Wei Jingzhao 韋經照, “Spread of Christianity in Hainan” [基督教在海南的傳播], Journal of Hainan University [海南大學學報] 4 (1987).

Fuzhou 福州 in Fujian. By 1615, there were five thousand Catholics, a figure that rose to thirteen thousand in 1617 and to thirty-eight thousand in 1638.4 The available documents show that while Catholic missionaries reached Hainan at an early date, formal missionary work in Hainan commenced later than in many other places in China. According to the available sources, Portuguese father Baltasar Gago (1515–83) was the first missionary to reach Hainan. In 1552, he was dispatched by his superiors to Japan. In 1560, after doing missionary work in Japan for eight years, he sought to return to Portugal. However, during his journey he was caught in a storm and the ship drifted to Hainan Island: “After engaging in missionary work in Japan for eight years, [Gago] returned from Japan on October 7, 1560 because of exhaustion. He encountered a hurricane and drifted to Hainan Island.”5 After staying in Hainan for less than two months, Fr. Gago was sent to Macau. According to another record, twenty-three years later, in 1583, a few missionaries traveled close to Hainan, also because of storms, but they did not remain there. “In 1583 [the eleventh year of the reign of Emperor Wanli 萬曆 (r. 1573–1620)], Fr. Diego de Oropesa [d.1590] [who was sent from the Philippines to Hanoi in Vietnam], and seven Franciscan missionaries drifted close to Haikou because of [a] storm. Later, they returned to the Philippines via Macau, Guangdong.”6 In these two cases, missionaries went to Hainan entirely by chance and did not engage in any missionary work there. Moreover, the maritime ban along the Chinese coast at that time prohibited them from engaging in missionary work. Catholicism began to be introduced into Hainan as a result of the activities of a senior scholar-official, Wang Honghui 王宏誨 (1541–1617), from Xian’gou town 仙溝鎮, Dingan County 定安縣, Qiongzhou prefecture 瓊州府, Hainan. In 1589 (the seventeenth year of Emperor Wanli’s reign), he worked as a minister at the Ministry of Rites 禮部 in Nanjing, and was an influential figure in the history of Hainan during the Ming dynasty. In 1593 (the twenty-first year of the reign of Emperor Wanli), Wang “resigned from his post and went back to his hometown because of illness.”7 When he passed Shaozhou 韶州 he went to Shaozhou church to visit Ricci, who was engaged in missionary work there. According to Ricci’s Regni Chinensis descriptio‎,

4 Zhou Xiefan 周燮藩, Christianity in China [中國的基督教] (Beijing: Commercial Press, 1997), 86. 5 Louis Pfister, Notices biographiques et bibliographiques sur les Jésuites de l’ancienne mission de Chine 1552–1773, trans. Feng Cheng Jun (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1995), 15. 6 Kobata Atsushi 小葉田淳, History of Hainan Island, trans. Zhang Xunqi (Taipei: Xuehai Press, 1979), 315. Joseph Sebes, “The Precursors of Ricci,” in Macau RC 21 (1994): 63. 7 Ming Yi 明誼 and Zhang Yuesong 張嶽松, (Daoguang) Qiongzhoufu zhi （道光）瓊州府[ 誌], vol. 34 (Taipei: Chengwen Press, 1967), 33. The Rise and Fall of Catholicism in Hainan 131

Indeed, he went to the church to visit the priests. What is also unusual is that he talked with them for almost a whole day, presented friendship and valuable gifts very generously […]. Upon departure, he agreed that on his way from his hometown to Beijing, he would bring […] Ricci to Beijing to correct the mistakes in the Chinese calendar […]. As return, father […] Ricci decided to board the beautiful big ship. On the ship, he received a respectful and polite reception beyond his expectation. They talked till midnight […]. Such generosity made him […] believe that Christian creeds are incomprehensibly perfect and he praised this very much.8

The meeting between Wang and Ricci in Shaozhou in 1593 was a significant event in the history of Catholicism in Hainan. Although Wang had not converted to Catholicism, the account of the meeting reveals that he was favorable to Catholicism and sympathetic to the Chinese Catholic cause. In 1600 (the twenty-eighth year of Emperor Wanli’s reign), after he retired and went back to Dingan County in Hainan, he set up a “Friendship Academy” 尚友書院 in his hometown.9 It is possible that the name “friendship” was influenced by the famous book De amicitia (交友論), published by Ricci in China at that time. A luminary from Hainan who was sympathetic to Catholicism thus set up an academy to teach. Did he intend to influence the students in his hometown with his sympathy towards Catholicism? His son stated to Jesuit father André Palmeiro 班安德 (1569–1635), “People from Hainan have good aptitude and great determination […]. I believe that the cause of missionary work would surely become successful.”10 Does this statement include the efforts his father had made to lay a solid foundation for the missionary work in Hainan while working at the Friendship Academy? Catholic missionary work in Hainan formally began in 1633. According to Louis Pfister’s Notices biographiques et bibliographiques sur les Jésuites de l’ancienne mission de Chine:

A government official, Paulo 王汝龍, son of the first person who had introduced Matteo Ricci to the royal court, went back to the Island of Hainan, his hometown. When he passed by Macau, he visited the visitor, André Palmeiro, and asked him to send a priest to preach in his home-

8 Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault, China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journal of Matthew Ricci, trans. He Gaoji et al. (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1983), 271–72. 9 Zeng Chaojie 曾朝節, Ziyuancao [紫園草], vol. 5 (Taipei: Central Library), 15. 10 Kobata, History, 315. 132 Chapter 4

town. The inspector refused, because no one understood Chinese in the college of Macau. Paulo insisted, and suggested Domingos Méndez 丘良禀 [1581–after 1631] could serve as the interpreter. The inspector was pleased with his proposal, so he agreed to send Father Pedro Marques 馬多祿 [1577–1657] to the Island of Hainan.11

The Paulo referred to in the above passage is Wang Rulong 王汝龍, the son of Wang Honghui (i.e., Wang Zhongming 王忠銘). However, Asia Extrema by António de Gouvea 何大化 (1592–1677) provides a slightly different account of this event:

In Beijing, there is a prestigious minister of the Ministry of Revenue 戶部. He is from Hainan Island and regards missionaries as his friends. He has an adopted son, who is also a government official and was baptized with the Christian name Paulo. When he returned to his hometown, he hoped that he could bring back a priest to baptize his family members. In 1633, he went to St. Paul’s College in Macau and asked the priest […] Palmeiro, the Japanese visitor in China, to send a priest to Hainan Island. I witnessed this episode with my own eyes. At that time, I was in the college.12

Thus, according to the above account, Wang Rulong was the adopted rather than natural son of Wang Zhongming, and Wang Rulong went to Macau to invite a priest in 1633 rather than 1632. As Gouvea personally witnessed these events, it is likely that Pfister is incorrect in stating that it took place in 1632. A more detailed account of this episode is offered in the Histoire de la mission du Kiang-nan by the French historian Auguste M. Colombel (1833–1905):

Paulo Wang left Beijing for his hometown. Fathers in Beijing sent a letter to father […] Palmeiro in Macau, who was the inspector of the Chinese and Japanese diocese. When Paulo […] passed Macau, he was warmly received by the priests in St. Paul’s College in Macau. […] Palmeiro had received an order from the superior general to dispatch as many missionaries as possible to foreign countries. Upon the invitation from Paulo Wang, he dispatched father Pedro Marques to Hainan. […] Marques did not speak Chinese and [so] Domingos Méndez was ordered to travel with him. […] Méndez is from Zhejiang. After he graduated from college in 1610, he assisted priests in carrying out missionary work and made great

11 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 222. 12 António de Gouvea, Asia Extrema, vol. 2 (Lisbon: Fundação Oriente, 1995), 327–28. The Rise and Fall of Catholicism in Hainan 133

achievements. He was thrown into prison and beaten up twice because of his missionary work. These tortures strengthened his passion and he was accredited as an ideal preacher. Therefore, […] Palmeiro asked him to accompany priest […] Marques as an interpreter.13

During Ricci’s journey to Beijing together with the family of Wang Zhongming, he was able to establish good relations with Wang’s family and even his slaves. The family was greatly influenced by Ricci, and this played an important role in the family’s subsequent decision to be baptized. Wang was baptized in Beijing, with Paulo as his baptismal name. When he returned to his hometown in Hainan in 1633, he went to Macau to request that missionaries should be dispatched there for missionary work. Thus he brought Fathers Marques and Méndez to Hainan. According to Dehergne, Wang was from Xian’gou, Dingan County, Hainan.14 As a result, Marques and Méndez chose Xian’gou in Dingan County as the first place to carry out missionary work. As Marques did not speak Chinese, Méndez served as an interpreter when he taught Catholic creeds to the family of Paulo Wang. In the following year, the whole family— his wife, three sons, one daughter-in-law, and four grandchildren—were baptized.15 According to the Histoire de la mission du Kiang-nan,

Paulo Wang publicly confessed his faith without any fear. After reaching home, he changed the hall into a church, where […] Méndez preached Catholic creeds. The family members of Paulo Wang were the first to convert. On March 27, 1632, on the eve of Easter Day, […] Marques baptized Paulo Wang’s wife, three sons, one daughter-in-law, and four grandchildren. Later, the whole family was baptized.16

This event marks the beginning of the introduction of Catholicism into Hainan. Xu Zongze claims that Catholicism was introduced into Hainan in 1632.17 According to “A Report by the Japanese Diocese,” written in 1644 by António Francisco Cardim 嘉爾定 (1596–1659), a priest in St. Paul’s College, “In 1631 he

13 Auguste M. Colombel, Histoire de la mission du Kiang-nan, trans. Zhou Shiliang (Shang- hai: Guangqi Press, 2009), 185. 14 Dehergne, Les origines, vol. 5. 15 Xu Zongze 徐宗澤, Introduction to History of Catholic Missionary Work in China [中國天主教傳教史概論] (Shanghai: Tushanwan Press, 1938), 317. 16 Colombel, Histoire, 185. 17 Xu, Introduction, 317. 134 Chapter 4 returned to Cochinchina in Vietnam again, and before his departure he was ordered to establish a church on Hainan island.”18 The same document confirms that the whole family of Paulo Wang was baptized in 1632 and that a church was also formally set up in Hainan. The Portuguese missionary, Father Marques, was the first person to travel to Hainan for missionary work. While in Hainan, besides preaching Catholicism, he devoted himself to studying the local dialects in order to better carry out his work. However, a serious illness prevented him from carrying out missionary work for a period of two years, and in 1635 he was consequently recalled to Macau,19 as Colombel records: “Marques stayed in Hainan for three years. Because he could not speak the local language, he left Hainan in August 1635. […] Méndez propagated the Gospel in many places in Hainan. Therefore, we must dispatch priests well versed in the Chinese language to Hainan.”20 According to Álvaro Semedo’s (1585–1658) The History of That Great and Renowned Monarchy of China, a Portuguese ship suffered an accident on its way from Macau to Manila. The survivors tried to reach the land nearby. Several days later, they reached Hainan. After they landed,

they were immediately arrested according to the island’s customs. Noise and turbulence gave an omen to these poor refugees. They got a lot of help from some Christians on the island. A mandarin named Ignacio and his family members had converted to Christianity a long time ago. When I was in Nanjing, I already knew that Ignacio was a kind and devout man.21

It is possible that the Ignacio named in the above account was the aforementioned Wang Rulong.

2 The Development of Catholicism in Hainan

When Catholicism was introduced into Hainan Island, Catholicism was enjoy- ing something of a golden age in terms of its development in mainland China.

18 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 202–3. 19 Ibid., 222. 20 Colombel, Histoire, 185. Pedro Marques was born in Nagasaki, Japan. His father was Portu- guese and his mother was Japanese. He arrived in Hainan in 1632 and left the island in 1635. In 1637, he was transferred to northern Vietnam, where he carried out missionary work for more than thirty years. In 1670, he was killed by pirates in Vietnam. 21 Álvaro Semedo, The History of That Great and Renowned Monarchy of China, trans. He Gaoji (Shanghai: Shanghaigujichubanshe, 1998). The Rise and Fall of Catholicism in Hainan 135

Catholicism consequently developed rapidly in Hainan, a process that can be divided into two stages.

2.1 Initial Development in Hainan in the Late Ming Dynasty (1635–40) Following the arrival of Marques, the Portuguese father Bento de Matos 林本篤 (1600–51/52) also traveled to Hainan. He spent his early years in India and did not travel to China until 1630. According to a directory of that time, he was well versed in the Chinese language. He carried out missionary work in Fujian from 1630 to 1635. After Marques was forced to leave Hainan in 1635, Catholic leaders had great expectations of Matos and dispatched him to replace Marques. Upon reaching Hainan, he committed himself to the Catholic enterprise, renting an apartment in Qiongzhou city. He was told by a friend that the apartment was haunted, but he did not seem to mind. After he settled down, he carried out missionary work, with the apartment serving as a base and the first venue for missionaries arriving in Hainan. Father Matos had great virtues, was known to be hard-working, and was well versed in the Chinese language. “He traveled a lot for missionary work and many people converted.”22 Missionary work in Hainan made rapid gains; soon there were more than six hundred followers, and several communities had been established:

In the first year, 335 people were baptized. In the second year, namely in 1636, Bento de Matos divided his missionary district into four areas: Quongzhou [Qiongzhou 瓊州], Jing-hoang [Dingan], Pankao [Xian’gou], and Long-mō [Longmen 龍門]. A church was set up in each area. When he was in Pankao, he worked day and night. Consequently, all the people in the town converted to Catholicism. In 1637, 330 people were baptized.23

Catholicism was most successful in Xian’gou, the hometown of Paulo Wang, where “all the people in the town converted to Catholicism,” including many local “gentries.”24 In merely two years, Matos had achieved a great deal of success in his missionary work. At that time, because of the suppression of local missionary enterprises, missionaries in Zhaoqing, Shaozhou, and Nanxiong 南雄 in Guangdong 廣東 had abandoned missionary work, and as the spread of Catholicism in Hainan was the only surviving achievement in Guangdong it was greatly valued by the religious authorities of the diocese. However, as

22 Colombel, Histoire, 185. 23 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 212–13. 24 Ibid. 136 Chapter 4 missionary work expanded, Catholics came into conflict with some local monks in Hainan. Because people increasingly converted to Catholicism, local monks and those who were opposed to Catholicism started to attack Catholicism and those who sought to propagate the new religion.

They spread all kinds of rumors, vilified priests, and instigated the masses to attack the priests. Among the masses, there was even a rumor that priests could cut paper into soldiers. According to the rumor, priests cut paper into the shape of human being[s], draw amulets on the paper, and cast the paper into the wind. Then the paper would become soldiers and generals from the heavens. The masses are very upset.25

A large number of complaints against Catholicism were submitted to the authorities in the hope that the missionaries would be expelled. The authorities rebuffed their requests, however: “The officer stated [that] they [had] sailed over a long distance to come here, [had] assumed risks, [and] overcome difficulties, [and that they] wear Chinese clothing and seek fortune for us. Thus the religion should be a good one. We shall believe in them, follow them, and allow them to live on this island.”26 This statement, made by the governor of Qiongzhou, shows that Matos’s missionary work had been highly successful. Although it is unclear whether or not the governor had converted to Catholicism, this episode shows that he supported Catholic missionary work in Hainan. However, the authority’s defense of the Catholic missionaries’ work stirred up the resentment of the local people against Catholicism. They perse- cuted Fr. Matos and he was forced to change his place of residence three times. Under mounting pressure from the anti-Catholic group in Hainan, in 1640 the magistrate of Qiongzhou was unable to control the anti-Catholic sentiment and Matos requested that he be allowed to return to Macau for refuge. Before his departure, he assigned the management of Catholic affairs to someone who taught Catholic creeds. The man’s baptismal name was Marcel. He was from Fuzhou, and in 1635 he went to Hainan with Matos, where he became a teacher of Catholic creeds. After Matos left, Marcel was placed in charge of Catholic affairs in Hainan, but he died soon afterwards when local monks poisoned him.27

25 Colombel, Histoire, 185. 26 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 212–13. 27 Ibid. The Rise and Fall of Catholicism in Hainan 137

When he left Qiongzhou, […] Matos assigned the management of Catholic affairs to a missionary who came to Hainan together with […] Matos. The person’s name is unknown, but when he was 23 years old, he was baptized with Marcel as his church name. His father, whose baptismal name is Cyrille, had another son. In 1639, Marcel died in prison during the anti-Catholic persecutions, sacrificing his life for the faith. Marcel willingly followed the father and served God and was determined to remain single. Every Friday, he observed a vegetarian fast. He committed himself to study and improving his aptitude. He taught Catholic followers diligently and fostered the passion of followers. He often traveled between various churches. Finally he was granted the honor that he deserved from God. One day, monks from a Buddhist temple invited him to preach Catholic creeds. He stayed in the temple for a few days and was poisoned to death. He knew that he was [poisoned] to death. After he was poisoned, he knelt down with prayer beads in his hand. He died calmly on August 20, 1640.28

Thus the enterprise that Matos initiated in Hainan suffered a serious setback because of the opposition of local monks and those opposed to Catholicism among the local population. The initial development of Catholicism in Hainan now came to a temporary halt. There is no evidence that any further missionaries went to Hainan during the course of the following six years.

2.2 Catholicism Developed Further in Hainan in the Early Qing Dynasty (1644–64) In 1644–50 (during the reign of Emperor Shunzhi 順治 [r. 1644–61]), Hainan Island was still ruled by the South Ming dynasty, and Catholicism in Hainan was under the jurisdiction of the Macau diocese. In 1659 (the sixteenth year of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi), Pope Alexander VII (r. 1655–67) divided the Chinese diocese into three apostolic vicariates; Guangdong, including Hainan, came under the jurisdiction of the apostolic vicariate of Cochin China.29 The Catholic enterprise founded in Hainan by Marques and Matos suffered serious setbacks under the late Ming dynasty. However, Hainan benefited from its unique geographic position. First, separated from Macau by a strait, Hainan was very close to Macau, the base of missionary work in the Far East. Second, Hainan was located on the route that European missionaries typically used on

28 Colombel, Histoire, 185–86. 29 Zhao Qingyuan 趙慶源, Demarcation of Catholic Dioceses and Succession of Leaders in China [中國天主教教區劃分及其首長接替年表] (Tainan: Wendao Press, 1980), 14. 138 Chapter 4 their way to China. Third, Hainan was the most important transit point for communication and liaison between Catholic representatives on the Indochina Peninsula and their counterparts in China and Japan. Therefore, both Macau archdiocese and the apostolic vicariate of Cochin China paid great attention to the recovery and re-establishment of the missionary enterprise in Hainan. After 1646, they dispatched missionaries to Hainan again and implemented the “Plan to Return to Hainan” developed by the Society of Jesus in Macau. On February 22, 1646, Italian father Andrea-Giovanni Lubelli 陸泰然 (1611–85) went to Hainan in a boat together with Fathers Antoine Constantin (d.1646) and Valentim Nogueira (d.1646). However, during the voyage their ship encountered a storm, ran aground on rocks, and sank. Among the three fathers, only Lubelli was saved.30 The first attempt to implement the “Plan to Return to Hainan” had failed. A second attempt was made to travel to Hainan in early 1647, when Father Matos led Fathers Lubelli, Michał Boym卜彌格 (1612–59),31 and João Nunes 努若翰 (1613–59) to the island. This time the voyage was successful. According to Dehergne, after these Jesuits entered Hainan: “The Portuguese […] Matos and […] Nunes lived in Qiongshan, while the Italian […] Lubelli and the Pole […] Boym lived in Dingan.”32 Soon after they had entered Hainan, in February 1647 (the fourth year of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi), the commanders of the Qing dynasty, Li Chengdong 李成棟 (d.1649) and Tong Yangjia 佟養甲 (d.1648), occupied Guangdong, and Hong Tianzhuo 洪天擢, the governor of Gaozhou, Leizhou, Lianzhou, and Qiongzhou of the Ming dynasty, retreated to Qiongzhou. While he was in Qiongzhou, Hong “trained troops, collected funds, extorted hundreds of silver taels in the local place, and killed several thousand people arbitrarily.”33 His presence led to political insta- bility in Qiongzhou. On April 1, 1647 (the fourth year of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi), Yan Keyi 閻可義, a deputy of Li, led troops across the strait. Hong

30 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 332–33. 31 Boym mainly engaged in scientific investigation rather than missionary work in Hainan. Edward Kajdański, Michał Boym: Ambasador Pańštwa Środka, trans. Zhang Zhenhui, chapter 7 (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2001), 77–89, “For scientist Michał Boym, coming to the island [was] like ascending to heaven. Here he sort[ed] out his notes on plants and wrote down everything about the medical use and common use of plants by the local residents.” 32 Dehergne, Les origines, vol. 5. 33 Hua Fuli 華複蠡, Notes of Guangdong and Guangxi [兩廣紀略], cited in Gu Cheng 顧誠, History of Southern Ming Dynasty [南明史] (Beijing: China Youth Press, 1991), 410. The Rise and Fall of Catholicism in Hainan 139 surrendered and Qing troops formally occupied Hainan.34 According to the Histoire de la mission du Kiang-nan,

When commander Li occupied Guangzhou and the counties nearby, he marched towards Hainan Island. At that time, four fathers, […] Matos, […] Lubelli, […] Boym, and […] Nunes, were in Hainan. They suffered tremendously […]. Matos suffered the most. He was stripped of clothing and brought to the commander of the Qing troops with virtually nothing on his body. Commander Li ordered to return his clothing to him and gave 20 silver taels to subsidize missionary work.35

Thus, after occupying Hainan, Li adopted a friendly stance towards the missionaries. According to Robert Chabriè’s biography of Boym: “When China resisted the Machu aggression, the island was in chaos. Some people wanted to capture and kill these two fathers. These two fathers boarded a ship, fled Hainan, and went to Vietnam.”36 According to the Historia Tartaro-Sinica nova by François de Rougemont (1624–76), “As Tartars invaded Hainan, they could not stay there for a long time. Bento de Matos dispatched him [Boym] to Vietnam.”37 Three people—namely Lubelli, Boym, and Nunes—left Hainan at this time. According to a document cited by Dehergne, Nunes left Hainan for Vietnam on November 11, 1647.38 Among the missionaries in Hainan, only Fr. Matos, then living in Qiongshan, remained on the island. After Li led his troops in rebellion against the Qing dynasty in May 1648 (the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi), Hainan Island again fell under the jurisdiction of the South Ming dynasty. When Qing troops occupied Guangzhou for the second time in November 1650 (the seventh year of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi), Du Yonghe 杜永和, the governor general of Guangdong and Guangxi, who had defended Guangzhou, led his remaining troops to retreat to Qiongzhou via sea. While in Qiongzhou, Du “collected a lot of money as he lacked funds for his army, and consequently the masses were upset and rebelled and the whole island became

34 Zhang Weiren 張偉仁, ed., Archives of Ming and Qing Dynasties [明清檔案], vol. 5 (Tai- pei: Lianjing Press, 1974), A5–96. 35 Colombel, Histoire, 213. 36 Robert Chabrié, Michał Boym: Jésuite Polonais et la fin des Ming en Chine (1646–1662), trans. Feng Chengjun (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1941), 39. 37 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 332–33. 38 Joseph Dehergne, Répertoire des Jésuites de Chine de 1552–1800, trans. Geng Sheng (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1995), 466. 140 Chapter 4 turbulent.”39 It is possible that Zheng Chenggong 鄭成功 (1624–62), who was stationed in Fujian, was aware that Du had intended to surrender to the Qing dynasty. He therefore ordered his commander to attack Qiongzhou, as he wanted to occupy Hainan and use it as a base against Qing forces. Zheng’s troops besieged and attacked Qiongzhou, but as they were “unable to occupy Qiongzhou, they occupied Danzhou 儋州.”40 To prevent Hainan from destruction by warfare, Du sent Matos to Danzhou to negotiate peace with the troops led by Zheng of the Ming dynasty. He did so because Fr. Matos knew the commander of Zheng’s forces, whom he had met while carrying out missionary work in Fujian. Colombel provides a record of these events:

After Guangzhou fell, the governor of Guangdong of Emperor Yongli 永曆 [r. 1646–62] of [the] South Ming Dynasty led his government officials and all of his ships in a retreat to Hainan. After he went to Hainan, he needed funds and had to increase taxation. Consequently, riots broke out in many places in Hainan. Meanwhile, the fleet of Zheng Chenggong also regarded Hainan as their property and looted Hainan repeatedly. The coast of Hainan suffered tremendously and even Qiongzhou was looted. The cavalrymen of the governor defended Qiongzhou. However, the fleet of Zheng Zhilong besieged Qiongzhou continuously and attacked both from land and from sea. It was hard to tell which side would win. Bento de Matos, who was in charge of Catholic affairs in Hainan, had done missionary work for many years in Fujian and knew the subordinates of Zheng Zhilong. He proposed to the governor that he would go to see the enemy to mediate. Of course the governor agreed to the suggestion. However, […] Matos died because of this trip.41

There are two contending views with regard to the way in which Matos died after he left for the peace negotiations. One view holds that he was killed by pirates: “Unexpectedly, father […] Matos was captured by pirates immediately after he reached the shore. Because he had no money to redeem himself, he

39 Joseph Siao, Textual Researches on the Spreading of Catholicism in China, ed. Chen Fang- zhong, Collection of Archives of History of Catholicism in China, vol. 5 (Taipei: Fu Jen Catholic University Press, 2003), 142. According to Colombel, Histoire, 218, “The pirates in Fujian detained Bento de Matos and asked for a large amount of ransom. […] Matos was tortured and thrown into the sea as he could not pay the money. His dead body reached the coast. The governor asked staff to collect the dead body and bury it in Qiongzhou city. This took place in April 1652.” However, the Catholic cemetery in Haikou, Qiongzhou, does not contain Matos’s grave. “A Christandade,” Ta-Ssi-Yang-Kuo 2 (1901): 733–46. 40 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 212–13. 41 Colombel, Histoire, 218. The Rise and Fall of Catholicism in Hainan 141 was thrown into the sea in March 1651.”42 Yet the other view holds that he was thrown into the sea by one of Zheng Chenggong’s subordinates:

The commander regarded […] Matos as a spy and is unwilling to listen to [him]. He throws […] Matos into prison for three months and asks for 2,000 silver taels as ransom […]. Later, seeing that the governor launched attacks repeatedly, he threw […] Matos into the sea in April 1652.43

It is not currently clear as to which of these accounts is correct. According to Dehergne’s biography of Matos, he had lived in Hainan for thirteen years.44 Matos first entered Hainan in 1635 and departed in 1640. He entered Macau in 1647. During this period, many missionaries had traveled to Hainan. Boym, for instance, had gone to Hainan twice.45 However, most of the missionaries only stayed temporarily and left soon after their arrival, which in turn meant that Matos essentially carried out his missionary work alone. Yet through his endeavors, the Catholic cause in Hainan was able to make significant progress. “In the first year of Emperor Yongli of the South Ming Dynasty [1646], a few thousand people in Hainan have followed Catholicism.”46 According to another document, when the next father came to Hainan in 1656, he received a list of the 2,253 people who had been baptized.47 This figure likely represents the number of converts during the tenure of Fr. Matos, thereby proving that he had achieved much in the course of his missionary work. In August 1652 (the ninth year of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi), Geng Jimao 耿繼茂 led troops to attack Qiongzhou, and Du ordered his troops to surrender to the Qing dynasty.48 The Qing dynasty subsequently established its gover- nance over Hainan. The middle and late years (1650–61) of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi comprised the period in which Catholicism enjoyed the least restric- tions in Chinese history, and were thus a time when open missionary work was pervasive across China.49 Many missionaries went to Hainan for missionary work in this period (see table 4.1).

42 Siao, Textual Researches, vol. 5, 142. 43 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 212–13. 44 Dehergne, Répertoire, 419. 45 Chabrié, Michał Boym, 39. 46 Siao, Textual Researches, vol. 5, 142. 47 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 212–13. 48 Historical Records of Emperor Shunzhi [世祖順治實錄], vol. 67, 522. 49 Tang Kaijian, “Spread and Development of Catholicism during the Reign of Emperor Shunzi” [順治時期天主教的傳播與發展], in Qingshi luncong [清史論叢] (Beijing: Chinese Radio and TV Press, 2001). 142 Chapter 4

Table 4.1 Missionaries in Hainan, 1655–64

Name Country of Time of missionary origin work

Andrea-Giovanni Lubelli 陸泰然 Italy 1655 Giovanni Battista Brando 王若翰 Italy 1656–60 Jan Mikołaj Smogulecki 穆尼閣 Poland 1656 Matias de Maia 利瑪弟 Portugal 1656–60 Jean Forget 傅滄溟 France 1657–6050 Adrien Greslon 聶仲遷 France 1657–60 Stanislao Torrente 瞿篤德 Italy 1659–64

50 In 1655, Fr. Lubelli tried to travel to Hainan for a second time, but he was unsuccessful. The Polish Jesuit Jan Mikołaj Smogulecki (1610–56) was a friend of the governor of Guangdong and obtained the recommendation letter from the Guangdong authorities. The Jesuit superiors therefore appointed the Portuguese Matias de Maia (1616–67) to go to Hainan as a replacement for Lubelli. Smogulecki and the Italian Giovanni Battista Brando (1610–81) also joined this trip. They reached Hainan in 1656. Using his recommendation letter, Smogulecki introduced these men to local government officials in Hainan.51 They thus started their missionary work during the Qing dynasty. Fr. Smogulecki reached Dingan and regained possession of the house which had belonged to Matos from local officials. Maia lived in Qiongshan and Brando lived in Dingan. Maia was in charge of Catholic affairs.52 They assembled the Catholic followers who had been dispersed, and they also gained new converts. At one time, the number of Catholic followers in Hainan reached three thousand, and missionary work continued to prosper in Hainan during the early Qing dynasty. “After father […] Matos died, Hainan was plagued by repeated wars and the Catholic converts were dispersed. Matias de Maia and his fellows came, assembled the dispersed followers, and collected 3,000 followers in three zones of missionary work, namely Qiongzhou, Lingao 臨高, and Dingan.”53 The areas of missionary work in Hainan thus expanded from Qiongshan and Dingan to Lingao. This

50 Jean Forget died from illness in Qingzhou on October 9, 1660, and was also buried in Haikou, Qiongzhou. “A Christandade,” Ta-Ssi-Yang-Kuo 2 (1901): 733–46. 51 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 268. 52 Dehergne, Répertoire, 84. 53 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 289. According to Dehergne, Répertoire, 40, Matias de Maia reached Haikou in 1653. This statement is incorrect. The Rise and Fall of Catholicism in Hainan 143 expansion was the principal contribution made by Maia and Brando to the Catholic missionary enterprise:

In 1657, French fathers Jean Forget (1606–60) and Adrien Greslon (1614– 95) were dispatched to Hainan. In 1659, […] Forget built a church in Qiongzhou and with the help of Father Johann Adam Schall von Bell 湯若望 (1592–1666) he got back the Qiongzhou residence which had been confiscated by the government officials of Hainan.54 In 1659, Italian father Stanislao Torrente (1616–81) also reached Hainan after Matias de Maia returned to mainland China. Only […] Torrente and Giovanni Battista Brando remained in Hainan. […] Torrente was in charge of the Catholic affairs in Hainan and managed two churches and seven chapels.55 “In the beginning he set up two mission societies in Hainan and later he set up nine missionary offices in Xian’gou and Longmen […]. From 1560 to 1664, 3,900 persons had been baptized in Hainan.”56

Before the anti-Catholic campaign initiated by Yang Guangxian 楊光先 (1597– 1669) began in 1664, the Catholic enterprise in Hainan reached its peak under the leadership of Fr. Torrente.

3 Catholicism in Hainan during the Reign of Emperor Kangxi

In 1664 (the third year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi 康熙 [r. 1662–1722]), a campaign was launched against the Catholic movement and all Chinese provinces were issued with orders to arrest those who engaged in missionary work. Some missionaries were arrested, some went into hiding, and others fled to Macau or overseas. Torrente and Lubelli, who were in charge of Catholic affairs in Hainan and Guangdong, were both arrested by the Qing court and escorted to Beijing for investigation. In 1665 (the fourth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), twenty-five missionaries who had been arrested and sent to Beijing were transported to Guangzhou for imprisonment, accompanied by orders stating they “should be checked frequently by the governor there.”57 The anti-Catholic movement initiated by Yang greatly damaged the Catholic enterprise, which was then at its peak, and the missionary work in Hainan suffered

54 Dehergne, Répertoire, 238. 55 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 340. 56 Kobata, History, 318. “A Christandade,” Ta-Ssi-Yang-Kuo 2 (1901): 733–46. 57 First Historical Archives of China, ed., Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 25 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1999), 59. 144 Chapter 4 tremendously. According to Fr. Dehergne, “In 1664, the oppression of preaching started in Hainan.”58 António Lopes 羅安當 (1618–77), who propagated Catholicism in Hainan from 1660 to 1662, fled to Macau as a result of the anti- Catholic persecution.59 Yang initiated this anti-Catholic campaign because of Schall. He accused the missionary of “receiving foreigners who traveled via sea.”60 Hainan was located at a critical place for the maritime defense of Guangdong and was in the sphere of influence of Zheng Chenggong. Since the time of the Ming dynasty, anti-Catholic forces in Hainan had consistently pursued Catholics. The Catholic enterprise in Hainan was virtually destroyed by the anti-Catholic movement initiated by Yang. However, the Society of Jesus in Macau was unwilling to abandon its missionary work in Hainan altogether. Jesuits were sent into Hainan from 1665 (the fourth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), when the nationwide ban on Catholicism was officially promulgated. After the ban was relaxed in 1671, missionary work in Hainan increased once more. The activities of the Jesuits in Hainan during the reign of Emperor Kangxi can be summarized as follows:

1. Portuguese father José de Magalhães 楊若瑟 (1636–83) was dispatched to Hainan for missionary work in 1665, and left Hainan for Thailand in 1671.61 2. The Italian father Carlo della Rocca 石嘉樂 (1612 or 1614–70) was expelled from Vietnam in 1658, went to Hainan for missionary work in 1666, and after working in Hainan for a few months he went to Guang- zhou.62 3. Portuguese father Francisco da Veiga 范方濟 (1631–1703) went to Hainan for missionary work in 1673 and made his vow in Qiongzhou on Febru- ary 2, 1675. From 1673 to 1678, he established several villages of Catholic followers in Ngan-li-dong 南黎洞 (to the southwest of Dingan), and maintained a cemetery for Catholic followers. In 1680, he purchased a mansion from a government official in Dingan for use as a religious venue. In 1683, he built the Church of Our Lady in Qiongzhou. In 1693, he established a village of Catholic converts in Dingan. In 1693, 270 people were baptized, most of whom were abandoned infants. Accord- ing to the directory in 1697, Veiga engaged in missionary work in Hainan

58 Kobata, History of Hainan Island, 318. “A Christandade,” Ta-Ssi-Yang-Kuo 2 (1901): 733–46. 59 Dehergne, Répertoire, 380. 60 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 20, 45. 61 Dehergne, Répertoire, 400. 62 Ibid., 174. Pfister, Notices biographiques, 368. The Rise and Fall of Catholicism in Hainan 145

for twenty-four years, the longest time spent by any missionary in Hainan during the Ming and Qing dynasties. He also propagated Catholicism in Leizhou 雷州 and built a church in Haikang 海康.63 4. Fr. Lopes undertook missionary work in Hainan from 1660 to 1662 and fled to Macau during the anti-Catholic persecutions. In 1673, he went to Hainan again and soon afterwards he returned to Macau.64 5. Pascoal Fernandes 范有行 (1609–81) was a Chinese novice in Macau. He engaged in missionary work in Hainan from 1660 to 1662 and returned to Macau during the anti-Catholic campaign. In 1673, he again went to Hainan.65 6. Fr. Torrente went to Hainan for missionary work in 1659. In 1665, he was arrested during the anti-Catholic campaign and sent to Beijing for investigation. He was later detained in Guangzhou for six years. In 1673, he returned to Hainan where he was placed in charge of Catholic affairs. He died in Qiongzhou on March 30, 1681.66 His grave is located in Haikou, Qiongzhou. 7. German father Joachim Calmes 金玉敬 (1652–86) went to Hainan in 1685. He propagated Catholicism for one year in Ngan-li-dong and died from illness in Hainan on October 9, 1686. His graveyard is in Haikou, Qiongzhou.67 8. Italian father Filippo-Felice Carrocci 羅斐理 (1646–95) reached Hainan in 1690. After engaging in missionary work for one year, he left Hainan for Guangzhou.68 9. Italian father Pietro Francesco Capacci 成方濟 (1646–1715) reached Hainan in 1695. After engaging in missionary work for six years, he went to Leizhou and Foshan in Guangdong in 1701. In 1704, he returned to Hainan. He baptized eighty-one people in Qiongzhou. In 1712, he went to Macau.69 10. Portuguese father João de Pereira 李若望 (1663–1738) arrived in Hainan in 1696. He then engaged in missionary work in Hainan and Xinhui, Guangdong, before he returned to Macau in 1704.70

63 Dehergne, Répertoire, 710; Pfister, Notices biographiques, 379. 64 Dehergne, Répertoire, 380. 65 Ibid., 215. 66 Ibid., 676. 67 Joseph Dehergne, “La Chine du sun-est: Guangxi (Kwangsi) et Guangdong (Kwuangtung) étude de géographie missionnaire,” Archivum historicum Societatis Iesu 45 (1976): 36; Pfis- ter, Notices biographiques, 101. 68 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 111; “A Christandade,” Ta-Ssi-Yang-Kuo 2 (1901): 733–46. 69 Dehergne, Répertoire, 105. Pfister, Notices biographiques, 470. 70 Dehergne, Répertoire, 493. 146 Chapter 4

11. Portuguese father João de Borja 郭若翰 (d.1722) is likely to have arrived in Hainan in 1696. After seven years of missionary work in Hainan, he went to Foshan in 1703, and then to Macau.71 12. Portuguese father Manuel Ribeiro 陸瑪諾 (1676–after 1734) performed missionary work in Hainan from 1697 to 1711, and in Guangzhou and Leizhou from 1712 to 1717. In 1720, he went to Hainan again for missionary work. Prior to 1706, he had established five venues for missionary work in Hainan: Xian’gou, Dingan, Qiongzhou, Qiongshan, and Dongpo (Dang fo) 東坡.72 13. Portuguese father José de Almeida 范若瑟 (1658–1740) reached Hainan for missionary work in 1700, lived in Qiongzhou from 1701, and went to Macau in 1704.73 14. Portuguese father Manuel Teles 德其善 (1676–1715) reached Hainan in 1704, was seen in Qiongzhou in 1706 and 1708, lived in Qiongzhou in 1711, and died in Leizhou in 1715.74

According to the reports for 1695 and 1697,75 the following churches and buildings were used for missionary work:

1. Qiongzhou Prefecture: six churches. There was one Church of Our Lady and two St. José churches in Qiongzhou, and one St. João Church and two St. Xavier churches in the villages outside of Qiongzhou city. 2. Qiongshan County 瓊山縣: one building for missionary work. 3. Dingan County: two buildings for missionary work to the south of Qiong- zhou—one in Dingan County and the other in Xian’gou Town. 4. Lingshui County 陵水縣: a church called Lingshui Church. 5. Wenchang County 文昌縣: a St. Xavier Church built in 1693 and a village of Catholic followers in Longmen Town 龍門鎮. Tsan tsao Town, Dongpo Village 東坡村, Yalu, Poxan, and Tsien tsai all had followers.

The anti-Catholic campaign instigated by Yang effectively came to an end in 1671, the tenth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi. The half century from 1671 until the nationwide ban on Catholicism in 1721 (the sixtieth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi) allowed Catholicism greater freedom to develop in China.

71 Ibid., 75. 72 Dehergne, “La Chine,” 36–37; Dehergne, Répertoire, 539. Kobata, History, 319. 73 Dehergne, “La Chine,” 36–37; Dehergne, Répertoire, 16. 74 Dehergne, “La Chine,” 36–37; Dehergne, Répertoire, 667. 75 Dehergne, “La Chine,” 36–38. The Rise and Fall of Catholicism in Hainan 147

In the space of this fifty-year period, a total of fourteen fathers propagated Catholicism in Hainan and built churches and other buildings for missionary work in Qiongzhou Prefecture, Qiongshan County, Dingan County, Lingshui County, and Wenchang County, and there were six churches in Qiongzhou. It is fair to say that missionary work was very active in Hainan during this period. Among all the missionaries, Fathers Veiga and Ribeiro achieved the most. Veiga had engaged in missionary work in Hainan for twenty-four years. In 1680, he went to Anding and purchased the mansion of the governor of Qiongzhou Prefecture and a graveyard in Ngan-li-dong. In 1685, Fathers Veiga and Calmes propagated Catholicism in Ngan-li-dong and established many villages of Catholic followers there. In 1693, 270 people in Hainan were baptized, though most of them were abandoned babies. According to the annual report of missionary work in Hainan in 1693, there were two thousand Catholic followers at that time. In 1683, Veiga built the Church of Our Lady in Qiongzhou, and a new church in the village of Catholic followers in Leizhou, in the Hainan diocese. In 1695, there were a total of six churches in the diocese under Veiga’s supervision.76 Fr. Ribeiro went to Hainan twice for missionary work and he stayed there for over twenty years. From 1697 to 1711, he “set up five venues for missionary work in Xian’gou, Dingan, Qiongzhou, Qiongshan, and Dongpo” in Hainan.77 According to the annual report of missionary work in 1693, two thousand people in Hainan had converted to Catholicism.78 However, this achievement paled before the accomplishments of Matos and Maia in the middle and late period of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi (1650–61) of the Qing dynasty. In 1708 (the forty-seventh year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), the government introduced a system whereby missionaries had to apply for permits to engage in missionary work. Although missionaries from more than forty cities in more than ten provinces across China applied for permits, nobody from Hainan applied. This clearly highlights the decline of Catholicism in Hainan.79

76 Ibid., 36–37. 77 Dehergne, “La Chine,” 36–37. 78 Ibid., 38. 79 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 37, 79–82. 148 Chapter 4

4 The Decline of Catholicism in Hainan after Emperor Yongzheng Banned Catholicism

Influenced by the struggle between the Chinese and Western rites, Emperor Kangxi changed the favorable and tolerant attitude that he had long held toward Catholicism in China. In 1721 (the sixtieth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), the Qing government formally issued a nationwide ban on Catholicism: “From now on foreigners shall be prohibited from missionary work in China.”80 The ban was approved by Emperor Kangxi, and Catholicism in all of China subsequently came under attack. The French Jesuit Antoine Gaubil 宋君榮 (1689–1759), who went to China in 1722, described the situation of the Chinese church at that time:

I have been in China only a few months. When I set my feet on this land, I was filled with emotional thoughts when I saw that the situation, which showed great promise not long ago, was in great difficulty. Churches are destroyed, Christians are dispersed, and missionaries in exile hid themselves in Guangzhou, the largest port of China, because they were not allowed to enter mainland China. Christianity itself is to be banned soon. This is the saddening picture that I saw when I entered the Chinese empire.81

After Yongzheng 雍正 (r. 1723–35) was enthroned, he continued to implement the ban on Christianity that had been imposed by Kangxi. In the first year of his reign, 1723, Yongzheng approved a memo by Man Bao 滿保 (1673–1725), governor of Fujian and Zhejiang, “prohibiting Westerners from living in China and engaging in missionary work,” and a large-scale ban on Catholicism began again, all over China.82 According to Zhang Ze 張澤, “After Emperor Yongzheng banned Catholicism, in a few years all churches in China except the four major churches in Beijing were destroyed.”83 Catholicism in Hainan also suffered as a result of the prohibitions. The churches in Qiongshan and Dingan were

80 First Historical Archives of China, ed., Archives Concerning Western Catholic Missions: From the Early to Mid-Qing Dynasty in China [清中前期西洋天主教在華活動檔案史料], vol. 1, no. 3 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 2003), 49. 81 Jean-Baptiste Du Halde, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangeres memoires de la Chine, trans. Zheng Dedi, vol. 2 (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2001), 281. 82 First Historical Archives of China, ed., Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 90, 134–35. 83 Zhang Ze, Catholicism during the Prohibition Period in the Qing Dynasty (Taipei: Guangqi Press, 1992), 42. The Rise and Fall of Catholicism in Hainan 149 abandoned, while the church in Qiongshan was changed into a Taoist temple and most Catholic followers fled.84 The Catholics in mainland China responded to the ban by engaging in underground missionary work. Many Western missionaries sneaked into Jiangxi 江西, Huguang 湖廣, Jiangnan 江南, Zhili 直隸, Shanxi 山西, Shaanxi 陝西, Sichuan 四川, Yunnan 雲南, and Guizhou 貴州. Indeed, the development of Catholicism in some remote mountainous areas in Sichuan, Guizhou, and Huguang made greater strides during this period than had been the case before the ban.85 In Hainan, however, Catholicism was virtually destroyed. During the entirety of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng and throughout the reign of Emperor Qianlong (i.e., between 1723 and 1795), only a few Western missionaries who had done missionary work in Hainan returned there to propagate Catholicism, and no new missionaries entered the region. The Portuguese father António de Melo (1681–after 1752) went to Hainan in the year in which Emperor Yongzheng issued the ban on Catholicism, and then went into exile in May Pin 麥坪, and Xim xam çum 上村, which were distant from the cities. His church was confiscated. Around 1727, he engaged in missionary work secretly in Hainan, Leizhou, and Gaozhou. In 1734, he baptized thirty-eight adults and forty-two children and listened to 1,082 confessions. In 1727, Fr. Ribeiro secretly returned to Hainan, Leizhou, and Qinzhou for missionary work, but he was expelled by local government officials. He secretly returned in 1728, and baptized followers in Cao mon 曹門, Pepo 北坡, and Lisam 林桑. In 1746, he and twenty-two Christians stayed in a church with three families.86 According to Dehergne, Mathieu Xavier Li 李瑪竇 and João Francisco Régis 陳聖修, both of whom were of Chinese origin, also engaged in missionary work in Hainan in 1744–46.87 The church archives state that before the nationwide oppression of Christianity erupted again in 1746 (the eleventh year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), there were 142 Christians in Hainan, distributed among families residing in nine different villages in Qiongshan, Dingan, and Wenchang counties. Wenchang County claimed the largest number, with 106 people in five villages. Table 4.2 shows the remaining Catholic followers in Hainan in 1746.88

84 Kobata, History, 319. 85 Zhang, Catholicism, 131–40. 86 Dehergne, “La Chine,” 37–38. 87 Dehergne, Répertoire, 747. 88 Ibid. 150 Chapter 4

Table 4.2 Number and location of Catholics in Hainan, 1746

County Qiongshan Dingan Wenchang

Villages Pe-po A town three Tsao-tum- Xian’gou Tsantsao Dongpo Yalu Poxam Tsiem-tsai and village kilometers thoan village village village village village village towns 北坡 from village 仙溝 Qiongzhou Total 7 6 13 10 35 30 28 6 7

After nationwide repression returned in 1746 (the eleventh year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), Catholicism completely disappeared from Hainan. During the whole period of the reign of Emperor Qianlong, not a single Western missionary went to Hainan, and there is no record of any missionary work being performed in the available documents. There are two reasons for this. First, Hainan was located in the Qing dynasty’s critical zone of maritime defense, and was on the route that foreign ships had to travel on their way to Guangzhou. The Qing dynasty consequently guarded the island vigilantly. After Emperor Yongzheng banned Christianity, the Qing government strengthened its precautions at sea, and it became very difficult for missionaries to infiltrate Hainan for missionary work. Second, after 1696 (the thirty-fifth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), Pope Innocent XII (r. 1691–1700) divided China into three dioceses. Guangdong and Guangxi provinces and Hainan were under the jurisdiction of the Macau diocese.89 After the emperor banned Catholicism, the missionaries who dared to enter mainland China came mostly from the Paris Foreign Missions Society, the French province of the Society of Jesus, the Dominican and Franciscan orders, and from among the Jesuits in Nanjing and Beijing. Macau was under the strict control of the Qing government, meaning that the Macau diocese only sent “craftsmen” to Beijing to serve the royal court through legal channels.90 Neither the Macau council nor the bishop was willing to send missionaries to Guangdong, Guangxi, or Hainan to undertake missionary work in defiance of the government ban on Catholicism. Hainan was a desolate place; because no missionaries entered Hainan for a long time, Catholicism naturally fell into decline.

89 Zhao, Demarcation, 14. 90 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 271, 431. Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China 151

Chapter 5 Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties

In the growing body of research on the history of Catholicism in China, the economy of the church has received only limited attention,1 in part because there is a lack of detailed documentation with regard to the economics of missionary work in China. However, without economic resources it would have been impossible for anyone to have engaged in missionary work in China, and hence the subject is clearly worthy of further study—in the early modern world, a significant amount of funding was required to clothe, feed, shelter, and transport missionaries, to build churches and to publish texts of various kinds, to establish monasteries and schools, to perform charitable work and provide disaster relief, and even to pay inducements and bribes. This essay consequently aims to provide a detailed account of the various ways in which the Catholic missionary endeavor was funded in China. The expenditure of a number of missionaries has been recorded in the available sources. During the reign of Emperor Qianlong 乾隆 (r. 1736–95), for instance, San Pedro Sans y Jordá 白多祿 (1680–1747), the bishop of Fujian, is recorded as having spent “150 silver taels per year,” while Fr. Juan Alcober 費若用 (1694–1748) is said to have spent “100 silver taels per year” and Fr. Francisco Serrano 德黃正國 (d.1747) “80 silver taels per year.”2 According to Pierre Marie Alphonse Favier 樊國樑 (1837–1905), from the Congregation of the Mission, “in 1806 he [Jean-Baptiste-Joseph de Grammont 甘若翰 (1736–1812)] still lived in Beijing, had his own chariot, slaves, and an apartment, and used 400 silver taels per year.”3 In 1820, in order to rescue Fr. Jean-François Régis Clet 劉克莱 (1748– 1820), who had been arrested, 60,000 silver taels in bribes were paid to Chinese government officials.4 The construction of a chapel cost forty to fifty taels, and

1 The only scholarly work on this topic in China is Kang Zhijie 康志傑, “On the Finance and Economy of Jesuits in China during the Ming and Qing Dynasties” [論明清在華耶穌會士財政經濟], Monthly Journal of History [史學月刊] 3 (1994). 2 First Historical Archives of China, ed., Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 152 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1999), 212. 3 Louis Pfister, Notices biographiques et bibliographiques sur les Jésuites de l’ancienne mission de Chine 1552–1773, trans. Feng Chengjun (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1995), 1021. 4 Zhang Ze, Catholicism during the Prohibition Period in the Qing Dynasty (Taipei: Guangqi Press, 1992), 201.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi 10.1163/9789004305526_007 152 Chapter 5 building a large church cost between several hundred and 10,000 taels.5 When missionary work reached its peak during the reign of Emperor Kangxi 康熙 (r. 1661–1722), there were three hundred churches and countless chapels in China, the maintenance of which demanded a great deal of funding. According to the Chinese government, moreover, in order to lure poor Chinese people to convert, every convert was given some money. The archives of the Qing dynasty in the tenth year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng 雍正 (r. 1723–35) record how silver taels were distributed to converts:

The people living in the Catholic Church spare no money to lure people to convert, and local crooks often fall into the trap. The people who are willing to follow Catholicism burn the idols of their ancestors under the cross that they worship, and then are given ten silver coins. A silver coin was awarded for converting a person. After ten people are converted, the early followers are given five silver coins as a monthly salary, and 100 silver coins are given to these ten people. After these 100 silver coins are awarded for converting, these ten people get five silver taels as a monthly salary, while the monthly salary of the early converts is increased to one silver tael. The monthly salary increases like this until it reaches ten silver taels. Followers are ordered to command the persons recruited by them. Lured by money, the ignorant masses often convert to Catholicism.6

While he was in Nanjing 南京, the Jesuit Alfonso Vagnoni 王豐肅 (1566–1640) offered three silver taels to each convert.7 According to Lun Aomen Xiongshi Zhuang (論澳門形勢狀) (Memo on the situation in Macau), written by Zhang Zhentao 張甄陶 (1713–80), a magistrate in Xiangshan County, “A poor person who converts to Catholicism is given more than ten silver taels per year, and a

5 Wang Zheng donated fifty silver taels for building a chapel. See Alfons Väth, Johann Adam Schall von Bell, S.J.: Missionar in China, kaiserlicher Astronom und Ratgeber am Hofe von Peking, 1592–1666, trans. Yang Bingchen (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1949), 108. “Emperor Kangxi granted 10,000 silver taels for the reconstruction of [the] southern church in Beijing.” See Pierre-Marie-Alphonse Favier, Narration on the Beginning of the Mission in Yanjing, ed. Chen Fangzhong, Collection of Archives of History of Catholicism in China (Taipei: Fu Jen Catholic University Press, 2003), 393. 6 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 124, 170. 7 Xu Changzhi 徐昌治, Shengchao poxie ji [聖朝破邪集], vol. 1 (Hong Kong: Alliance Bible Seminary, 1996), 63. Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China 153 literate person who converts is given dozens of silver taels per year.”8 Jean- Gaspard Chanseaume 尚若翰 (1711–55), who reached Macau in 1746, offered a similar account, “They encourage the masses to join the religion, and give two ecus to each follower.”9 One follower was given more than ten silver taels. As there were more than three hundred thousand converts in China at the peak of the Catholic enterprise, vast amounts of money must have been spent in gaining new converts. Although it is certainly possible that these figures are exaggerated, they clearly reflect the fact that the introduction of Catholicism into China required considerable economic resources. Where did these resources come from?

1 Sponsorship from Foreign Governments, General Societies of Missions, and the Holy See

Early missionaries to China relied mainly on sponsorship from various European governments. In the East, Portugal enjoyed the status of protectorate of missions, which included the power to order the construction of churches, appoint and dismiss bishops and priests, and to delineate dioceses. Theo retically, these privileges and obligations meant that the expenses for church activities should have been paid by the royal court of Portugal. It seems that the annual stipends given by the Portuguese king to the China mission were not fixed. In 1572, the Portuguese king issued an order to the Japanese province of the Society of Jesus (at that time the Catholic enterprise of China fell under the jurisdiction of the Japan province), to allocate 1,000 cruzados from Malacca every year for expenses; this number increased to 2,000 cruzados after 1579.10 After the Chinese province of the Society of Jesus was established, the expenses are likely to have increased. In 1580, Spanish king Philip II (r. 1556–98) reigned concurrently as the king of Portugal. In 1588, through Eduardo de Menezes (1537–88), the Portuguese viceroy in India, Philip II issued an order stating that the royal treasury of Malacca should “offer an appropriate amount of stipend

8 Zhang Zhentao, “Lunaomenxingshizhuang” 論澳門形勢狀, in Xiaofanghuzhai yudi congchao [小方壺齋輿地叢鈔], vol. 9, 321. 9 Jacques Gernet, Chine et Christianisme, trans. Geng Sheng (Shanghai: Ancient Books Press, 2003), 105. According to Xu Dashou 許大受, “The foreigners also ordered as follows. A person who converted 100 people shall be awarded one striking clock and one musical instrument. One scholar converted is equivalent to ten people and one gentry converted is equivalent to 100 people.” See Xu, Shengchao poxie ji, vol. 4, 208. 10 Wang Wenda, Aomen zhanggu (Macau: Educational Press, 1999), 93–95. 154 Chapter 5 to the Chinese mission every year.”11 His successor, Philip III (r. 1598–1621), promised that the royal court of Spain would be responsible for all the daily expenses of the Chinese mission.12 This is confirmed by the following:

1. “Through the Portuguese viceroy in India Eduardo de Menezes, Alessan- dro Valignano 范禮安 [1539–1606] was granted the annual stipend issued in the name of the Catholic king [at that time the Spanish king had the title of Catholic king], to support the Chinese mission.”13 2. “The basic content is to congratulate us for entering China, as the Spanish Catholic king and the whole Christian world have expected for many years. Based on the common religious faith, they are willing to provide all the assistance that might foster the development of the mission.”14 3. “He [Valignano] makes the arrangement that the Chinese mission and the Japanese missions should have a joint agent or treasurer, who is in charge of the donations from the Catholic king, and of stipend monies donated by others.”15 4. “The Spanish king had given us all the daily necessities.”16

A document written by Matteo Ricci 利瑪竇 (1552–1610) reveals that the Spanish king contributed huge sums to the Chinese region of missionary work: “Father […] Valignano had planned to bring all kinds of things useful for various missions, and to offer at least 1,000 gold coins to each center.”17 At the price level at that time, “Thirty gold coins are enough for the clothing and food of a missionary group.”18 Thus we know that the Spanish king provided abundant

11 Anders Ljungstedt, An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements in China, trans. Wu Yixiong et al. (Beijing: Eastern Publishing, 1997), 216. 12 Zhang Kai 張鎧, Diego de Pantoja in China: Research on the Adaptation Strategy of the Society of Jesus [龐迪我在中國—耶穌會適應策略研究] (Beijing: Beijing Library Press, 1997), 35. 13 Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault, China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journal of Matthew Ricci, trans. He Gaoji et al. (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1983), 189. 14 Ibid., 184. 15 Ibid., 314. 16 Matteo Ricci, Complete Works of Fr. Matteo Ricci, S.J., Volume 4, Letters (II), trans. Luo Yu (Taipei: Guangqi Press, 1986), 384. 17 Ricci and Trigault, China, 520. “Every year Alessandro Valignano gives more than 30 ecus to each residence.” See Ljungstedt, Historical Sketch, 216. 18 Ricci and Trigault, China, 479. Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China 155 funding to the Chinese region of missionary work. In consequence, the Chinese documents from that time state that:

1. “All funds came from Macau. The silver was shipped continuously for many years from Western countries to Macau, through the intermediary of Macau merchant João da Rocha 羅如望 [1565–1623].”19 2. “The [Western] kings are good at extracting profits. But they do not spare any money to carry out missionary work in China. Each year, they ship silver taels to provide funding to missionaries […]. Every year, the funds and grain are sent by the country to the head of the society in the Philippines, and then sent to Macau for distribution to all churches.”20 3. “Every year, Western countries shipped a lot of money to Macau, which was transferred across China for the use of Catholic churches in various provinces.”21

After the Chinese province of the Society of Jesus was set up, it still relied mainly on external funding despite attempts to make it self-sufficient. According to a budget report submitted by Carlo Giovanni Turcotti 杜加祿 (1643–1706), the inspector of the Society of Jesus, to the Portuguese king, from 1700 onwards the China mission required 23 million reis per year. These expenses included 60,000 reis per year paid to a Jesuit who lived alone, and 50,000 reis per year paid to a Jesuit who lived with others.22 The Franciscans in China regularly received a fixed amount of expense money from the royal court of Spain. According to a report submitted by Fr. Antonio de Santa María Caballero 利安當 (1602–69), in 1654 the Spanish viceroy in the Philippines donated 4,000 pesos to the missionary work in Ji’nan 濟南.23 According to a report by Fr. Agustín a Sancto Paschale 利安定 (1637–97), “in 1672, we started

19 “600 silver taels are shipped from the West by commercial boats to Macau for Alfonso Vagnoni. If houses are to be built, 1,000 silver taels will be added. The money is shipped once per year and is allocated to Diego de Pantoja and others.” Xu, Shengchao poxie ji, vol. 2, 100, and vol. 1, 75. 20 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 152, 212. 21 Zhang Chao 張潮 and Zhang Jian 張漸, eds., Zhaodaicongshu [昭代叢書], vol. 38, Yuy- onghe [鬱永河], Baihaijiyou [裨海紀游], Shikaitangdaoguangkeben 世楷堂道光刻本, 35. 22 Liam Matthew Brockey, Journey to the East: The Jesuit Mission to China, 1579–1724 (Cam- bridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007), 178. 23 Anastasius van den Wyngaert, O.F.M., Sinica Franciscana, vol. 2 (Florence: Apud Colle- gium S. Bonaventurae, 1933), 465. 156 Chapter 5 receiving 500 silver Pesos offered to our mission by our honored Spanish king, His Majesty, via the Mexican treasury, and in 1685 the amount of such sponsorship reached 19,500 silver pesos.” Paschale became the director of the mission in 1686, and by 1688 he had received a total of 9,019 silver pesos in stipends from the royal court.24 Around 1716, the Dominican order set up a treasury in Guangzhou. Pedro Muñoz 郭多祿 held the post of treasurer until his death in 1728, when he was succeeded by Manuel Tenorio 謝德明. The Guangzhou treasury was closed when Catholicism was banned in Guangzhou in the tenth year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng (1732), and it did not reopen until 1754 when it was relocated to Macau.25 The Spanish Dominican order regularly provided funding to the Dominican missionaries in China, via the treasuries in Guangzhou and Macau.

Every year, director Franciscus Pallas 郭伯爾納篤 reported to the Catholic king, had silver shipped to Macau on foreign ships, and then transferred it to Fuan 福安 via António 奄多年 and Helashu 呵喇束, who were in Guangdong. Juan Alcober 費若用, Joaquín Royo Pérez 華敬, Francisco Díaz 施黃正國, and I each received 100, and Bishop Pedro Sans 150.26

Most of the funding provided by the royal courts of Spain and Portugal was shipped from Spain or Portugal to Macau, and then transferred to various parts of China by the missionary agencies based there. Some examples from the archives are provided below:

1. July 14, 1746 (Archive no. 151): The new convert is given one big foreign silver dollar per month, and is enticed to convert people. The family that hides a Catholic follower is

24 Ibid., vol. 3, 674. 25 Jose Maria Gonzalez, Historia de las misiones Dominicanas de China, vol. 2 (Madrid: Imprenta, Juan Bravo, 3, 1964), 120. Zhang Xianqing 張先清, “Investigation of the Rela- tionship between the Spanish Dominican Order and Macau from the 16th to the 18th Century” [世紀西班牙多明我會與澳門關係考述], in Proceedings of the Academic Conference on the Role and Function of Macau in the Eastward Movement of Catholicism [16–18 世紀西班牙多明我會與澳門關係考述] (Macau: Macau Institute of Technol- ogy, 2010), 217–18. 26 Wu Min and Han Qi, Collection of Catholic Documents during the Reigns of Emperor Yong- zheng and Emperor Qianlong in Europe [歐洲所藏雍正乾隆朝天主教文獻彙編], no. 33 (Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Press, 2008), 92. Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China 157

given a middling foreign silver dollar per month to pay for the food. The silver is shipped to Macau in Guangdong twice per year.27

The funding in this case was provided by the Dominican missionaries from Macau.

2. June 23, 1754 (Archive no. 192): José de Araújo 張若瑟 [1721–after 1774] confesses that he is a Westerner and carried out missionary work with his compatriot Manuel de Viegas 劉瑪諾 [1713–after 1768] […]. Wang Qinyi 汪欽一 and others helped us to manage the missionary work. Each year we give six silver taels to each of them. If the silver is used up, the bishops in Macau send the money to us.28

Araújo and Viegas were Portuguese Jesuits, and their funding was furnished to the Society of Jesus in Macau.

3. November 27, 1759 (Archive no. 215): In Fujian, the Westerner Francisco Pallas [1723–?] did not set up a church or propagate Catholicism to deceive the masses. However, he sneaked into the home of Wu Yonglong 吳永隆, sent a person to bring a letter to the home of Simão Xie 謝西滿 in Ganzhou 贛州, Jiangxi 江西, twice, and transferred 100 foreign silver dollars. Was the money sent by the director in Macau?29

After the death of the Franciscan missionary Diego de San José 丁迪我 (1694– 1755), Francisco Pallas reached Fujian for missionary work. He went to Fujian in 1757 (the twenty-second year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), was arrested in 1759 (the twenty-fourth year of the reign of the same reign), and was later escorted back to Macau. In other records he is called “Sang Bona.” He was a Franciscan missionary. The money and letters sent to Fujian from Macau were transferred via Jiangxi. Later, it was confirmed that the money and letters were indeed sent by Estevão de S. José 石若瑟. In this way, Macau directly supported the missionary work undertaken by the Franciscan order.

27 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties [明清時期澳門問題檔案文獻彙編], vol. 1, no. 151, 211. 28 Ibid., vol. 1, no. 192, 285. 29 Ibid., vol. 1, no. 215, 334. 158 Chapter 5

4. January 20, 1785 (Archive no. 293): Simão Liu 劉西滿 confesses that […] for more than ten years, the General Society in the West had sent money six to seven times, forty to fifty dollars each time. All the money was sent to Xi’an from Macau in Guangdong via Liu Biyue 劉必約.30

5. February 20, 1785 (Archive no. 297): Domingos Liu 劉多明我 confesses that in the twenty-seventh year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong [1762], he went to Guangdong, and in Macau he studied Catholicism under the Westerner Paul Jean Baptiste Bourgine 巴拉底諾 [1700–?] for many years. Later, Bourgine went back to Europe. Domingos Liu went back to Xi’an 西安 in the forty-second year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong [1777]. Every year he received 85 units of foreign currency from the Westerners, which was transferred by Liu Biyue, who got the money from Jiao Zhengang 焦振剛 and Pedro Qin 秦伯多祿.31

Simão Liu (1742–?) had studied theology in Italy and lived in the West for sixteen years. In 1773 (the thirty-eighth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), he went back to Chenggu 城固 in Shaanxi. He communicated regularly with Francesco Magni 呢嗎·方濟各 (d.1785), the Franciscan vicar apostolic of Shaanxi and Shanxi. Thus we know that Simão Liu and Liu Biyue (1718–86) were probably Franciscans.

6. April 23, 1785 (Archive no. 304): Criminal Mathieu Kou 顧士傚 […], in the thirtieth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong [1765], he went to Macau to sell medicines and acquainted himself with Frenchman Pierre Romain 羅滿 [1736–after 1777] […]. He was called “priest” by his fellows. According to the rules of Westerners, a priest appointed by the archbishop of a country receives 85 silver taels per year, and a priest appointed by foreigners in Macau receives 40 silver taels per year. Since 1765 [the thirtieth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong], he receives 40 silver taels from […] Romain per year.32

30 Ibid., vol. 1, no. 293, 468–69. 31 Ibid., vol. 1, no. 297, 472–73. 32 Ibid., vol. 1, no. 302, 483–84 Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China 159

Romain was a member of the Paris Foreign Missions Society, which was the only missionary organization that regularly provided expense money to Chinese fathers.33 The six sources above reveal how the funds disbursed for missionary work were transferred from Macau to missions all over China.34 According to Noël Golvers, in the 1670s François de Rougemont 魯日滿 (1624– 76) received sixty silver taels each year as a stipend from the Japanese mission of the Society of Jesus in Macau. According to a letter written by the Franciscan missionary Sancto Paschale in Fujian, dated July 29, 1675, he received sixty taels per year, equivalent to eighty-four pesos. Thus we know that the agents of the various missions in Macau usually transferred the funding for missionary work provided by various foreign governments.35 However, although the Portuguese and the Spanish kings promised to pay all the expenses of the Catholic mission to China, it was often impossible to supply adequate funding because of other priorities. According to Ricci, “The stipend which had been allocated to the mission according to the order from the Portuguese King was often allocated for other uses, due to the needs of the state.”36 Similarly, according to a letter from the Jesuit Niccoló Longobardi 龍華民 (1559–1654), dated November 23, 1610, “We live on loans, because for two years no ship has come here from India, and in particular the stipend, which was offered to us by the Portuguese King every year, suspends.”37 According to a letter written by Philippe Couplet 柏應理 (1622–93) in Fuzhou 福州 in 1662, “For three consecutive years, they have not received financial assistance from Macau, which was the necessary support for their daily life.”38 According to a letter from Jacques Le Faure 劉迪我 (1613–75) in Shanghai 上海 in 1674, “Because the road to Macau has become extremely difficult, full of bandits and fighting, the hope of shipping the stipend, which is offered only once per year to us, is very slim.”39

33 Adrien Launay, Histoire des missions de Chine: Mission du Se-Tchoan, vol. 1 (Paris: P. Tequi, 1920), 397. 34 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 51, 211; no. 192, 285; no. 215, 333; no. 293, 469; no. 297, 472–73; no. 304, 483–84. 35 Noël Golvers, François de Rougemont, S.J., Missionary in Ch’ang-Shu (Chiang-Nan): A Study of the Account Book (1674–1676) and the Elogium, trans. Zhao Dianhong (Zhengzhou: Dax- iang Press, 2007), 492. 36 Ricci and Trigault, China, 478. 37 Ricci, Complete Works, 543. 38 Golvers, François de Rougemont, 492. 39 Ibid., 492. 160 Chapter 5

The kingdom of Portugal regained its independence in 1640, and until the nineteenth century the government in Lisbon continued to cling to its status as protectorate of missions in China and Asia, although this power had often been challenged by the Holy See, as well as other powers. As a result, Portugal consistently provided expenses for the Chinese region of missionary work. When envoy Jean Ambrose Charles Mezzabarba 嘉樂 (1682–1741) was dispatched by the Holy See to China, for instance, his expenses were paid partly by Portugal and partly by the Macau council. Before her death in 1754, Maria Anna of Austria, the wife of King João V (r. 1706–50), left 600,000 reis per year as a legacy to the Chinese mission. On deposit in a bank, this sum could generate 30,000 cruzados in interest per year.40 In 1730, the East Church, South Church, and the North Church in Beijing were all seriously damaged in an earthquake. Emperor Yongzheng granted the Christians 1,000 silver taels for renovations, and money was also sent by the Spanish king Charles III (r. 1711– 40).41 A decree issued by João V in 1732 reveals the system of stipends for the missionaries at that time. The council allocated stipends to the fathers from the royal treasury; a bishop received about 2,000 silver taels and a large apartment, including a chapel. In 1833, the authorities in Goa decided that a bishop should receive 500 silver taels as a stipend, and an acting bishop should receive 200 silver taels more. A chairman received 280 silver taels, and each of the four senior clergymen received 240 silver taels per year. These individuals supervised six deacons, two subdeacons, and three special fathers. A deacon received 200 silver taels, a subdeacon received 100 silver taels, and the stipends of special fathers and ceremonial fathers were paid by the special fund of the organ of clergymen. Three associate fathers, namely the deacons of the cathedral, received 120 silver taels per year apiece, and usually gained extra income by performing religious ceremonies. The bishop of Nanjing received 1,000 silver taels per year, and 600 silver taels were allocated for St. Joseph’s Seminary, including the construction of the buildings that belonged to the five churches. The head of the seminary and each teacher (no more than six people in total) received 240 silver taels, and each of the Chinese students (a total of twelve) received 150 silver taels as a stipend. According to statistics from 1832, the whole church organization cost the royal treasury 83,273 silver taels.42

40 João Paulino d’Azevedo e Castro, Os bens das missões Portuguezas na China (Macau: Fundação de Macau, 1995), 13; Ljungstedt, Historical Sketch, vol. 3, 224. 41 Joseph Siao, Textual Researches on the Spreading of Catholicism in China, ed. Chen Fang- zhong, Collection of Archives of History of Catholicism in China, vol. 7 (Taipei: Fu Jen Catholic University Press, 2003), 204, 42 Ljungstedt, Historical Sketch, vol. 3, 177–78. Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China 161

Moreover, there were additional expenses on special occasions; for instance, when the Portuguese queen Maria I (r. 1777–1816) dispatched the painter Joaquim Leonardo da Rocha 戴國恩 (1756–1825) and Bishop Alexandre de Gouvea 湯士選 (1751–1808) to assume their posts in Beijing in 1783, the painter received 400,000 reis in annual salary.43 The French crown was the most significant challenger to Portugal’s protectorate of missions in China. In 1685, French king Louis XIV (r. 1643–1715) established a Chinese region of missionary work, and announced that French missionaries should not follow Portugal’s protectorate of missions, and would instead be protected by the French king. According to Louis Pfister, after 1684 Louis XIV allocated 9,200 reis from the royal treasury for the missionaries in China and India.44 When young Chinese, including Yang Dewang 楊德望, studied theology in France, each of them was granted 1,200 livres by the French king.45 The Paris Foreign Missions Society also set up a treasury in Guangzhou and Macau. Typically, the General Society in Paris allocated 600 francs annu- ally to each bishop, 300 francs to each missionary, and 200 to 300 francs to each Chinese father in its region of missionary work in Sichuan, to be paid via the treasuries in Guangzhou and Macau.46 Such stipends endured until the French Revolution, as the French Constitution of 1791 abolished the annual stipend offered by the old regime to French missionaries.47 After Napoleon Bonaparte (r. 1804–15) became the ruler of France, he proposed to resume the seminary of the Paris Foreign Missions Society (which had been closed during the French Revolution), and merged the Paris Foreign Missions Society and the Holy Soul Society. In 1806, he dispatched three missionaries to China, and gave 25,000 francs to each of them. However, this order was abolished after being implemented for only a few years.48 In 1617, upon hearing that the Society of Jesus had carried out missionary work successfully in China, William V, duke of

43 Beatriz Basto da Silva, Cronologia da história de Macau (16th–18th Century), trans. Xiao Yu (Macau: Fundação Macau, 1995), 180. 44 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 434. 45 Ibid., 973. 46 Launay, Histoire, vol. 1, 397. Wei Yu 韋羽, “Accounting Analysis of Paris Foreign Missions Society in Guangzhou and Macau” [巴黎外方傳教會駐廣州和澳門帳房分析], Jour- nal of Guizhou Social Sciences [貴州社會科學] 1 (2008). 47 Louis Wei Tsing-sing, La politique missionnaire de la France en Chine, 1842–1856: L’ouverture des cinq ports chinois au commerce étranger et la liberté religieuse, trans. Huang Qinghua, vol. 1 (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1991), 15. 48 Ibid., 66–67. 162 Chapter 5

Bavaria (1548–1626), “set up a contract to guarantee that every year he would donate 500 silver coins to the Chinese mission.”49 Besides the Catholic sovereigns, the Holy See in Rome had substantial economic resources and also sponsored missionary work in China directly. According to the accounts of the Japanese mission of the Society of Jesus for 1586, the Portuguese king had allocated 1,000 ducats, while the pope had allocated 6,000 ducats, six times the funding the order received from Portugal, which held the title of protectorate of missions.50 In an effort to gain closer control over the missionary work in China, the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in Rome established a treasury in Macau to oversee the funding for missionary work. According to Anders Ljungstedt, “Missio naries from the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith relied on the funds remitted from Rome, and carried out activities under the frugal and fair supervision of the father in charge of accounting stationed in Macau (a post set up by [the papal legate] Charles-Thomas Maillard de Tournon [1668– 1710] when he came to China).”51 Before Tournon reached China, some missionaries were dispatched directly by the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in Rome, and received their funding directly from it. At that time, the remittance of money from Rome to China was both time- consuming and insecure. Moreover, the money sent directly to each missionary from the Sacred Congregation was often allocated unevenly, or remained unclaimed in Haikou. Consequently, some missionaries received no money for two to three years. Upon his arrival in Guangzhou, Tournon resolved to set up an office of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in Guangzhou to distribute stipends.52 In an attempt to wrest the power of supervising the Catholic church from the Portuguese, in 1776 the Holy See appointed François Bourgeois 晁俊秀 (1723–92) as the director of the mission in Beijing, and offered the French mission 12,000 francs.53 In 1728, Pope Benedict XIII (r. 1724–30) gave 800 gold coins to Jean François Foucquet 傅聖澤 (1665–1741). According to a memo submitted by He Shen 和珅 (1750–99) to Emperor Qianlong, “Every year, the pope remits 125 foreign dollars to Jean

49 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 118. 50 Takase Kōichirō, “Research on Foreign Relations of Catholic Daimyo,” 42–44, cited in Li Xiaobai 李小白, Faith, Interests and Power: Christian Missionary Work and Japan’s Choice [信仰•利益•權力——基督教布教與日本的選擇] (Shenyang: Northeast Normal University Press, 1999), 66. 51 Ljungstedt, Historical Sketch, vol. 3, 216. 52 Fang Hao, Biographies of People Related to the History of Catholicism in China, vol. 2 (Bei- jing: Chinese Publishing House, 1992), 320. 53 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 426. Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China 163

Martin Moÿe 梅耶神父 [1730–93].”54 Thus we know that the Holy See provided some funding to the missionaries dispatched to China.

2 Donations from Various Social Sectors in Macau and from Chinese Converts

Macau was an important place of residence for the Portuguese in the Far East. The Portuguese king held the protectorate of missions in China and Asia, the Portuguese had Catholicism as their state religion, and most Catholic missionaries in China entered the country through Macau. Therefore, the authorities and various social sectors in Macau always had very close relations with the missionary work in mainland China, and various sectors in Macau provided extensive financial assistance to the missionaries. According to China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journal of Matthew Ricci:‎

1. Due to the fact that they have not received assistance from Macau for a long time, missionaries become impoverished, are indebted to quite a few creditors, cannot employ translators or servants, and have to suspend any renovations. Their financial situation worsens day after day. Finally, priest Michele Ruggieri 羅明堅 [1543–1607] decided to go to Macau to attract attention from the friends of his missionary group […]. For a long time, we have yearned for the day when commercial ships arrive in Macau port from Japan. Finally the day comes. Thus the embarrassment that priest […] Ruggieri lacks money terminates. He receives a lot of help, thanks to the generous giving by the Portuguese. Money and all kinds of gifts from the government and other kind persons to the Church are enough to pay the debts, and complete the construction of buildings.55

2. A moment ago, we heard the news that the ship sank and all the people on board died. The whole [of] Macau city relied on the trade and commodities provided by that ship, three bases of missionary work relied on it, and the payment for the house purchased in Nanjing and the

54 Ibid., 558. First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Docu- ments of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 304, 479. Seven fathers were in charge of managing the Chinese Christians in the Macau diocese. In the middle of the eighteenth century, “each of them [was] paid 82 silver taels per year.” Ljungstedt, Historical Sketch, vol. 3, 188–89. 55 Ricci and Trigault, China, 173. 164 Chapter 5

expenses for the journey to Beijing depended on it too. In such an emer- gency, Manuel Díaz, director [i.e., rector] of the seminary in Macau, stood out and showed his compassion. In other words, he was very generous in aiding the Chinese mission. He collected funds from everywhere, and finally he obtained sufficient funds to enable everyone to endure these difficulties.56

3. In Macau, a Portuguese merchant called Gaspar Viegas was equally famous for donating money and creating wealth. From the very beginning, he has been very interested in the long march [missionary work in China] […] and his donation is sufficient to provide all the daily necessities.57

According to Dutch documents from 1668 that discuss the missionaries detained in Guangzhou: “They live a poor life. Cash is in great shortage in Macau and no help can be offered to them.”58 Because of the economic difficulties in Macau, missionaries in China could not get the financial assistance they needed. This confirms that Macau was very important for the financial well-being of the Catholic missionary enterprise in China. St. Paul’s College, the most famous college in Macau, was donated by a rich man by the name of Pedro Quintero, a friend of the Society of Jesus, before his death; the donation consisted of 1,500 gold coins and two houses, while St. Paul’s Cathedral was built thanks to a donation of 3,130 gold coins from merchants in Macau.59 St. Joseph’s Seminary was founded upon the three houses donated by Jorge Miguel Cordeiro, a merchant in Macau, before his death.60 As a result of these donations from all social sectors in Macau, the missionary project in the China province received significant supplementary funding, as Ljungstedt makes clear: “Because the residents in Macau donated to all

56 Ibid., 377. 57 Ibid., 159. 58 John. E. Wills Jr., “Dutch Historical Documents about the Missionary Activities of the Soci- ety of Jesus during 1662–1678,” trans. Ding Xiangyang, in Research Materials of Qing His- tory, no. 7 (Beijing: Guangming Daily Press, 1990), 354. 59 Duarte de Sande, “Cartas ânuas do colegio de Macau 28-10-1594,” cited in Li Xiangyu, Cra- dle of Sinologists: Research on St. Paul School of Macau (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 2006), 87. 60 Manuel Teixeira, Macau e a sua diocesa, vol. 8, As ordens e congregaçōes religiosas em Macau (Macau: Tipografia Sio Sang, 1944), 244. Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China 165 kinds of church projects generously and continuously, the funding grew greatly, and thereby expanded Rome’s influence in China.”61 Generous donations to the Chinese Catholic enterprise came not only from the residents of Macau but also from many Chinese converts, particularly those of the middle and upper classes. After Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) arrived in Beijing, he obtained his apartment and church thanks to a donation from Xu Guangqi 徐光啟 (1562–1633) and others.62 In the late Ming dynasty (1621–44), the magistrate Yang Tingjun 楊廷筠 (1562–1627) donated money to build a church in Hangzhou 杭州.63 Wang Zheng 王徵 (1571–1644) donated 350 silver taels to missionaries in Xi’an 西安, with which they purchased several houses and built a chapel.64 The church and apartments for the missionaries in Jiading 嘉定 city were built with donations from Sun Yuanhua 孫元化 (1582–1632), a convert from Jiading.65 The brothers Han Yun 韓雲, a magistrate, and Han Lin 韓霖 (1596–1649) made several donations in order to build churches in Jiangzhou 絳州, Pingyang 平陽, and Taiyuan 太原 in Shanxi province.66 In 1650, the Franciscan missionary Antonio de Santa María Caballero 利安當 (1602–69) received a donation of 130 silver taels from three scholars, and used the money to purchase a house for use as a church.67 In 1660, when the Portuguese priest Manuel Jorge 張瑪諾 was in Nanjing, Catholic followers donated funds to build a church.68 When the French Jesuit missionary Humbert Augery 洪度貞 (1616–73) was in Hangzhou, an elderly Catholic convert who had no descendants donated all his wealth to the church, so Augery built a church in Hangzhou.69 Tong Guoqi 佟國器, the governor of Zhejiang, Fujian, and Jiangxi provinces, had close ties with missionaries, and his wife had converted to Catholicism; therefore, while holding various posts he “protected the Catholic Church and donated a lot of money to rebuild churches in Fuzhou, Ganzhou, Ji’an 吉安 and Jianchang 建昌.”70 While Le Faure was in Nanjing,

61 Ljungstedt, Historical Sketch, vol. 3, 216. 62 Ricci and Trigault, China, 514–15. 63 Nicolas Standaert, Catholic Documents of the Ming and Qing Dynasties in the Library of Xujiahui [徐家匯藏書樓明清天主教文獻], vol. 1, 217–38. 64 Väth, Johann Adam Schall von Bell, 108. 65 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 60. 66 Fortunato Margiotti, Il Cattolicismo nello Shansi dalle origini al 1738 (Rome: Edizioni Sinica Franciscana, 1958), 92, 110, 115. Xu Guangqi 徐光啟, Collections of Xu Guangqi [徐光啟集], vol. 12 (Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Press, 1984), 531–33. 67 Wyngaert, Sinica Franciscana, vol. 2, 457–58. 68 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 281. 69 Ibid., 292. 70 Siao, Textual Researches, vol. 5, 150. Tong also donated funds for the construction of churches in Tingzhou and Yanping. Pfister, Notices biographiques, 294. Zhu Kui 朱夔, 166 Chapter 5

Catholic followers donated funds to build a church.71 In 1655, Prince Su’s 肅親王豪格 (1609–48) wife Justa Tchao 趙尤斯妲 donated a significant sum to build the East Church in Beijing 北京東堂.72 In 1678, Mr. Hou 侯, a government official in Xuzhou 徐州, converted. He died without descendants, and donated 700 silver taels to build a church.73 From 1700 to 1703, the Hengshan County 衡山縣 magistrate donated money to build a church for Fr. João Duarte 聶若望 (1671–1752).74 During the reign of Emperor Yongzheng, Leshiheng 勒什亨 and Wuerchen 烏爾陳, who were members of the royal family, donated money to build a church.75 Immediately after Fr. Caballero reached Ji’nan, he was given 150 silver taels by three government officials, and he used this money to build the first church of the Franciscan order in China. When he passed Yangzhou 揚州, he and two other fathers received 300 silver taels as a donation from Mr. Yao 姚 in Yangzhou.76 And when French Jesuits built a church in Beijing, “three or four friends donated silver worth nearly 4,000 ecus.”77 A large number of donations given by the faithful across China are documented in the available sources, yet there were more donations which have not been documented. In particular, most of the sporadic donations made by people of the lower social ranks have not been documented. Among the Chinese Catholic donors, Xu Gandida 許甘地大 (1607–80), the granddaughter of Xu Guangqi and the wife of Xu Yuandu 許遠度, was the most influential. According to Couplet’s biography of Xu Gandida, when some fathers were imprisoned in Guangzhou in the early years of the Qing dynasty, she sent 12,000 silver taels for food and clothing. Couplet received 1,000 silver taels each year from Xu when he did his missionary work in Jiangnan. In 1665, Xu distributed 5,500 taels among twenty-five missionaries in Jiangnan.78 She also

(Kangxi) Nanpingxianzhi （康熙）南平縣誌[ ], vol. 8, 53. 71 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 294. 72 Ibid., 241. 73 Ibid., 286. 74 Ibid., 566. 75 “Selected Translation of Dominique Parrenin,” in Shanghai: Sheng Xin Bao, no. 289, cited in Chen Yuan 陳垣, “Royal Family Members Who Followed Catholicism during the Reigns of Emperor Yongzheng and Emperor Qianlong” [雍乾間奉天主教之宗室], in Collection of Academic Essays of Chen Yuan [陳垣學術論文集], vol. 1, 148–49. 76 Mensaert, Sinica Franciscana, vol. 7, 293. 77 Yves de Thomaz de Bossierre, Jean-François Gerbillon, S.J. (1654–1707): Un des cinq mathé- maticiens envoyés en Chine par Louis XIV, trans. Xin Yan (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2009), 119. 78 Philippe Couplet, Histoire d’une dame Chrétienne de Chine ou Madame Candide Hiu (1607– 1660), trans. Xu Yunxi (Shanghai: Tushanwan Press, 1938), 28–29. Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China 167 purchased a house and built a church for the French Jesuit Jacques Motel 穆迪我 (1619–92) in Nanchang 南昌. With help from Xu Ji 徐驥 and Xu Gandida, Francesco Brancati 潘國光 (1607–71) built ninety churches and forty chapels in Shanghai and Songjiang 松江.79 Xu also supported Catholic groups such as the Society of Our Lady, the Society of the Heavenly God, the Society of Passion, the Society of Literati, and the Society of Doctrine. She additionally distributed 486 volumes of books (including eighty-nine books on science and 126 books on religion) translated by missionaries to churches, some of which were printed using her donations. Xu also sponsored churches in Nanchang, Wuchang 武昌, Hankou 漢口, Chengdu 成都, Chongqing 重慶, Kaifeng 開封, Chongming 崇明, and Changshu 常熟. According to statistics compiled by Couplet, Xu built thirty-five churches in Shanghai, and nine in other provinces. In Couplet’s words, “In China, not a single church, place of prayer, diocese, or Catholic association has not benefited from Xu Gandida.”80 Jean-François Gerbillon 張誠 (1654–1707), the French provincial of the Society of Jesus, even claimed that “the fund set up with the donations from friends is sufficient to support us.” This shows that the followers and government officials in Beijing had donated a very considerable sum to the French Jesuits.81 The accounting book kept by de Rougemont records the donations collected from Chinese followers in the period from 1674 to 1676. In November 1674, Cheu Nienven 崔寧文 donated 0.5 silver taels in Suzhou 蘇州:

In December 1674, the elder sister of Anastasia donated 0.3 silver taels. On January 24, 1675, Agatha donated one silver tael for the church to buy candles. Xu Gandida donated 10 silver taels. She also donated 1.8 silver taels for burying the poor people in the diocese of de Rougemont every month. In February 1675, the wife of Yuen Xicheu 袁西萃 donated 0.8 silver taels for Our Lady. During his first stay in Hangzhou, and particularly during April and May 1675, de Rougemont received the following donations: 10 silver taels from Ta Siam Kum 大相公, a great donor in Hangzhou and the wife of Yam 楊, as the redemption of a vow to God; 4 silver taels from Ta Nham, in the family of Mr. Yao; 1.8 silver taels from Mrs. Yam 楊;

79 Ibid., 29. 80 Ibid., 130. 81 Bossierre, Jean-François Gerbillon, 119. 168 Chapter 5

0.6 silver taels from Mr. Yam; 7 silver taels from Hoam Nham Nham 郝娘娘. A donor donated at least 1.036 silver taels. In January 1676, an anonymous donor, “domina,” donated 10 silver taels as the gift for the new year. In January 1676, 0.5 silver taels were received from Philippe Yam 楊菲利普 from Tangxi 湯溪. In mid-March, 1 silver tael was received from Mrs. Hoam Ye Kim 郝業金.

The sum of the fifteen donations cited above, received between November 11, 1674 and March 18, 1676, is 50.336 silver taels.82 The amount was not high, but all of it was received by a single missionary. The donations received by de Rougemont suggest that gifts from Chinese converts were an important source of funding for the Catholic missionary project in China.

3 Grants and Salaries to Missionaries from the Chinese Government

During the Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1911) dynasties, grants from the Chinese government and the salaries paid to missionaries who served the royal court in Beijing were important sources of income for the Catholic mission to China. After Ricci entered Beijing, he set up a zone of missionary work there and soon received recognition from the Ming government. As he recorded:

The Chinese Emperor granted living expenses to me and four other persons. Although there is a famine this year, he still gave us more than 100 silver taels. [...] In the past, one government official criticized us for vio- lating the Chinese law because we receive a salary for doing nothing, and proposed to stop granting living expenses to us. Hearing his criticism, I stated that I would prepare to meet the Emperor the next day to ask for permission to leave Beijing and return to my hometown. Hearing my decision, the government official sent a person to persuade me to stay. Thus everything is as before, and the expenses granted to us have not been cut. [...] The Chinese government still provides salaries and grain to the five persons every month.83

82 Golvers, François de Rougemont, 495–96. 83 Ricci, Complete Works, 307, 384. Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China 169

Thus, after they went to China, some missionaries worked for the Chinese government. At first these missionaries did not assume official posts in the government, but the government did pay their living expenses, the “salaries and grain.” From the Qing dynasty onwards, more missionaries served the royal court, and some, such as Johann Adam Schall von Bell 湯若望 (1592–1666), Ferdinand Verbiest 南懷仁 (1623–88), and Giuseppe Castiglione 郎世寧 (1688– 1766), assumed senior positions. The grants and salaries these missionaries received from the Chinese government became a source of income for Catholic missionary work in China, because although the money was paid by the Chinese government to these men directly, the missionaries gave all of their assets to the Jesuit superiors, either while still alive or upon their death. According to Alfons Väth 魏特 (1874–1937), after Schall became the director of the State Observatory, “he received two-thirds more salary than various minis- ters” and “clothing, silk, and money granted by the Chinese emperor”; thus “after receiving the preferential treatment and grants from the Chinese emperor, the mission in Beijing was able to support at least four missionaries.”84 For instance, the Lazarist Teodorico Pedrini 德理格 (1671–1746) served the royal court for many years and gained the favor of Emperor Kangxi; he consequently received numerous grants from the royal court. In 1723, he used this money to purchase a house of seventy apartments and forty mu 畝85 of land, and on this basis built the West Church 西堂, which he donated to the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith.86 Verbiest served the royal court for nearly thirty years, was trusted by Emperor Kangxi, assumed the senior post of vice minister of Gongbu 工部侍郎, and received numerous grants from Emperor Kangxi and the Chinese government, which he used to further the missionary cause. As some of the sources testify, “He tries to help those in need” and “all missionaries have been helped by him.”87 Giovanni-Giuseppe da Costa 羅懷忠 (1679–1747) was a famous Italian surgeon. He served the royal court for thirty years, earning many grants, salaries, and payments for medical treatments. Yet “he used his wealth to purchase some land, and used the interest from the land to support the clinic and pharmacy, so that the charitable enterprise could be sustained.”88 Castiglione served in the royal court for fifty years and was “favored” by Emperor Qianlong. He had been granted many

84 Väth, Johann Adam Schall von Bell, 308–9. 85 A mu is a traditional Chinese unit of measurement: one mu is equal to 666.6667m2. 86 Ferreux, Histoire, 102. Tong Xun 佟洵, ed., Christianity and Church Culture in Beijing [基督教與北京教堂文化] (Beijing: Minzu University Press, 1999), 296–97. 87 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 348–49. 88 Ibid., 650–51. 170 Chapter 5 rewards by the emperor, and enjoyed a good salary for many years, with the money he received being used to purchase land for the church.89 These missionaries who worked in Beijing also lived in China and were buried there after their death. They naturally left all their wealth to the church and the missionary project to obey their vow of poverty. It is worthwhile to discuss the different categories of funding obtained by the missionaries who worked for the Chinese government.

3.1 Salaries In the early period of the Qing dynasty, especially during the reigns of Emperors Kangxi, Yongzheng, and Qianlong, many missionaries served the royal court. These missionaries received a salary; for instance, Verbiest worked to compile a calendar during the reign of Emperor Qianlong, and Emperor Qianlong issued an order to “grant 100 silver taels and 25 shi of rice every year”90 to him. In 1685, the Jesuit missionary Antoine Thomas 安多 (1644–1709) entered Beijing and “his board was provided by the Chinese government.”91 According to a report from the Jesuit José Monteiro 穆若瑟 (1646–1720) in 1699, “Jesuits benefited from the frugal behavior of Tomás Pereira 徐日昇 [1645–1708], who wisely manages the salaries of the colleagues in [the] Dynasty Astronomical Bureau 欽天監.”92 The French missionary Jean-Denis Attiret 王致誠 (1702–68) made great accomplishments as a court painter for Emperor Qianlong, though he declined the offer of an official title or a salary from the emperor.93 Thus we know that the missionaries who served the royal court often received salaries. As Turcotti noted, “the mission cannot sustain itself without the salaries from the Jesuits who served the royal court and the financial reserve in Macau.”94

3.2 Land and Houses Granted by the Emperor In 1650 (the seventh year of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi 順治 [r. 1644–61]), the emperor granted Schall some vacant land next to the Catholic church

89 Ibid., 646–49. Ju Deyuan 鞠德源, “Chronology of Joseph Castiglione, Painter of Qing Royal Court: Dating the Jesuits in China,” Journal of Palace Museum [故宮博物院院刊] 2 (1988). 90 Pedro Huang 黃伯祿, Zhengjiao Fengbao [正教奉褒], Collection of Archives of the His- tory of Catholicism in China, ed. Chen Fangzhong (Taipei: Fu Jen Catholic University Press, 2003), 530. 91 Huang, Zhengjiao Fengbao, 530, 537. 92 Brockey, Journey, 178. 93 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 824. 94 Brockey, Journey, 179. Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China 171 inside Xuanwu Gate 宣武門內天主堂 for the purpose of rebuilding the church.95 In March 1654 (the eleventh year of the same reign), the emperor issued an order to the Ministry of Revenue to grant the land around the tomb of Ricci, outside of Fucheng Gate 阜城門外, to Schall. Near the houses managed by Schall, there were in total fourteen houses and seventy-two mu of land belonging to local princes. On March 25, an imperial decree was issued to the Ministry of Revenue, and the exchange of land was implemented.96 In 1655 (the twelfth year of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi), “the emperor granted silver taels, rice and houses” to Ludovico Buglio 利類思 (1606–82) and Gabriel de Magalhães 安文思 (1610–77) after they helped Schall to reform the Chinese calendar.97 In 1693 (the thirty-second year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), after Gerbillon and others used quinine to cure the emperor of dis- ease, he was “awarded a big apartment inside Xi’an Gate 西安門 in the imperial city.”98 In 1699 (the thirty-eighth year of the same reign), Gerbillon and Claude de Visdelou 劉應 (1656–1737) asked the emperor for a parcel of unoccupied land inside the Xi’an Gate for the purpose of building a larger church. Emperor Kangxi gave his approval and awarded the missionaries bricks, tiles, wood, silver taels, and various other supplies.99 According to a list of assets of the South Church 南堂, dated 1775, “a shop or house for rental was awarded by the Chinese emperor,” and “two farms were awarded by the emperor, and their annual revenues are about 25 reis.”100 According to a list of assets belonging to the East Church 東堂 from the same year, “sixty-five houses of various sizes were awarded by the Chinese emperor, or purchased with the authorization of the emperor.”101

3.3 Currency and Materials Awarded When missionaries made contributions to the Chinese government or won favor from the Chinese emperor, they were often awarded silver taels. For instance, the French Jesuit Bernard Rhodes 羅德先 (1646–1715) followed Emperor Kangxi on an extensive tour of various locales outside Beijing, and

95 Huang, Zhengjiao Fengbao, 485. 96 Ibid., 487. 97 Ibid. 98 Ibid., 552. 99 Ibid., 550. 100 Antònio Graça de Abreu, “The Fortune Left by the Last Portuguese Jesuits Leaving Bei- jing,” in Macau RC 40–41 (2000): 157–58. 101 Ibid. 172 Chapter 5 was awarded gold worth 200,000 francs.102 In the twenty-third year of the same emperor’s reign (1684), Giandomenico Gabiani 畢嘉 (1623–94) was awarded black cloth and silver.103 In the following year, Claudio Filippo Grimaldi 閔明我 (1638–1712) went to work for the State Observatory and was “awarded 50 silver taels.”104 In the twenty-seventh year of the same reign (1688), Pereira went to work for the State Observatory and was also awarded fifty silver taels.105 When Emperor Kangxi met missionaries on his travels, he often gave them gifts. In Ji’nan, Shandong 山東, he awarded missionary José de Magalhães 楊若瑟 (1636–83) “twenty silver taels.”106 In Jining 濟寧, he awarded the missionary Manuel de San Juan Bautista de la Bañeza 利安寧 (1656–?) twenty silver taels.107 In the thirty-seventh year of his reign (1698), Emperor Kangxi went southward to Hangzhou. He saw that the rebuilding of the damaged church there had not yet been completed, and awarded 200 silver taels to assist in the construction.108 In the seventh year of the reign of Shunzhi (1650), the royal court ordered Schall to build a church in Beijing, and the mother of Emperor Shunzhi awarded him silver taels.109 In the eighth year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng (1730), a Catholic church in Beijing was damaged in an earthquake, and Emperor Yongzheng gave 1,000 silver taels from the treasury to the missionaries.110 In the first year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong (1736), missionary Valentin Chalier 沙如玉 (1697–1747) was given two rolls of silk, two rolls of yarn, and hundred silver taels. In the third year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong (1738), Castiglione fell ill and was given hundred silver taels.111 In the fortieth year of the same reign (1775), the South Church in Beijing caught fire, upon which “the emperor sent a government official to offer condolence,” and, according to the customs of Emperor Kangxi, he granted 10,000 silver taels to rebuild the church.112 When a missionary who served the royal court died, the custom was that the emperor would award 200 silver taels and ten rolls of silk, as he did to Magalhães, Thomas, Pedrini, Buglio, Costa, Dominique Parrenin 巴多明 (1665–1741), Ehrenbert Xaver Fridelli 費隱 (1673–1743), Jean-Baptiste Régis

102 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 564. 103 Huang, Zhengjiao Fengbao, 535. 104 Ibid., 536–37. 105 Ibid., 539. 106 Ibid., 541–42. 107 Ibid., 545. 108 Ibid., 555. 109 Ibid., 485. 110 Favier, Narration, 387. 111 Ju, “Chronology.” 112 Favier, Narration, 393. Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China 173

雷孝思 (1663–1738), Franz Stadlin 林濟各 (1658–1740), and André Pereira 徐懋德 (1689–1743). Some missionaries received special commemorations. For instance, when Verbiest died, 200 silver taels and ten rolls of silk were initially bestowed, to which “750 silver taels from the treasury” were subsequently added.113 When Castiglione died, “the emperor awarded 300 silver taels for the funeral,”114 and when Schall died, the emperor awarded 524 silver taels.115 Such awards were made even during the ban on Catholicism under the reigns of Emperors Yongzheng and Qianlong. Moreover, various documents show that the emperors frequently awarded gold, silver, silk, camels, horses, herbal medicines, fur, and clothing to the missionaries who served the royal court.

4 Loans, Rent, and Participation in Economic Activities and Trade

Missionaries from various countries entered China to win converts to Christianity. They received financial support from their home governments and from the Holy See, donations from their Catholic followers, and various awards from the Chinese government. However, the expenses for missionary work were huge, and their sources of income were often highly unstable. Therefore, while working to win converts to Christianity, missionaries also engaged in economic activities and trade in order to address the persistent difficulties in finance for missionary work.

4.1 Engagement in Maritime Trade The Society of Jesus was actively involved in the maritime trade between Xiamen and Nagasaki from the sixteenth century onwards. According to a treaty signed in 1578, among the 1,600 bundles of raw silk brought into Japan by ships from Macau every year, one hundred bundles were given to the Society of Jesus, and the revenues from the sale of these bundles were used to offset the expenses of the Jesuit missionary effort. The Society of Jesus thus received 4,000 to 8,000 ducats of profit every year. When this trade reached its peak in 1604, the Society took profits of approximately 25,000 ducats.116 Jesuits also took an active role in trade with Vietnam 越南, Malaysia 馬來西亞, Indonesia 印度尼西亞, Makassar 望加錫, and India 印度, and the Society owned a

113 Huang, Zhengjiao Fengbao, 538, 541. 114 Ibid., 567. 115 Ibid., 519. 116 Charles Ralph Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan 1549–1650 (London: Carcanet Press, 1993), 117. 174 Chapter 5 commercial ship referred to as the “ship of father” (the predecessor of Saint Paul).117 Therefore, at that time it was said that the “religious in the St. Paul Cathedral were very rich 三巴和尚鉅富.”118 The Society of Jesus was well known for its overseas trade, from which it gleaned high profits. For the sake of expenses, the Dominican and the Franciscan orders in China also did business in Manila. These mendicant orders purchased raw silk in the Philippines and sold it in Japan, and occasionally used Portuguese ships to bring silver to Macau, where they purchased raw silk and other commodities, using the Portuguese ships to carry these items back to Japan. In general, however, the mendicant orders did not engage in maritime trade to the same degree as the Society of Jesus.119 Besides engaging in maritime trade, some missionaries also traveled to mainland China to pursue business interests, and not merely to win converts. When he was arrested in Shashi 沙市, Hubei 湖北, in the twelfth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong (1747), Jean-François Beuth 黃明鳳 (1704–47) made the following confession:

I am a Westerner and live in Macau 澳門, Xiangshan County 香山縣, Guangzhou city 廣州府, Guangdong 廣東. This June, I purchased 25 rolls of Japanese silk in Guangzhou at 100 silver taels. On July 27, I sold 20 rolls of Japanese silk in Huangjiamaopu 黃家帽鋪 [a clothing store], which is located in Xuejiazui Songqianhexiang 薛家嘴松謙和巷, Hankou 漢口.120 [...] [Westerner] Antoine-Joseph Henriques 王安多尼 brought snuff and borneol to Macau, agreed to the price of 170 silver taels, and asked Ni Weizhi 倪維智 to bring them to the provincial capital for sale.121

According to a French-language account compiled by David E. Mungello 孟德衛:“The Jesuits in Beijing had [a] good life, because they earned huge profits by selling alcohol and tobacco and engaging in trade and fraud.”122 Yet the cler- gy’s direct participation in commerce and trade attracted criticism from people both inside and outside the Catholic community, some of whom proposed to prohibit representatives of the church from engaging in any trade whatsoever. Such commercial activities ended abruptly in 1699 when Suffragan Bishop

117 Ana Maria Leitão, “The Jesuits and the Japan Trade,” in Macau RC (1993): 23–34. 118 Zhu Wubi 朱吾弼, Huangmingliutaizouyi [皇明留臺奏議], vol. 14, Canyuedanggouyishu [參粵璫勾夷疏], Sikucunmucongshu 四庫存目叢書, 67. 119 Fang, Biographies, vol. 2, 319. Li, Faith, 84. 120 Wu and Han, Collection, no. 53, 169–70. 121 Ibid., no. 69, 253. 122 David E. Mungello, The Spirit and the Flesh in Shandong, 1650–1785, trans. Pan Lin (Zheng- zhou: Daxiang Press, 2009), 110–11. Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China 175

António de Gouvea 何大化 (1592–1677) ordered: “Now according to the oath sworn by everyone [all members of the Chinese diocese], we oppose business activities.”123

4.2 Purchasing Land and Houses and Collecting Rents The collection of rent from lands and dwellings owned by the church was the most common and most reliable source of revenue for the missionary enterprise in China. After Ricci built several residences on his way from Shaozhou to Beijing, Valignano devised a plan calling for the mission to request money from the Holy See, funds that would be used to purchase land, with the goal of using the rent to pay daily expenses.124 Various missionary organizations followed the same basic strategy. The Jesuits in Nanjing, for instance, purchased real estate and farmland in Chongli street 崇禮街, Xiying street 西營街, Muxu manor 苜蓿園 before the anti-Catholic movement began there in 1616. They subsequently leased Muxu manor to some local farmers.125 After their arrival in China, members of the Paris Foreign Missions Society purchased tracts of land in Guangdong, Fujian, Jiangsu 江蘇, Zhejiang, Huguang 湖廣, Sichuan 四川, and Yunnan 雲南.126 Gerbillon, after becoming the director of the French mission of the Society of Jesus, asked his fellows to purchase three houses in Fuzhou 撫州, Shangrao 上饒, and Linjiang 臨江 in Jiangxi.127 The Catholic church in Shangyang 上洋, Zhejiang, “has about 300 mu of land, which has three categories, namely good, normal and poor land, and the rent from one mu of good land can purchase the grain yielded by two mu of land.”128 According to Aomen jilue (澳門記略), “[In Macau], Catholic missionaries collect rent from shops and houses. Each church is in charge of one district. The yearly rent is more than 100,000 Western dollars, and a church gets dozens of thousands of Western dollars.”129 According to document no. 512 of the Torre do Tombo archives in Lisbon, “The Plank Church 板樟廟 has a house, which is rented to Su Chaoyuan 蘇超元 from Chaozhou 潮州 for living, and it is stated that the

123 Golvers, François de Rougemont, 482–83. 124 Ricci and Trigault, China, 216. 125 Shen Que, Nangong Shudu [南宮署牘], vol. 3 (Tokyo: Japanese Zunjing Ge 尊經閣, 1610), 41–42. 126 Wu and Han, Collection, no. 21, 46–48. 127 Bossierre, Jean-François Gerbillon, 95. 128 Zhang Wenqin 章文欽, Annotated Works of Wu Li [吳漁山集箋注], vol. 8 (Beijing: Zhon- ghua Book Company, 2007), 621. 129 Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, 152. 176 Chapter 5 annual rent is 72 silver taels.”130 The Plank Church was a Dominican church in Macau. According to a memo written by Fei Jinwu 費金吾, the director of civil affairs in Shandong, addressed to the emperor in the seventh year of Yongzheng’s reign (1729):

After Westerners including Miguel Fernández Oliver 南懷德 [1665–1726] went from Ji’nan, Shandong to Beijing in 1724 [the second year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng], they left some land and houses. As the order from the ministries did not stipulate the issue, we dare not trans- form these eight houses and seven mu of graveyard into public use. Consequently, the Westerners secretly asked someone to collect rent.131

Oliver was a Franciscan missionary. After the Franciscan missionary Carlo Orazi di Castorano 康和之 (1673–1755) traveled to Beijing from Linqing 臨清, Shandong, in October 1724, “he left behind 37 houses and four qing and 93 mu of land, and the Westerners secretly asked someone to collect rent every year.”132 During the reign of Emperor Kangxi (r. 1662–1722), the Western missionary Carlos de Resende 高尚德 (1664–1746) used twenty silver taels to purchase eight mu of remote land, rented it to someone for farming, and collected 0.4 silver taels each year.133 During the reign of Emperor Qianlong, Costa, the Italian missionary, “used his wealth to purchase some land, and used the interest from the land to support the clinic and pharmacy.”134 According to Redditus colledorum, edited by José Monteiro 穆若瑟 (1646–1720), in 1699 the missions in Changshu and Suzhou collected only fifteen silver taels as rent from houses and land, while the mission in Shanghai collected seventy-one silver taels in rents.135 A report authored by Turcotti in 1700 states that the Chinese province of the Society of Jesus probably collected some 700,000 reis in rents from land and houses in India.136 The list of assets of the East Church in 1775 shows 164 houses, from each of which 317,200 reis was typically collected per year. “There

130 Liu Fang, ed., Colecção de documentos Sínicos do IAN/TT referentes a Macau durante a dinastia Qing, vol. 1, no. 512 (Macau: Fundação Macau, 1999), 280. 131 Yun Lu 允祿 and E. Ertai 鄂爾泰, eds., Yongzheng Zhupizouzhe [雍正硃批奏折], vol. 7, Feijinwu’s Memo 費金吾奏折 (Beijing: Beijing library Publishing House, 2008), 49. 132 Ibid. 133 First Historical Archives of China, ed., Collection of Comments in Chinese Language by the Emperor Kangxi on the Memos [康熙朝漢文朱批奏摺彙編], vol. 5 (Beijing: Archive Press, 1985), 124. 134 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 651. 135 Golvers, François de Rougemont, 483. 136 Brockey, Journey, 178. Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China 177 were also three vegetable gardens, which generated 228,000 reis of revenue per year.” The same list also notes that “there were 65 houses of various sizes, on average from each of which 174,300 reis could be collected as rent each year,” and 353,000 reis was collected as rent from 2,300 mu of land.137 When discuss- ing the assets of the French mission, the biography of Jean-Joseph Marie Amiot 錢德明 (1718–93) by Roches Montaigu states that “the assets are rent from houses, shops, and some land outside of the city.”138 According to the History of Missionary Work in Beijing by A.H. Thomas, the North Church of French missionaries “had 7,000 to 8,000 silver taels as revenue from Beijing alone.”139 The Torre do Tombo archives in Lisbon contain documents that detail the rent, silver taels, and clothing received by the North Church, managed by Louis- François-Marie Lamiot 南彌德 (1767–1831). These were compiled by the Xiangshan County magistrate in 1820 (the twenty-fifth year of the reign of Emperor Jiaqing 嘉慶 [r. 1796–1820]), and document the incomes of the North Church in detail:

1. 34 qing and 43 mu of land in Zhulin 豬林 village et al. in Gu’an County 固安縣 is rented to Gu Dianyuan 谷殿元 and others for farming, and the annual rent is 2,067. 2. One qing and 20 mu of land in Chacun Village 岔村 in Xincheng County 新城縣 is rented to Li Dakuan 李大寬 et al. for farming, and the annual rent is 55 strings of 1,000 coins and 200 coins. 3. 41 mu of land in Songcun Village 宋村 in Bazhou 霸州 is rented to Zhang Pengjiu 張鵬九 et al. for farming, and the annual rent is 24 strings of 1,000 coins and 200 coins. 4. Three qing and two mu of land in Erbozi 二撥子, Changping Prefecture 昌平州 is rented to Tian Da 田大 et al. for farming, and the annual rent is 212 strings of 1,000 coins and 40 coins. 5. Four qing of fertile land, 20 qing of barren land, and more than 30 stone and brick houses in Weidian village 葦甸村 etc. in Wanping County 宛平縣 are rented to Li Zhi 李智 et al. for farming, and the annual rent is 400 strings of 1,000 coins.

In total, the annual rent was 2,758 strings of one thousand coins and eight hundred coins. The rent incomes of the North Church are described as follows: “31 families pay silver taels as rent, and they pay 185.5 silver taels every month, 99

137 Abreu, “Fortune,” 157–58. 138 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 990. 139 Louis Wei Tsing-sing, La politique missionnaire, vol. 1, 40. 178 Chapter 5 families pay copper coins as rent, and they pay 543 strings of 1,000 coins and 200 coins per month.”140 These statistical documents suggest that the rent from land and houses purchased by missionaries in China was a long-term and stable source of economic support for Catholic missions. A 1699 report from Monteiro, vice-provincial of China, states: “The mission had made strides toward securing stable sources of income by investing in land and buildings.”141 Gifts from Portuguese donors to the Jesuits in China over several decades also helped the missionaries to accu- mulate a significant reserve of cash in Macau. These funds were used to pay the annual stipends of missionaries, and to purchase real estate in Nanjing, Hang zhou, and Guangzhou for rental. A similar strategy was followed in Shanghai and Songjiang 松江. The missionaries received donations from wealthy Catholic followers, especially from the family of Xu Guangqi, and used such donations to purchase houses and farming land for rental to offset the annual expenses of missionary work. According to American scholar Liam Matthew Brockey, “At the start of the 1690s, the mission drew a large part of its revenues from rent-producing real estate holdings within the empire.”142 However, in response to the increasing amount of land being bought by the missionaries, Emperor Jiaqing ultimately issued an order in 1812 (the seventeenth year of his reign) stating that “the Europeans shall not be allowed further to buy land […] for such property is [the] den of Christians, and the means of propagating their religion.”143

4.3 Setting Up Banks or Charging Interest on Loans The establishment of banks is poorly documented in the sources. However, according to Joseph Romualdovich Grigulevich (1913–88),

Jesuits were also very active in carrying out commercial and financial activities in China. In his report, the French envoy Lidornon, who trav- elled in China in the early eighteenth century, stated [that] in Beijing the Jesuits set up three banks for usury, and each bank had 50,000 to 60,000 strings of 1,000 coins as flowing capital.144

140 Liu, Colecção, vol. 2, no. 1098, 556–60. 141 Brockey, Journey, 178. 142 Ibid., 163. 143 Ljungstedt, Historical Sketch, vol. 3, 214. 144 Cited in Kang Zhijie 康志傑, “On the Finance and Economy of Jesuits in China during the Ming and Qing Dynasties” [論明清在華耶穌會士財政經濟], Monthly Journal of His- tory [史學月刊] 3 (1994). Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China 179

According to the French scholar Edmond Paris (1894–1970),

People noticed that Catholic fathers were excessively busy with issues irrelevant to religion, such as commerce and foreign exchange […]. In China, fathers lent money to merchants at interest rates as high as 25% to 100%.145

According to Jacques Augustin Marie Crétineau-Joly (1803–75), the

directors of the missions deposited the money [200,000 francs obtained by Rhodes] in the British Indian Company, and stipulated that the annual interest should be used to meet the needs of the Jesuits in China and India. When the Society of Jesus was disbanded, the British Indian Company planned to follow the precedent of rulers of various Catholic countries, confiscate these 200,000 francs, stop paying the interest, and use the money for hospitals.146

One record shows that the Western missionary José de Araújo 張若瑟 (1721– after 1774) put his silver taels “in Macau to generate interest” and earned 500 silver taels from doing so.147 Missions could also loan money directly to the Chinese in the name of the church. This practice appears to have been common, but it is not well documented in the available sources. According to the accounting book kept by de Rougemont, “I received 1.6 silver taels as interest from Vam Yao-sien.” “On February 11, 1676 [the fourteenth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi], Ç’ien Cum-yn paid me silver taels, and seemingly in this way he has paid back all the debt that he owes me this year.” “On the same day, Su Uln-te paid me 34.6 silver taels.”148 Other entries list the money de Rougemont loaned out: 0.1, 0.5, 0.98, 1, 1.3, 8 taels—14 silver taels was the largest amount, with the sum totaling 25.88 silver taels.149 Although these loans were relatively small, the interest the mis-

145 Edmond Paris, L’historie secrète des Jésuites, trans. Zhang Qieping and Gou Yongdong (Bei- jing: China Social Sciences Press, 1990), 80. 146 Jacques Augustin Marie Crétineau-Joly, Histoire religieuse, politique et littéraire de la Com- pagnie de Jésus, composée sur les documents inédits et authentiques, 3rd ed., vol. 5 (Paris: P. Mellier, 1851), 43. 147 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 196, 291, 292. 148 Golvers, François de Rougemont, 585–86. 149 Ibid. 180 Chapter 5 sionaries received from them served as an important source of revenue for the various missions in China. Enterprises operated by individual missionaries were rarely recorded. In 1723 (the first year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng), missionary Francesco Garretto 王方濟各 (1668–1738), who was probably an Italian Franciscan, purchased land in Huozhou 霍州, Shanxi, with the intention of building a factory.150

5 Conclusions

There were four major sources of funding for the missionary project undertaken by the Catholic Church in China during the Ming and Qing dynasties. The first of these was the aid granted by European rulers and by the Holy See. This was a major source of income for the various Catholic missions active in China. However, for reasons ranging from changes in the domestic political situation of various countries, a blockade or unexpected contingency in sea transport, and/or the ban imposed on Catholicism by the Chinese government, funds from various parts of Europe often could not be sent to the missionaries, and therefore the supplementary funds from other channels were essential. The second source of funding was the assistance the missionaries received from various sectors in Macau, and from followers of Catholicism in China. Macau was the base of Catholic missionary work in China, the Portuguese king held the protectorate of missions over the whole of Asia, and Catholicism was the state religion of the Portuguese. Therefore, the Portuguese governors and merchants in Macau showed great enthusiasm in supporting the church in China, and the economic assistance from Macau became an important source of income for it. However, this was true mainly from the sixteenth into the middle of the seventeenth century, when the economy in Macau was prosperous. After the middle of the seventeenth century, the economy in Macau declined, and the amount of aid sent from Macau to the Chinese church gradually decreased. Donations from Chinese converts mainly came from the upper classes of society; however, after Emperor Yongzheng banned Catholicism in 1723, few people in the upper classes converted to Catholicism, and such donations gradually ceased.

150 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 153, 216. Funding Jesuit Missionary Work in China 181

The third source of funding was composed of the awards and salaries given to missionaries by the Chinese government. These revenues were enjoyed only by the missionaries who served the royal court during the Ming and Qing dynasties. The percentage of missionaries who served the Chinese government was naturally low, and the salaries and awards obtained by Chinese government officials were generally not very high. Such revenues were therefore not as significant for the overall income of the China mission. The fourth source of income was made up of loans, rents, and participation in economic activities and trade. The Chinese mission did not work extensively in commerce, loans, and real estate, and its activities were subject to many limitations. However, such economic activities were relatively common. If they were not prohibited by the Chinese government, they were long-term and stable (with operating a business as an exception); therefore, the profits from these economic activities were also an important source of income for the Catholic missionary work in China. 182 Chapter 6

Chapter 6 Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties

Western arts were introduced into China alongside the Catholic faith. As Catholicism won converts and churches were built, the Catholic arts entered China as the natural result of the affinity between Catholicism and the visual arts. Certain European art forms, including painting and sculpture, were first introduced into China during the Tang (618–907) and Yuan (1271–1368) dynasties, when Nestorianism was propagated in the country. Unfortunately, due to a lack of cultural relics and documents, it is not possible to engage in extensive research on the introduction of European arts during this period. We instead have to begin that history with the Catholic arts introduced by Catholic missionaries, beginning in the middle of the Ming dynasty.1

1 This topic has been discussed by many scholars in China and elsewhere. Xiang Da 向達, “Western Influence on Chinese Arts during the Ming and Qing Dynasties” [明清之際中國美術所受西洋之影響], Oriental Magazine [東方雜誌] 27, no. 1 (1930); Fang Hao 方豪, “History of Spread of Western Paintings in China before the Reign of Emperor Jiaqing” [嘉慶前西洋畫流傳中國史略], Mainland Magazine [大陸雜誌] 5, no. 3 (1952); Guan Wei 關衛, History of Western Arts in the Past [西方美術東漸史] (Beijing: Commercial Press 商務印書館, 1936); Zhang Fengzhen 張奉箴, “Five Catholic Painters in the Late Ming Dynasty and Early Qing Dynasty” [明末清初天主教的五位畫家], Academic Journal of Furen [輔仁學誌] 1 (1968); George Loehr, “Missionary Artists at Manchu Court,” Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society, London 34 (1962/63): 51–67; Nie Chongzheng 聶崇正, “Foreign Painters in the Qing Dynasty and the Change in the Artistic Style in the Royal Court” [清代外籍畫家與宮廷風之變], Artists [藝術家] 3 (1995); Yang Boda 楊伯達, Paintings in the Royal Court of the Qing Dynasty [清代院畫 ] (Beijing: Forbidden City Press 紫禁城出版社, 1993); Qing Mumao 青木茂 and Xiaolin Guanghong 小林光宏, “Impacts of Western Painting Skills on the Paintings of the Late Ming Dynasty” [西方繪畫技法對明末畫壇的衝擊], in Exhibition of Chinese Western-Style Paintings: Paintings, Prints, and Illustrations from the Late Ming Dynasty to the Early Qing Dynasty [中國洋風畫展─—從明末至清代的繪畫、版畫、插圖本] (Japan: Dingtianshiliguojibanhuameishuguan 町田市立國際版畫美術館, 1995); Hu Guanghua 胡光華, “Missionaries and the Contacts and Communications between Chinese and Western Paintings” [傳教士與明清中西繪畫的接觸與傳通], in Macau RC [文化雜誌] 34 (1998); Michael Sullivan, The Meeting of Eastern and Western Art, trans. Chen Ruilin (Nanjing: Jiangsu Meishu Press, 1998); Wang Yong 王鏞, ed., History of Exchange between Arts in China and Abroad [中外美術交流史] (Changsha: Hunan Education Press, 1998); Mo Xiaoye 莫小也, “Response of Painters in Jiangnan in the Late Ming Dynasty and Early Qing Dynasty to Western Arts” [明末清初江南地區畫家對西方藝術的反應], in Macau RC 40–41 (2000).

1 Macau as a Waypoint for the Catholic Arts in China

In the past, art historians have generally concluded that “the introduction of western arts into China started with Matteo Ricci.”2 According to the sources now available, however, this conclusion is incorrect. Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) reached Macau in 1582 (the tenth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli 萬曆 [r. 1573–1620]), and entered Beijing late in the twenty-eighth year of the same reign (1601). Yet Western arts had in fact been introduced to China some thirty to forty years before Ricci reached Macau. Western artworks were first introduced to China via a trading base maintained by the Portuguese at Shuangyu Port in Ningbo, Zhejiang, from 1542 to 1548. The Portuguese traveler Fernão Mendes Pinto 平托 (1509–83) gives the following description of Liampós 雙嶼:

In the same tower, there is a window. Two children and an old woman weep. Under her feet, a man is dismembered. The image is vivid. More than ten fully armed Spanish men kill people with spears, which have blood on them. The whole artistic work is grandiose, magnificent, enjoyable.3

Clearly, contemporary observers considered the Western painting on the window to be a notable work of art. The church in Shuangyu Port also had Western sculptures: “The acting bishop ran to the sculpture of Our Lady. Looking at the sculpture and holding high his two hands, […] he spoke to the holy sculpture.”4 This is the earliest written document on the introduction of European arts into China, thirty years earlier than the arrival of Ricci in Macau. Second, according to a letter from the Jesuit priest André Pinto (1538–88) in Guangzhou to the Jesuits in India on November 30, 1564:

We departed from port Amacau and after two days we reached Pinhal Island [Mount Dayu] and port […]. Thus some of them landed and set up a church at the beach at midnight […]. They hung a portrait of St. Michael […]. Father Manuel Teixeira immediately said a Mass for them.5

2 Xiang, “Western Influence”; Fang, “History.” 3 Fernão Mendes Pinto, Peregrinação, trans. Jin Guoping (Macau: Fundação Macau, 1999), 198. 4 Ibid., 201. 5 Rui Manuel Loureiro, Em busca das origens de Macau (antologia documental), doc. 12, Carta do Padre Gregório González a D. Juan de Borja (Malacca, c.1571), 118. 184 Chapter 6

This account clearly states that the missionaries had brought a portrait of St. Michael into the temporary church on Dayu Island, not far from Macau, in 1564, eighteen years prior to the arrival of Ricci in Macau. Third, in 1656 (the forty-fourth year of the reign of Emperor Jiajing 嘉靖 [r. 1522–66]), Ye Quan 葉權, who came from Anhui 安徽, saw a Western painting in the church in Macau. “The painting is like glass, has a rough and uneven surface, and the image is like a real person.” He also saw wooden sculptures of Jesus Christ and Our Lady. “In the sculpture worshipped by them, a naked male carved on sandalwood hangs in the middle, about 20 centimeters high, limbs are covered by clothing, and hands and feet are nailed.” Likewise,

in the three cells above there is a man who looks like Laozi. In the three cells in the middle, their ancestor is born and taken care of by his mother. In the cells below, in a house that looks like an apartment of a couple, a beautiful woman bends and holds a naked man in her arms.6

In 1565, the church in Macau was still a shabby building with a wooden framework and grass roof, but it nevertheless contained Western portraits and wooden sculptures seventeen years before the arrival of Ricci in Macau. Based on the Western religious paintings and sculptures recorded in these three documents, it is now possible to discard the idea that European arts were first introduced into China with the arrival of Ricci in Macau. The introduction of Catholic arts into China did not start with Ricci, but rather took place in three places thirty years before his arrival: Shuangyu in Ningbo, Mount Dayu in Hong Kong, and Macau. However, while Catholic works of art were first introduced to Shuangyu and Mount Dayu, for various reasons these two places did not become the waypoints by which Catholicism came to China. As a result, the number of Catholic works of art in these regions did not increase in the same way as they did in Macau, where the number of Catholic works of art increased after 1565 with the development of Catholicism, and thereafter spread to mainland China in view of Macau’s role as the principal channel for propagating Catholicism in the country. As with Catholicism more generally, therefore, Macau was the main waypoint by which the Catholic arts came to China. In 1555, Gregório Gonçalves became the first Catholic priest to enter Macau. In the following year, he “built a grass church” in Macau and in 1565 Francisco

6 Ye Quan 葉權, Xianbopian [賢博篇] (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1987), 45. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 185

Pérez (1514–83) built a chapel of Our Lady.7 At that time, the “establishment of the church” by the Portuguese in Macau attracted the attention of Wu Guifang,8 governor general of Guangdong and Guangxi. With the development of Catholicism and the construction of a few churches in Macau, religious works of art, which were necessary for the construction of the churches, came to be much in demand in Macau. However, there is no evidence that religious works of art were imported from Europe into Macau in this period. A letter from Michele Ruggieri (1543–1607) in Macau to Father Everard Mercurian (1514–80) on November 12, 1581, stated: “Please also send a Bible with illustrations and superb book binding, several tapestries on which stories in the Old Testament and New Testament are drawn, and things that are necessary for the construction of a chapel.”9 A letter from Ruggieri in Macau to Father Claudio Acquaviva (1543–1615), superior general of the Society of Jesus, on January 25, 1584, stated the following:

I hope that you promptly get a clock, and some portraits of Our Lady and Savior printed with copperplate, which are expected by the Chinese government officials. Please also send me some paintings regarding holy mysteries. Thus we can easily explain to the Chinese, who like pictures. Father, please forgive me for asking for so many things, because they are not available here.10

In the period between the introduction of Catholicism into Macau in 1555 and 1581, several churches had consequently been built there, such as the St. Anthony’s Chapel (1558–60), the St. Lorenzo Chapel (1558–1660), and the wood chapel of the birth of Our Lady (1576).11 Yet very few portraits and religious paintings had been imported into Macau. Such articles soon became rarities, but in Macau this need was not significantly addressed until 1582, when Ricci and the Italian painter Giovanni Niccolò 尼閣老 (1560–1626) traveled to

7 Loureiro, Em busca das origens de Macau, doc. 12, 194. Louis Pfister, Notices biographiques et bibliographiques sur les Jésuites de l’ancienne mission de Chine 1552–1773, trans. Feng Chengjun (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1995), 15. 8 Chen Zilong, ed. Mingjing shiwen bian [明經世文編], vol. 342, Memo on Preventing the Foreigners in Macau from Paying Tribute [議阻澳夷進貢疏] (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1962), 3669. 9 Matteo Ricci, Complete Works of Fr. Matteo Ricci, S.J., Volume 4, Letters (II), trans. Luo Yu (Taipei: Guangqi Press, 1986), 434. 10 Ibid., 457. 11 Maria de Lourdes Rodrigues Costa, “História da arquitectura em Macau,” in Macau RC 34 (1998): 181–82. 186 Chapter 6

Macau with Western religious artworks.12 However, with the expansion of Catholic churches in Macau, imports alone could not meet the growing demand for religious paintings, and the cultivation of local painters thus became an urgent task. On August 7, 1582, Niccolò and Ricci reached Macau in the same ship. For a number of reasons, the arrival of Niccolò in Macau was an important milestone in the development of the Catholic arts in Macau. First, Western paintings that had been painted in Macau now began to appear. Indeed, soon after his arrival Niccolò painted the painting Savior,13 which, according to the available documents, is the first painting by a Western missionary in Macau, and the first painting of its type painted in China. Second, shortly after arriving in Macau, Niccolò “set up a school of painting,”14 which initiated Catholic art education in China and trained local painters for Macau, although it is unclear whether the school continued to operate after Niccolò left Macau for Japan in the following year (1583). It is noteworthy that exquisite printmaking appeared in the book Christiani pueri institutio adolescentiaeque perfugium (天主教青牧學院孤兒院), written by the Jesuit Juan Bonifacio (1538–1606) in Macau, which was the first book written in Latin to be published in Macau (in 1588).15 St. Paul’s Cathedral, which was completed in 1603, also shows that Macau hosted some

12 When Ricci arrived in Macau in 1582, “he brought copperplate etchings, most of which are famous Italian color paintings.” Sentaro Sawamura, “Early Western Paintings in Japan,” cited in Li Chao 李超, History of Oil Paintings in Shanghai [上海油畫史] (Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Press, 1995), 1. 13 Sullivan, Meeting, 7. 14 Joseph Dehergne, Répertoire des Jésuites de Chine de 1552–1800, trans. Geng Sheng (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1995), 143. The establishment of the art school by Niccolò in Macau is confirmed by Joseph Dehergne, Michael Sullivan, Manuel Teixeira, and Chen Jichun. However, it seems unlikely that an art school would have been established in this period. At that time, the Society of Jesus had only just arrived in Macau. It would have been impossible for the Jesuits to set up a formal art school to teach art. According to the available documents, in Macau Niccolò set up a studio rather than an art school, and some people learned painting from him. The art curriculum mentioned by Domingos Mauricio Gomes dos Santos and Li Xiangyu refers to the humanities. A seminary such as St. Paul’s College would not have had art classes. Domingos Mauricio Gomes dos Santos, Macau, primeira universidade do Extremo-Oriente (Macau: Fundaço Macau, 1994), 19. Li Xiangyu, Cradle of Sinologists: Research on St. Paul School of Macau (Beijing: Chinese Pub- lishing House, 2006), 66–68. Qi Yinping, “St. Paul School in Macau and the Educational Organs of the Society of Jesus in the East,” unpublished manuscript, research project of the Cultural Bureau of Macau, 84. 15 See the images in Beatriz Basto da Silva, Cronologia da história de Macau (16th–18th Cen- tury), trans. Xiao Yu (Macau: Fundação Macau, 1995). Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 187 local artistic talent during this period. The English traveler Peter Mundy (1600– 67), who reached Macau in 1637, gave the following description of the dome of the cathedral:

The exquisite dome of the cathedral is the most beautiful architecture that I have seen and remembered. The wood carving was made by Chinese craftsmen. It is outlined in gold and has brilliant lacquer painted in various colors such as red and blue. The roof consists of boxes and gigantic roses appear where the boxes merge. The petals of the roses overlap and become a small ball. The big roses hang under the roof.16

A report on St. Paul’s Cathedral stored in the Biblioteca da Ajuda in Portugal describes the cathedral as follows:

The interior of the cathedral is decorated with fine wood called Joniquini, from Japan. A silver ware is embedded on the wall in the cathedral. It has exquisite carvings and is gilded with gold. The wood bars are twisted like rope. The ornaments include spiral decorations, patterns, and rose ornaments in gold and red colors.17

A Genoese named Carlo Spinola (1564–1622) was the designer and architect of the cathedral. He arrived in Macau in late August 1600. While waiting out the monsoon on his way to Japan, he “drew the blueprint for the new church of the ascendance of Our Lady.”18 Because of the participation of Chinese craftsmen, the patterns inside the church not only have the Western artistic style designed by Spinola but also elements of the Chinese artistic style. Inside the church there is a portrait of Our Lady, which Du Zhen 杜臻 (1633– 1703) described in the following way: “In the portrait, a woman holds a child in her arms. The clothing is strange. The picture is glazed. The woman is called heavenly mother and her name is Santa Maria.”19 Gong Xianglin 龔翔麟 (1658– 1733), an official in the Ministry of Revenue, described the portrait of Our Lady

16 Peter Mundy, The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia: 1608–1667, vol. 3 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1914), 162–63. 17 Manuel Teixeira, “The Japanese in Macau,” in Macau RC 17 (1993): 156. 18 Juan Ruiz-de-Medina, “The Architect of St. Paulo Church of Macau: A Jesuit from Madrid,” trans. Zeng Yongxiu, in Macau RC 21 (1994): 27–40. 19 Du Zhen 杜臻, Record of Inspection in Guangdong and Fujian [粵閩巡視紀略] (Taipei: Wenhai Press, n.d.), 20. 188 Chapter 6 as “very vivid.”20 The church was also described as having “some precious eye- catching paintings that add more charm to the magnificent scenes in the church.”21 Such paintings include the Martyrdom of 11,000 Sisters (一萬一千修女殉教圖) and Ascension of Our Lady (聖母瑪莉亞升天圖) painted by Jacques Niva 倪雅谷 (1579–1638),22 a Japanese student of Niccolò who went to Macau in 1601 as the painter of the diocese. Archival sources show that at that time St. Paul’s Cathedral also contained Western religious paintings by Niva, including a portrait entitled Our Lady with Child (送子聖母像), and a painting entitled The Head of St. Ursula (聖烏拉蘇頭像).23 Thus, according to Gonçalo Couceiro, a Portuguese expert on the history of religious arts, “St. Paul’s Cathedral became a center of the arts.”24 The decorations of the memorial archway of St. Paul’s Cathedral, which were completed in 1637, also reflect the prosperity of the arts in Macau at that time. The memorial archway (the remaining front wall of the cathedral) features a large number of pillars, triangular pediments, and geometric spatial arrangements, and is rich in the features of classic architectures, including the Baroque and Ionian styles.25 The sculptures on the memorial archway contain many detailed characteristics. The peace doves on the top level, Jesus on the fourth level, Mary on the third level, and the meeting between Jesus and four saints in the center, and angels and the logo of the Society of Jesus on two sides of the second level, all bear witness to the influence of late-Renaissance real- ism. There are also reliefs of Western lilies and Eastern chrysanthemums, as well as a relief showing Mary stepping on the head of a dragon. In a few places, Chinese characters have been carved to explain the figures and pictures.26 The memorial archway is a classic work of art that combines Western and Eastern cultures in the early Macau style. In the words of one author, “the stone carvings of the memorial archway of St. Paul Cathedral are regarded as a Bible by

20 Geng Xianglin 龔翔麟, Inspection of Pearl River [珠江奉使記], in Wang Shizhen 王士禎, Chibeioutan [池北偶談], vol. 21 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1982), 517. 21 Gonçalo Coueiro, “Macau and the Art of the Society of Jesus,” in Macau RC 21 (1994): 32. 22 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 130. 23 Chen Jichun 陳繼春, “Macau and the Origin of Introduction of Western Paintings into the East” [澳門與西畫東漸的起源], in Chen Jichun, Haojianghuarenduolu [濠江畫人掇錄] (Macau: Macau Foundation, 1998), 7–8. 24 Couceiro, “Macau,” 27. 25 Carlos Baracho, “Um percurso ao encontro do medievalismo em Macau,” in Macau RC 34 (1998): 172. 26 Lee Yuk Tin, Olhar as ruínas: Igreja da madre de Deus em Macau (Macau: Livros do Oriente Leal Senado de Macau, 1990), 38–43. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 189 theologians, as an exquisite picture by artists, and as a precious relic by historians, and it has eternal value.”27 Classic architectural masterpieces of the same period also include the Dominican church, known also as the Rose Church or Plank Church, built by the Spanish Dominicans. Initially constructed from wood, it was rebuilt with brick and stone in the early seventeenth century. The church was subject to influence from both Spain and Portugal, and its style is therefore a mixture of the Baroque and Philippine style. The church also has several sculptures, completed in the seventeenth century, such as the exquisite sculptures of St. Caetano, St. Francis, and St. Dominic.28 The Augustinian church contains portraits of St. Monica and St. García, completed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. St. Lorenzo’s Church preserves some cultural relics, such as the portrait of Santa Maria reborn, and a depiction of the crucifixion.29 In 1606, the Society of Jesus built a chapel in Qingzhou, which has an altarpiece “Saint Michael Stepping on a Dragon in Hell.”30 The more than ten churches por- trayed in the color screen Macau (澳門圖), now preserved in the Museum of Oriental Arts in Lisbon, are all classic examples of Western architecture, the style of which imitates the Baroque style of seventeenth-century Europe, fused with elements of the traditional architecture of the Qing dynasty.31 In 1614, following the prohibitions introduced against Catholicism in Japan, Niccolò led his Japanese students to Macau for refuge. Niccolò is an important figure in the history of the arts in Macau and in Japan. Although he was called “a mediocre man without talents” by some Jesuits, he was highly esteemed by Ricci: “Gaspar Coelho, the bishop of the Japanese diocese, presented a wonderful large portrait of Jesus to the church. It is a real work of art painted by Giovanni Niccolò, the first master to teach European painting skills to the Japanese and Chinese.”32 After Niccolò went to Macau for the second time in 1614, he continued to organize students to work on Catholic paintings until his death in 1626. During this period, he and his students worked to foster the development of the Catholic arts in Macau. The Japanese artists who traveled to Macau with Niccolò, such as Mancio Taichiku 大竹奧西曼 (d.1615), Pedro

27 Wang Wenda, Aomen zhanggu (Macau: Educational Press, 1999), 103. 28 Maria Regina Valente, ed., Igrejas de Macau (Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1993), 20–23. 29 Ibid. 30 Auguste M. Colombel, Histoire de la mission du Kiang-nan, trans. Zhou Shiliang (Shang- hai: Guangqi Press, 2009), 81. 31 Six-panel screen with views of Macau and Canton, in the Orient Museum, Lisbon, 66, 85–86. 32 Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault, China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journal of Matthew Ricci, trans. He Gaoji et al. (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1983), 194. 190 Chapter 6

Chicuan 奇川佩德羅 (d.1622), and Todeu 田手烏 (d.1638), as well as Niva, who returned from Nanchang to Macau in 1613, all painted in Macau.33 Macau consequently became the home of a highly active circle of artists, including the following three renowned local painters who were trained there. 1. Manuel Pereira 游文輝 (1575–1633), who was born in Macau in 1575. He went to Amakusa 天草 in Japan to study painting under Niccolò. At some stage prior to 1598, he went back to China, assisted Ricci in his missionary work in Nanchang 南昌 and Nanjing 南京, and served as the painter of the diocese.34 In his diary, Ricci states that a copy of the portrait of Our Lady presented to the wife of the river superintendent “was made by a young man in the church in Nanjing.”35 The young man in question was Pereira. He later went to work in Beijing 北京, and in 1610 he drew a portrait of Ricci, who was dying at the time.36 The portrait is now preserved in the Il Gesù Church in Rome as the earliest existing painting by a Chinese artist. In 1613, he worked as a preacher and painter in Shaozhou 韶州, while also teaching Western painting to the local people. He died in Hangzhou 杭州 in 1633.37 2. Francisco de Lagea 石宏基 (1585–1647), a Chinese artist born in Macau in 1585. According to a letter from the Jesuit Niccoló Longobardi 龍華民 (1559– 1654), dated 1598, Lagea was in Shaozhou at that time.38 According to Louis Pfister, Lagea served as “painter and preacher” of the diocese at that time.39 Thus Lagea probably studied Western arts as a student in the primary school in Macau and entered mainland China immediately after his graduation to serve as a painter at the age of thirteen. In 1603, he went to the residence in Beijing to assist Ricci.40 From 1610 onwards he carried out missionary work in various places in China. In 1631, he followed the Jesuit missionary Francesco Sambiasi 畢方濟 (1582–1649) to propagate Christianity in Nanjing.41 In 1641, Sambiasi built the “hall of angels” in Nanjing: “The hall has a Western-style painting with notes. Nine kinds of virtuous angels were painted on the right, and the fall of evil angels into […] hell was painted on the left. The novel painting attracts

33 Teixeira, “Japanese in Macau,” 162. 34 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 105. 35 Ricci and Trigault, China, 387. 36 Ibid., 614. 37 Dehergne, Répertoire, 495. 38 Ricci, Complete Works, 513. 39 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 128. 40 Ricci, Complete Works, 264. 41 “Father Francesco Sambiasi lived here [Nanjing] for a few years, most of the time accompanied by […] Francisco de Lagea.” António de Gouvea, Cartas ânuas da China (Macau: Instituto Português do Oriente, 1998), 125. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 191 many Catholic and non-Catholic visitors, and consequently many people were baptized.”42 The painting was created by Lagea. In 1645, Sambiasi built a church in Guangzhou 廣州, and Lagea painted its altarpiece.43 He died in 1647. 3. Mateus Vaz 魏瑪竇 (1608–after 1681) was born in Macau in 1608, and entered the seminary there in 1632. According to Joseph Dehergne, Vaz was also a painter. From 1655 to 1659, he served as the superintendent of a seminary in Macau; he also took part in missionary work in mainland China and was acclaimed as a “superb painter.”44 He died after 1681. Unfortunately his paintings are not documented. Four foreign painters also lived in Macau in the 1640s. The first was Mateus Van 馬刁士雲, who was born in Cochin China. He had studied in St. Paul’s College, and was likely a student educated by the school of fine arts. In 1640, he painted Vietnamese St. Andrew, Martyr (越南殉道聖人安德列), and The Martyrs of Nagasaki, Japan (日本長崎殉道者). The latter painting, which has been preserved, received high praise from the Chinese scholar Chen Jichun 陳繼春:

From the perspective of the arts, the painting boasts an integrated composition. The artistic skills combine the lines found in eastern paintings, and the contrast of brightness and darkness common in western paintings. The painting has both the sense of light and the colors commonly used in eastern paintings. It can be said that the painting is the first work that combines Chinese and western methods of artistic creation.45

The remaining foreign painters were Albert Brac (1622–?) from the Dutch Republic and Ignace Lagot (1603–51) and Henri Xavier (1608–?) from Flanders. They all worked as painters, and probably taught arts in the primary school of St. Paul’s College. Unfortunately, their artistic works are not documented. In the late seventeenth century, the Italian painter Cristoforo Fiori (1672–after 1705) worked as a teacher of fine arts and as the superintendent of St. Paul’s College.46 While it remains unclear whether Niccolò established a school of arts or an artist’s workshop in Macau, a number of experts in the Catholic arts nevertheless emerged under his tutelage. Moreover, artists from Japan, Europe,

42 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 145. 43 Henri Bernard, “A Letter from a Jesuit in the Late Ming Dynasty” [明末耶穌會士的一封信], Journal of National Library of Peking [國立北平圖書館館刊] 6, no. 5 (1932): 114. 44 Dehergne, Répertoire, 708. 45 Chen, “Macau,” 10–11. 46 Dehergne, Répertoire, 82, 231, 348, 745. 192 Chapter 6 and Southeast Asia also went to St. Paul’s College in Macau to work, study, or to seek refuge. A period of prosperous artistic creation now began in the history of Catholic arts in Macau, as evidenced by the early paintings housed in the Catholic Museum in Macau, such as the Portrait of St. Michael painted by Niva, The Martyrs of Nagasaki, Japan (日本長崎殉道者) by Vaz, and more than twenty other Catholic paintings created from the late sixteenth to the middle of the seventeenth century.47 In Macau, the Society of Jesus trained a number of highly talented painters, and the Dominican order also established an academic curriculum in the arts, taught consecutively by friars Gaspar de Macedo and Tomás da Purificação.48 According to Aomen jilue (澳門記略), at that time various churches in Macau had many images depicting biblical stories, such as the birth, crucifixion, and ascension of Christ, and portraits of Christ and the Virgin Mary.49 A considerable number of original paintings from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are preserved in churches in Macau, many of which endured repeated disasters. This clearly suggests that a large number of paintings were created in Macau at that time. It can consequently be concluded that Catholic arts in China originated in Macau.

2 The Spread of Catholic Arts in Mainland China

2.1 Missionaries Who Introduced Catholic Arts into the Mainland Catholic works of art were formally introduced into Macau in the period prior to 1565. But when were they first brought to mainland China? Many scholars still hold that Ricci was the first person to bring Catholic works of art to the Chinese mainland, but this is incorrect.50 After the Portuguese ship captain Leonel de Sousa reached an oral agreement with Wang Bo 汪柏, vice maritime inspector of Guangdong, Portuguese merchants were able to enter Guangzhou for trade, and thus a few Jesuits, Franciscans, and Augustinians began to enter Guangzhou and Zhaoqing. It consequently seems likely that Catholic works of art would have been brought into Guangzhou during this period. The available documents suggest that the first group of Franciscan missionaries, including Pedro de Alfaro (d.1580), were the first people to bring the Catholic arts into

47 Manuel Teixeira, “The Paintings of the Seminário de S. José,” in Macau RC 3 (1987): 53–57. 48 Valente, Igrejas, 20–23. 49 Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin, Aomen jilue [澳門記略] (Macau: Cultural Bureau, 1992), 151. 50 Sullivan, Meeting, 43. Wang, History of Exchange, 169. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 193 mainland China. In August 1579, Alfaro and his companions went to Zhaoqing in Guangdong to meet the governor general of Guangdong and Guangxi. When the governor general inspected their luggage, he found hand-painted Catholic portraits. According to Henri Bernard, “On August 21 [in 1579], they [Alfaro and his companions] came to Zhaoqing to meet the Chinese government officials. The governor general was excited while inspecting the things brought by them, among which there were […] a few exquisite and colorful hand-painted Catholic portraits.”51 These hand-painted Catholic portraits were Western religious paintings, and the Franciscan Alfaro, rather than Ricci, should thus be regarded as the first missionary to bring Catholic artworks into mainland China. Ruggieri went to China in 1579. He reached Macau first. In a letter from Macau dated November 8, 1580, he remarked, “I hope that priests could send me some books on the holy mysteries of Jesus Christ with illustrations.” In a letter from November 12, 1581, he wrote, “Please also send a Bible with illustrations and superb book binding, several tapestries on which stories in the Old Testament and New Testament are drawn.”52 Thus, after his arrival in Macau, Fr. Ruggieri searched for works of Western arts for use in his missionary work. When he was in Guangzhou in September and October 1581 he lived in the embassy of Siam, where “he destroyed the idols worshipped in the compound and set up a chapel of Our Lady.”53 This chapel almost certainly contained images of the Virgin Mary. This is the first record showing that Ruggieri brought Catholic artworks into mainland China. When he was in Guangzhou, he set up a residence, which housed more such artworks: “His residence displays many novel items, such as new musical instruments that can give out pleasing sounds. The printed works from Italy boast exquisite printing and wonderful binding. They are full of beautiful illustrations of the deeds of Our Lady and the Catholic creeds.”54 Ruggieri endeavored to bring many of the prints of Catholic paintings he had collected overseas to Guangzhou. On his way to Zhaoqing in 1582, when local people checked his luggage, they found some exquisite color portraits of Catholic figures. At that time, Ricci had reached Macau but had not yet entered mainland China, while Ruggieri had already brought Catholic artworks into Guangzhou and Zhaoqing, and displayed these artistic works to the Chinese population. It can therefore be argued that Ruggieri was the first

51 Henri Bernard, Aux portes de la Chine: Les missionnaires du XVIe siècle, trans. Xiao Junhua (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1936), 166. 52 Ricci, Complete Works, 427, 434. 53 Bernard, Aux portes, 190–91. 54 Ibid., 276–77. 194 Chapter 6 person during the Ming and Qing dynasties to introduce Catholic works of art to mainland China. After Ruggieri, the Western missionaries who entered mainland China, such as Ricci, Longobardi, Giulio Aleni 艾儒略 (1582–1649), and Johann Adam Schall von Bell 湯若望 (1592–1666), were increasingly aware of the importance of printing and books to the success of their missionary work. Acquiring Western Catholic books and artworks and bringing them into China consequently became a very important task for the missionaries. In the letters cited above, Ruggieri discussed the demands of the missionary work in China for Western religious artistic works. Ricci shared this understanding. In his letter from Nanjing to Fr. Girolamo Costa on August 14, 1599, he stated: “I would be very pleased if it is convenient for you to send me something, such as some beautiful portraits, fine prints, and a triangular prism manufactured in Venice. Such things are very cheap in Italy, but are precious in China.”55 According to a letter he wrote in Beijing in February 1605,

In my previous letter, I had asked you, if possible, to send me a map of ancient Rome 古代羅馬地圖, printed with copperplate […]. We have received a copy of the illustrations by Father Jerónimo Nadal [1507–80]. […] Meanwhile he also sent us a Royal Bible 皇家聖經, published by Buratino.56

According to Ricci’s letter to Father Fabio de Fabi, written in Beijing on August 23, 1608, “We have received the box sent by you, full of sacred bones, holy portraits, beads, and other religious items.”57 In his letter to the superior general of the Society of Jesus, dated October 18, 1598, Fr. Longobardi also asked for a copy of the illustrations by Fr. Nadal to be sent to China. In his words:

It would be especially valuable if you could send me some books which represent the figures of the faith, the commandments, the mortal sins, the sacraments, and so on. Here all such books are considered very artistic and subtle because they make use of shadows, which do not exist in Chinese painting.58

55 Ricci, Complete Works, 259. 56 Ibid., 271–72. 57 Ibid., 397. 58 Sullivan, Meeting, 51. The letter from Niccoló Longobardi 龍華民 on October 18, 1598, is not contained in Ricci, Complete Works, but is mentioned in the letter from November 4, 1598. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 195

In his letter from Shaozhou on November 4, 1598, Longobardi wrote as follows:

We still need a lot of books and holy portraits to be sent to us […]. We will need them when we meet the Chinese emperor to ask for the freedom in missionary work. Books and holy portraits are very important as they fall into the scope of our faith.59

Besides meeting the demands of Catholic practice, “the passion of Chinese scholars and government officials for such artistic works from Europe” was also an important motivation.60 All missionaries were aware that these Western artistic works possessed special charm in missionary work, and they consequently endeavored to bring a large number of Western Catholic artistic works into mainland China, including Western oil paintings, Western sculptures (including wooden and metal statues), copperplate etchings, and woodcuts.

2.2 Importing Catholic Artwork from Abroad The major pioneers in bringing Catholic artworks directly into mainland China from overseas included Ricci, Schall, Manuel Díaz 李瑪諾 (1559–1639), Alessandro Valignano (1539–1606), Nicolas Trigault 金尼閣 (1577–1628), João da Rocha 羅如望 (1565–1623), Gabriel de Magalhães 安文思 (1610–77), Ludovico Buglio 利類思 (1606–82), and Martino Martini 衛匡國 (1614–61). 1. On August 7, 1582, Ricci reached Macau. According to the Japanese scholar Sentaro Sawamura 澤村專太郎, “Ricci brought copperplate etchings, most of which were printed pictures of well-known oil paintings in Italy.”61 In Nanchang in 1595, Ricci met Li Rihua 李日華 and displayed a glass painting.62 Thus we know that Ricci was the first person to bring glass painting from overseas into China. In 1601, four Western paintings were presented to Emperor Wanli: San Lorenzo Palace in Spain (西班牙聖勞倫索宮), San Marco Church in Venice (威尼斯聖馬可教堂), Portrait of Pope and Three Emperors and Kings of Rome (三王來朝圖), and Funeral of Spanish King Philip II in 1598 (西班牙國王菲利普二世殯葬圖).63 At least two of them were from the five copperplate

59 Ricci, Complete Works, 522. 60 Henri Bernard, Le père Mathieu Ricci et la société de son temps (1552–1610), trans. Guan Zhenhu (Beijing: Commercial Press, 1998), 101. 61 Sentaro Sawamura, “Early Western Paintings in Japan,” cited in Li, History, 1. 62 Li Rihua 李日華, Zitaoxuanzazhui [紫桃軒雜綴], vol. 1, Sikucunmucongshu 四庫存目叢書 (Jinan: Qilu Shushe, 1997), 26. 63 Diego de Pantoja, Relación de la entrada de algunos, padres de la Compañia de Jesús en la China, y. Particulares successos que tuvieron, y de cosas muy notables que vieron en el mismo 196 Chapter 6 etchings in the book Theatrum orbis terrarum (世界概觀), by Abraham Ortelius (1527–98); the book and the copperplate etchings were brought into China by Ricci (or Diego de Pantoja [1571–1618]).64 2. Díaz was also an important figure in bringing Western Catholic artistic works into China. When a Catholic church was completed in Zhaoqing in 1583, Díaz, who served as the rector of the seminary in Macau, brought many Western paintings sent from overseas to Zhaoqing, and presented them to the Chinese mission, including “a portrait of Jesus Christ painted by a famous artist in Rome,” and presented by Acquaviva, the superior general of the Society of Jesus; “a gigantic portrait of Jesus Christ painted by […] Niccolò in Japan” and presented by Gaspar Coelho 科埃略 (1531–90), bishop of the Japanese diocese; and “a fine portrait of Our Lady” painted in Spain and presented by a priest in the Philippines.65 When Ricci prepared to go to Beijing in 1600, Díaz presented a portrait of the Virgin Mary, which “was said to be a great duplicate of the original painting made by Luke.”66 The illustrations by Fr. Nadal, which contain 153 exquisite copperplate etchings,67 were also brought into China by Díaz before 1605.68 3. While serving as the inspector of the Chinese and Japanese provinces, Valignano gave priority to bringing Western Catholic artistic works into China. After Ricci set up the Nanchang residence in 1595, Fr. Valignano collected many items for missionary work and sent them to Nanchang. These included “a portrait of Our Lady sent from Spain, and a portrait of the savior Jesus Christ.”69 When Valignano died from kidney failure in Macau in 1606, “the items collected by him for the mission and received by various churches have been carefully preserved,” including “a few statues and paintings.”70 4. Trigault was the most important figure in introducing large numbers of European prints into China. In 1613, he followed orders to return to Europe, and collected more than seven thousand Western books, which were shipped to Macau in 1620 and then distributed to mainland China.

reino, 35–36, cited in Zhang Kai, Diego de Pantoja in China: Research on the Adaptation Strategy of the Society of Jesus (Beijing: Beijing Library Press, 1997), 63–64. 64 Among the five copperplate etchings, “five depict the Pope and the noblemen of the Holy Roman Empire,” “two depict the scenery of river valleys and one depicts the scenery of the palace in northwestern Madrid, the capital of Spain.” Sullivan, Meeting, 48. 65 Ricci and Trigault, China, 194. 66 Ibid., 377. 67 Sullivan, Meeting, 51. 68 Ricci, Complete Works, 272. 69 Ricci and Trigault, China, 314. 70 Ibid., 521. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 197

Trigault traveled a long distance to pay tribute to the Chinese emperor. Besides western specialties, he brought more than 7,000 books with illustrations, excluding redundant ones and trivial ones. These books are now in Macau, and he hopes that one day he might present them to the royal court.71

It is unclear how many of these seven thousand Western books contained depictions of Western works of art. According to Illustrated Explanations of Strange Western Machines (奇器圖說): “There are more than 1,000 catalogues specifically on the strange things from the West […]. The illustrations are exquisite, and we can rely on them to depict these things.”72 The “more than 1,000” illustrated books on Western technology were brought by Trigault into China. Among more than five hundred volumes of this consignment currently preserved in the National Library of China, many concern architecture, such as the Relics of Ancient Rome (古羅馬遺蹟) by the Italian architect Andrea Palladio (1508–80), Ten Letters on Architecture (建築十書) by the ancient Roman architect Marcus Vitruvius Pollio (born c.80–70 BCe, died after c.15 BCe), and Architecture (論建築) by Giovanni Antonio Rusconi (1520–87), which has copperplate etchings as illustrations. The six-volume book Civitates orbis terrarum (世界的都市) by Georg Braun (1541–1622) and Franz Hogenberg (1535–90), brought by missionaries to Beijing, contains many illustrations of cities in various countries, and was very probably brought into China by Trigault.73 In 1640 (the thirteenth year of the reign of Emperor Chongzhen 崇禎 [r. 1628–44]), Schall presented “45 color paintings on the deeds in the life of Jesus Christ” to Emperor Chongzhen, along with “one sculpture of the three kings worshipping God, made from wax” from the duke of Bavaria.74 These items were also brought from Europe to China by Trigault. 5. Rocha reached Macau in August 1591, and entered mainland China in 1597. According to Gu Qiyuan 顧起元 (1565–1628), “Later, […] Rocha, the pupil [of Ricci] came to Guangzhou. He is not as smart as […] Ricci, and does not

71 Yang Tingyun 楊廷筠, “Dai pian” [代疑篇], in Wu Xiangxiang 吳相湘, Documents on the Spread of Catholicism in the East [天主教東傳文獻] (Taipei: Xuesheng Press, 1965), 544– 45. 72 Deng Yuhan 鄧玉涵 and Wang Zheng 王徵, eds., Illustrated Explanations of Strange Western Machines [奇器圖說], Wenyuangesikuquanshu 文淵閣四庫全書 (Shanghai: Ancient Books Press, 1987), 4–6. 73 Sullivan, Meeting, 49–50. 74 Pedro Huang, Zhengjiao Fengbao, and Chen Fangzhong, eds., Collection of Archives of His- tory of Catholicism in China, November in the Eleventh Year of the Reign of Emperor Chong- zhen (Taipei: Fu Jen Catholic University Press, 2003), 480. 198 Chapter 6 bring things as good as […] Ricci brought.”75 Thus we know that Rocha also brought many Western artworks into China. 6. Aleni reached Macau in 1610, and traveled to Fujian for missionary work in 1625. According to the Kouduo Richao (口鐸日抄), written jointly by him and Fr. Andrzej Rudomina 盧安德 (1596–1631), Aleni displayed paintings to local scholars many times, and one scholar even asked for The Painting of Court Trial (審判圖) for imitation. In 1631 (the fourth year of the reign of Emperor Chongzhen), he displayed eighteen Catholic paintings to the Chinese. On another occasion “the priest displayed a book, which has Western words untranslated and about ten pictures, most of which are fable pictures.”76 He also printed Interpretations on the Descent of God (天主降生出像經解) and Explanations for Mapping the Earth (坤輿圖說). He is also likely to have brought many Western paintings to China.77 7. Fathers Buglio and Magalhães entered Beijing in 1648 and presented various Western items to Emperor Shunzhi in 1655, including “a book of portraits of God” and “a collection of Western paintings.”78 8. According to No Alternatives (不得已), written by Yang Guangxian 楊光先 (1597–1669) in 1664 (the third year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi 康熙 [r. 1662–1722]), “Johann Adam Schall von Bell presented to the Chinese emperor in total 64 paintings, which had 48 pictures. Explanations are written on the left and right sides of these pictures.”79 In his work, Yang also painted copies of the Western Catholic paintings presented by Schall to the Chinese emperor. The five altars in the Xuanwumen church, built by Schall in Beijing in 1650, had portraits of Jesus, the Virgin Mary, St. Michael and other angels, Ignatius, and Francis Xavier. In the apartment of Schall, Emperor Shunzhi had seen “a portrait of the face of Jesus printed on the scarf of female saint Wuluoni [Veronica],” and “a portrait of St. John the Baptist praying in the wild environment.”80 These

75 Gu Qiyuan 顧起元, Kezuo zhuiyu [客座贅語], vol. 6, Matteo Ricci (Beijing: Chinese Pub- lishing House, 1987), 153. 76 Giulio Aleni and Andrzej Rudomina, Kouduo Richao [口鐸日抄], in Christian Texts from the Roman Archives of the Society of Jesus (Taipei: Taipei Ricci Institute, 2002), vol. 1, 13, 18; vol. 2, 25. 77 Mo Xiaoye 莫小也, “Comments on the Catholic Prints in the Late Ming Dynasty,” in Macau RC 38 (1999). 78 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 18, 43. 79 Yang Guangxian 楊光先, No Alternatives [不得已], vol. 1 (Hefei: Huangshan Shushe, 2000), 30. 80 Alfons Väth, Johann Adam Schall von Bell, S.J.: Missionar in China, kaiserlicher Astronom und Ratgeber am Hofe von Peking, 1592–1666, trans. Yang Bingchen (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1949), 304–5. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 199

Western religious paintings were very probably Catholic artworks brought directly to China from overseas. 9. When Martini traveled from Europe to China for the second time in 1659, he brought many Western artistic works with him. According to the documents cited by Noël Golvers, Prospero Intorcetta 殷鐸澤 (1625–96) recorded that the newly built church in Hangzhou displayed about seventy-two paintings, depicting various saints and Catholic figures.81 These paintings are likely to have been brought from Europe by Martini. Among the aforementioned individuals who spread Catholic arts in China, none was a professional painter, with the exception of Buglio. Yet the Western artworks they introduced to China played an important role in the spread of Western arts in the country. During the Ming and Qing dynasties, thousands of churches, monasteries, and prayer rooms had been established all over China, and among the various artworks in these places, the majority are likely to have been copies made in China, although some were imported from overseas directly. For instance, the portrait of Virgin Mary worshipped in the Heaven- Flower Church 仙花寺, by Ruggieri and Ricci in 1583, was originally “painted by a Franciscan friar based on the famous portrait of Saint Luke in the church of Our Lady in Rome,” and was a copy imported from overseas.82 The portrait of Virgin Mary and Jesus placed on the altar in Shaozhou in 1592 was painted in Spain and shipped to China.83 At Xuanwumen 宣武门 in Beijing, Ricci built a Catholic church containing a portrait of Jesus, “which, he claims, is superior to Chinese paintings.”84 During the reign of Emperor Yongli of the Southern Ming dynasty (r. 1646–62), Andreas Wolfgang Koffler 瞿安德 (1612–52) presented to Emperor Yongli “a beautiful painting, which depicts the Virgin Mary, who holds a little Savior in her hands, and John who stands aside and performs baptism.”85 These works were likely to have been imported from overseas. In the early years of Emperor Kangxi’s reign (1662–70), François de Rougemont 魯日滿 (1624–76) displayed European portraits and paintings in the Jesuit residence in Changshu.86 In 1688, portraits of Mary embracing Jesus Christ and a painting of the Guardian Angel were used in the procession for the funeral of Ferdinand

81 Golvers, François de Rougemont, 177. 82 Bernard, Aux portes, 281. 83 Ricci and Trigault, China, 252. 84 Liu Tong 劉侗, “Dijing jingwu lüe” [帝京景物畧], vol. 4 (Beijing: Beijing Ancient Books Press, 1982), 153. 85 Edward Kajdański, Michał Boym: Ambasador Państwa Środka, trans. Zhang Zhenhui (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2001), 91. 86 Golvers, François de Rougemont, 383–84. 200 Chapter 6

Verbiest.87 When the North Church in Beijing was completed in 1703, in the guest room “portraits of the French king, his heir, princes, and kings of countries such as Spain and England” were displayed.88 These portraits also came from overseas. In May 1721, Emperor Kangxi awarded Guanbao 關保, Leshiheng 勒什亨, Folun 佛倫, Maersaigong 馬爾賽公, Sun Chaqi 孫查齊, Maqi 馬齊, and four princes a total of ten oil paintings which were imported from the West.89 In 1756, the Spanish missionary Juan Lin 林若翰 carried out missionary work in Luling 廬陵, Jiangxi 江西, and “changed the venue into a Catholic church, in which the portrait of Jesus was worshipped […] in the home of the converts, crosses, portraits and canons were worshipped.”90 Lin was probably a Dominican, and he likely obtained his portraits of Jesus Christ and other paintings from the Philippines. In Yunyang 鄖陽, Hubei 湖北, in August 1784, Qing government troops seized a ship carrying Westerners who were heading to Shaanxi for missionary work. “The boat has a box full of Western scriptures, paintings on paper, and Catholic portraits.”91 Such items must have been brought to China from overseas. In 1784, in Weinan County 渭南縣, the Qing government arrested “Westerners Francesco Magni 呢嗎·方濟各 and Manuel 馬諾, and seized Western scriptures, portraits, and letters.”92 Magni was an Italian Franciscan, and Manuel was a missionary from Macau who had studied in the West. The Western scriptures and portraits must have been brought from overseas. In 1785, the Qing government caught Westerners engaging in missionary work in Luling, Jiangxi, and “searched out scriptures, portraits, beads, crosses, and foreign currency.”93 One of them was named Manuel a SS. Sacra mento 李瑪諾 (1741–1823). He was a Spanish Franciscan, and the scriptures and portraits mentioned were also obtained from overseas. Such documents were abundant during the ban on Catholicism, and there is no need to list any further examples here. In short, as Fang Hao 方豪 concludes, “Missionaries who

87 Jean-Baptiste Du Halde, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangeres memoires de la Chine, trans. Zheng Dedi, vol. 1 (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2001), 267. 88 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 449. 89 Ju Deyuan, “Chronology of Joseph Castiglione, Painter of Qing Royal Court: Dating the Jesuits in China,” Journal of Palace Museum [故宮博物院院刊] 2 (1988). 90 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 248, 388. 91 Ibid., vol. 1, no. 266, 422. 92 Ibid., vol. 1, no. 283, 453. 93 Ibid., vol. 1, no. 298, 475. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 201 came to China during the Ming and Qing Dynasties brought many paintings, and they frequently asked for paintings from Europe.”94

2.3 Printing and Copying Catholic Artworks in Mainland China

During the Ming and Qing dynasties, Catholic works of art were continuously shipped from overseas to mainland China, but they could not meet the demand from the rapidly growing number of Catholic converts. Consequently, printing books and copying paintings became an important means by which missionaries sought to cope with the urgent need. This is very well illustrated in China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journal of Matthew Ricci‎:

Catholic followers in this zone of missionary work expanded so rapidly that they could hardly be housed in the church […]. On days of baptism, according to custom, holy portraits and memorial medals should be distributed. However, they were gone very quickly because they were not supplied in a large number, as they had to be shipped from many countries over a long distance. To meet this demand, fathers asked the local carvers to carve a wood plate to print holy portraits, because Chinese people [have yet to master] the technique of copperplate etching.95

According to documents collected by Golvers, in Changshu, de Rougemont asked someone to carve two portraits of St. Francis Xavier, and he printed and widely distributed hundreds of such portraits.96 It is also said that Francesco Brancati 潘國光 (1607–71) built “a workshop [in Shanghai] to promote the development of Catholic painting.”97 At that time, Chinese painters who copied Western paintings also began to appear, such as Cham Ku-min 常酷明, Li Paulus 李保祿, Ç’ien Erguan 崔二官, and U Yuen ngao 吳月高.98 According to the accounting book of de Rougemont, in Changshu he was able to purchase religious paintings frequently, and thus we know that Changshu had several workshops for copying Catholic portraits.99 It is unclear whether or not the

94 Fang Hao, History of Sino-Western Transportation, vol. 2 (Hong Kong: Chinese Publishing House, 1992), 910. 95 Ricci and Trigault, China, 498. 96 Golvers, François de Rougemont, 386. 97 Ibid., 389. 98 Ibid., 393. 99 Ibid., 387. 202 Chapter 6 woodcuts made by Chinese painters imitating Western Catholic portraits had great artistic value, but they were highly important for meeting the growing religious demands of that time. Some of the copies and paintings made in China, however, were certainly of a very high quality. For instance, when Ricci passed Shandong, he presented a portrait entitled Virgin Mary Holding Jesus Christ in Her Arms and John the Baptist (聖母抱耶穌和施洗者約翰像) to the wife of the river governor. Ricci had asked Fr. Pereira to copy the painting in Nanjing.100 As we saw earlier, in 1610 Pereira painted an oil portrait of Ricci, who was dying at the time; the portrait is housed in the Il Gesù Church in Rome, and is the earliest existing oil painting made by a Chinese artist.101 Niva was a painter in the Chinese region of missionary work in the early seventeenth century, and he copied many Western religious paintings. In December 1604, he copied the portrait Virgin Mary Hugging Little Jesus Christ (聖母懷抱小耶穌像), and hung it as an altarpiece in the church in Beijing during the Christmas season.102 In March 1608, in Nanchang, Jiangxi, he copied a portrait entitled Jesus Christ the Savior (救世基督像), and a portrait entitled Virgin Mary (聖母瑪利亞像).103 When Ricci died in 1610, Niva copied a portrait of Jesus Christ for the new altar next to Ricci’s grave: “In the beautiful painting, Jesus Christ sits on a splendid seat in the middle, angels fly above him, and disciples stand on the two sides to listen to his instructions.”104 At that time, all missionary zones had painters, such as Niva, Pereira, and Lagea, who copied various Catholic portraits to meet the demand of churches and converts. According to a letter from a Jesuit during the late Ming dynasty, “Lagea lives alone in Guangzhou, and is painting a portrait that is to be used as an altarpiece.”105 According to the diary of Ricci, in 1607 a painter in the missionary zone of Nanchang copied several portraits of Jesus Christ.106 Thus Professor Michael Sullivan 蘇立文 claims that “the oil paintings and copperplate etchings brought by […] Ricci had obviously been imitated and duplicated by Chinese painters.”107 According to António de Gouvea,

100 Ricci and Trigault, China, 387. 101 Ibid., 614. 102 Ricci, Complete Works, 265. 103 Ricci and Trigault, China, 588–89. 104 Ibid., 646. 105 Bernard, “Letter,” 114. 106 Ricci and Trigault, China, 577. 107 Sullivan, Meeting, 45. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 203

Two large portraits of the Savior and the Virgin Mary hung in the chapel that a convert in Hanyang city 漢陽府 set up in his home. The portraits were brought by the son from Jiangzhou 絳州, and were painted according to the order of Father Alfonso Vagnoni, who carried out missionary work in Jiangzhou. Even followers in Lianjiang County 連江縣 had exquisite religious paintings painted by Catholic painters.108

In the later years of Emperor Kangxi’s reign, when Fr. François Xavier d’Entrecolles 殷弘緒 (1664–1741) carried out missionary work in Raozhou 饒州, every follower was given “a portrait of the Virgin Mary.”109 It is possible to conjecture that many such Catholic portraits were copied by local painters. Even Western painters who later served the royal court, such as Giovanni Gherardini 聶雲龍, Giuseppe Castiglione 郎世寧 (1688–1766), and Charles de Belleville 衛嘉祿 (1657–1730), still served the church by duplicating certain portraits and frescoes of biblical stories. Individual portraits were both copied and printed, and books with Catholic illustrations were also printed to expand the influence of Catholicism. The first example is a volume entitled Collections of Paintings of Cheng Dayue (程氏墨苑). In 1605, Cheng Dayue 程大約 (1570s–1620s), a famous ink-maker in Huizhou 徽州, visited Ricci in Beijing and planned to publish a book under the title Chengshi moyuan. Ricci selected four European copperplate etchings of high artistic value from several books brought to China from Europe, and gave them to Cheng to be included in the book. Among these four paintings, three were given titles by Ricci:

The first is titled Walk on the Sea with Faith and Sinking with Suspicion (信而步海，疑而即沉), and tells the story of how Peter met Jesus on the sea. The author of the original painting is Marten de Vos [1532–1603]. The second was titled Two Disciples Abandoned Vanity after Hearing Truth (二徒聞實，即捨空虛). It describes how Jesus was crucified, and how two disciples changed their minds because of the incarnation and education of Jesus. The authors of the original painting are Marten de Vos and Bernardino Passeri [c.1540–91]. The third is titled A Corrupt City is Destroyed by Celestial Fire (淫色穢氣，自速天火), and tells the story of how an evil city was destroyed. The author is Crispijn de Passe [c.1564–1637].

108 BAJA, 49-v-2, 367–69; Gouvea, Cartas, 158. 109 Du Halde, Lettres, vol. 2, 61. 204 Chapter 6

The fourth is untitled. It depicts the Virgin Mary holding Jesus in her arms. The original author is Silom, but the painting provided by Matteo Ricci was a duplicate made at the Arima Painting Academy in 1597.110

The people who copied these works were regarded as great artists in China. Therefore, when these Western copperplate etchings were copied in the form of Chinese woodcuts, and thanks to their faithfulness to the original works, they exhibited various features of the Western visual arts, and hence serve as important representative works of an early stage of the exchange between the Chinese and Western artistic styles. The second example is found in the text Rules on Reciting Catholic Texts (誦念珠規程), by Rocha. According to Dr. Mo Xiaoye 莫小也, the book “had in total 33 pages, including 15 illustrations that follow the Introduction to Catholi cism closely […]. It is commonly held that this work is one of the earliest existing Catholic illustrated booklets in China, made between 1619 and 1624.”111 According to Pfister, Rocha left the following works before his death: the Introduction to Catholicism (天主聖教啓蒙) in one volume, and the Introduction to Catholic Portraits (天主聖像略說) in one volume (1609 edition),112 both in Chinese. Thus we know that the one-volume Introduction to Catholic Portraits was a copy of the Rules on Reciting Catholic Texts, which contained fifteen woodcuts.113 The pictures were copied from the illustrations by Fr. Nadal, which had been acquired by Díaz in Nanjing prior to 1605. If it is true that the Introduction to Catholic Portraits (天主聖像略說) (i.e., Rules on Reciting Catholic Texts) was completed in 1609, then this means that the missionaries were able to organize the printing of the book very quickly. The book was published anonymously; however, the illustrations are distinctly Chinese in style, and are similar to the illustrations found in novels produced during the Ming dynasty. According to Mo, these pictures “were made with Western means to a certain degree,” but “did not forget to exercise the advantages of the techniques in traditional Chinese woodcuts.”114 Strictly speaking, however, artistic works that used the form of the Chinese woodcut to depict Western religious subject

110 Cheng Dayue 程大約, Collections of Paintings of Cheng Dayue [程氏墨苑], see the illustration in vol. 6, Mohuazihuang [墨花淄黃] (Beijing: Chinese Bookshop 中國書店, 1998). 111 Mo, “Comments,” 1999. 112 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 73. 113 According to Mo, the books were authored by João da Rocha and Gaspar de Ferreira. I argue that these works are the same book, the title of which was translated differently in different periods, and the authors should consequently be listed as Rocha and Ferreira. 114 Mo, “Comments.” Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 205 matters were not greatly influenced by Western artworks. In this period, numerous illustrated books similar in style to the Introduction to Catholic Portraits use Chinese painting techniques to depict Western content; examples include Western Techniques of Hydraulics (泰西水法) (1612) by Xu Guangqi 徐光啟 (1562–1633), Illustrated Explanations of Strange Western Machines (奇器圖說) (1627) by Wang Zheng 王徵 (1571–1644), Heavenly Crafts Revealing the Uses of Things (天工開物) (1637) by Song Yingxiang 宋應星 (1587–1666), and Explanations for Mapping the Earth (坤輿圖說) (1674) by Verbiest. Third, Western missionaries deemed the Chinese-style artwork found in Rocha’s Introduction to Catholic Portraits (天主聖像略說) unsatisfactory. After Aleni introduced Catholicism into Fujian, he completed the book Records of Words and Deeds of the Descending God (天主降生言行記錄). In order to depict the “words and deeds” of God more vividly, he included copperplate etchings and woodcuts based on the illustrations by Fr. Nadal at the end of his book, which was printed between 1635 and 1637 in Fuzhou. He later published a volume entitled Illustrated Notes on Canons (出像經解), which had fifty-six illustrations, and one additional image on the cover page. The most significant difference between this book and the Introduction to Catholic Portraits (天主聖像略說) is that the printer was faithful to the original works, with the printmaking closely following the original works in terms of layout and composition of images. Moreover, the book clearly adopts the principles of perspective, and of light and darkness, the composition of far, middle, and close views, and the proportions and momentum of figures in Western paintings.115 Such artistic works closely follow the techniques that were used in Western painting. Although they are copies, they laid the foundation for a completely Westernized printmaking, beginning during the Qing dynasty, and they seem to have been popular with the Chinese. As Daoyuan Jingcui: Xiangji (道原精萃·像記) states: “In the eighth year of the reign of Emperor Chongzhen, Giulio Aleni propagated Catholicism in China. Following the work by Jerónimo Nadal, he wrote Illustrated Notes on Canons, which had 56 pictures. The book was appreciated by his contemporaries. Soon all the copies were sold out.”116 As a result, while original Western paintings were still rare during the Ming dynasty, such high- quality copies of Western copperplate etchings were clearly welcomed and valued by the Chinese literati. The Forty-Eight Woodcuts in Catholic Portraits

115 Ibid. 116 Ni Huailun 倪懷綸, ed., Daoyuanjingcui [道原精萃] (Shanghai: Tushanwan Printing House, 1925), 2. 206 Chapter 6

(進呈聖像) presented by Schall to Emperor Shunzhi in 1660 serve as a further example.117

3 Western Religious Paintings and the Spread of Catholicism

During the early years of the Catholic missionary enterprise in China, most Chinese were unable to communicate with the missionaries as they did not understand their language. The missionaries consequently sought other, more tangible media to express the Catholic creeds, including holy bones, statues, religious paintings, religious music, and other articles used in Catholic rituals. Western religious paintings had advantages over other tangible media, were valued by missionaries of various missions, became an important tool for spreading the Catholic creeds, and played a vital role in the spread of Catholicism in mainland China during the Ming and Qing dynasties.

3.1 The Language Barrier in Missionary Work When the Jesuits went to China to engage in missionary work, they faced an immediate and formidable challenge in the form of the Chinese language. In the middle and later years of the sixteenth century, Francis Xavier and his successors failed to enter Guangzhou because of the lack of understanding (and frequent misunderstandings) that resulted from their inability to communicate with local government officials in the Chinese language. After nearly thirty years of hardship, in 1579, Valignano, the visitor of the Society of Jesus, decided that the Jesuits who traveled to China should spend a considerable amount of effort learning the Chinese language, and he consequently set up “a Ratio studiorum [educational plan] for teaching Mandarin Chinese and Chinese ideas.”118 Later, Fr. Juan Antonio Arnedo 龐若翰 (1660–1715) also emphasized the importance of learning the Chinese language: “in a land where the academic standards can rival those of the most learned nation in Europe, Jesuits must go all-out to study the Chinese language and ideas.”119 Immediately after his arrival in Macau, Ruggieri consequently began to study the Chinese language intensively. He started studying very diligently, but he soon discovered that the task was exceedingly difficult. He complained that Chinese characters were different from the symbols used by any nation in Europe, and lamented that the language did not have an alphabet. He was

117 Yang, No Alternatives, vol. 1, 30–33. 118 Brockey, Journey, 247–49. 119 Ibid. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 207 ordered to learn the language of the royal court, namely the Mandarin language of Nanjing. In less than two years, he had memorized fifteen thousand Chinese characters.120 In practice, however, he was unable to cope with verbal communication and exchange. Thus, when Ruggieri brought Fr. António de Almeida 麥安東 (1556–91) to Shaoxing 紹興 to undertake missionary work, they were expelled by scholars in Shaoxing back to Guangdong on the grounds that “these two fathers are not well-versed in the Chinese language, and the interpreter is old and incapable of coping with the situation.”121 The problems he encountered when learning Chinese are also expressed in his poem, Lament That We Do Not Speak the Chinese Language Well (歎唐話未正): “For many years, we have lived here with great difficulties, simply because the Chinese language differs so much from Western languages. When we master Chinese, we can preach comfortably.”122 Ricci had similar difficulties learning Chinese when he first reached Macau. In 1583, he narrated that

I started studying the Chinese language immediately. You should know that [the] Chinese language is more difficult than Greek and German. It has many characters that have the same sound, but different meanings. Many sentences have nearly 1,000 meanings. There are numerous pro- nunciations and four tones […]. There are so many words and deeds, and equally as many Chinese characters. There seem to be about 70,000 Chinese characters which differ from each other, and are highly sophisticated […]. Their calligraphy is nearly equal to painting. Therefore they use a brush [brush pen] to write, just as we use a brush to paint.123

In September 1583, Ruggieri and Ricci reached Zhaoqing, set up a church, and introduced Catholicism to Zhaoqing. By that time, Ruggieri had lived in Macau for more than four years, and Ricci had been in Macau for more than one year. However, despite living in China for a number of years, Ricci’s Regni Chinensis descriptio conceded that “at that time the greatest difficulty was the language problem.”124 The Chinese language was even more difficult to learn than the square-shaped Chinese characters. It was not only the Mandarin language of the royal court but also the various dialects across China that needed to be

120 Ibid. 121 Bernard, Le père Mathieu Ricci, 97. 122 Albert Chan, S.J., Michele Ruggieri S.J. (1543–1607) and His Chinese Poems, Monumenta Serica 41 (Sankt Augustin: Monumenta Serica Institute, 1993). 123 Ricci, Complete Works, 31–32. 124 Ricci and Trigault, China, 168. 208 Chapter 6 learned in order for the missionary work to be effective. When Ricci visited Beijing for the second time, he was accompanied by Fr. Pantoja, who was learning the “pure Nanjing dialect” from a boy he had been given as a gift.125 In a letter written from Guangzhou in 1716, the Jesuit missionary and scientist Karel Slavíček 嚴嘉樂 (1678–1735) recounted how

people all over the world feel that the phonetics of Chinese language are extremely difficult, and they do not feel that the phonetics of the Czech and the Polish are difficult […]. Please think about it. It is by no means simple to learn 12,000 or even more Chinese characters and their different tones (the meaning changes when the tone changes).126

In 1693 (the thirty-second year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), Charles Maigrot 顏璫 (1652–1730), a missionary from the Paris Foreign Missions Society who went to Fujian to serve as vicar apostolic, had learned the Hokkien dialect, and at the church there he was acclaimed for mastering classic Chinese texts. However, when he entered Beijing in 1706 (the forty-fifth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), he was slighted by the emperor himself, who stated that Maigrot “was virtually illiterate, as he did not know the Chinese language and was not qualified to study Chinese ethics.”127 Gouvea had studied in Macau for a time, and continued learning Chinese when he went to Hangzhou, but he was still criticized for having a low-level of proficiency in the Chinese language.128 The translation and wording of Catholic creeds was even more difficult; for example, the problem of translating the single word “Deus” into Chinese led to a long-running dispute between various groups, and eventually become an important part of the Rites Controversy. Hence the missionaries evidently found it extremely difficult to learn Chinese. To make matters worse, it was frequently very difficult for the missionaries to recruit language teachers due to the policies of the Chinese authorities. In his order prohibiting missionaries from entering China, Governor Guo Yingpin 郭應聘 (1520–86), the successor of Chen Rui 陳瑞, emphasized that Chinese interpreters should be prohibited from teaching Chinese to foreigners:

125 Ricci and Trigault, China, 391. 126 Karel Slavíček, Listy z Číny do vlasti a jiná korespondence s evropskými hvězdáři (1716–1735), trans. Cong Lin and Li Mei (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2002), 16. 127 Palace Museum, ed., Compilation of Documents [文獻叢編], vol. 6 (Beijing: Beijing Library Publishing House 北京圖書館出版社, 2008), 5. 128 James Sylvester Cummins, A Question of Rites: Friar Domingo Navarrete and the Jesuits in China (Cambridge: Scholar Press, 1993), 283. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 209

These interpreters instigate foreigners and release the conditions of the Chinese masses. To make things worse, now we learn that they even instigate some foreign missionaries to learn the Chinese language and study Chinese characters. Such missionaries are asked to live in the provincial capital, and are prohibited from building churches or private residence places. It is so ordered that such actions jeopardize the nation, and it is harmful to receive foreigners. Such interpreters should immediately stop such actions, and otherwise they will be executed.129

As a result, the missionaries who went to China were often unable to find Chinese teachers and had to learn from each other. For instance, Ruggieri taught Ricci and Francesco Pasio 巴範濟 (1554–1612); Ricci taught Almeida and Francesco de Petris 石方西 (1563–93); and Duarte de Sande 孟三德 (1531–1600) taught João Soerio 蘇如望 (1566–1607) and Rocha.130

3.2 Contribution of Catholic Arts to Missionary Work Compared with Catholic books, Catholic art objects had more immediate visual appeal to the Chinese. Only books with fine binding seem to have won appreciation from the Chinese literati. Among the various media used to trans- mit Western creeds, Western religious painting was the art form that best enabled missionaries to appeal to the aesthetic tastes of the Chinese literati, and thus to pursue their missionary goals. For the missionaries, Western religious paintings performed a number of functions. When given as gifts, they helped missionaries to forge favorable contacts, and created a positive environment for the spread of Catholicism. Paintings adorned and decorated churches, attracting people to Catholicism and helping to propagate its creeds. Painting strengthened the connections between old and new followers, and helped attract new converts. It served as a medium for followers to feel, express, and affirm their faith. Because Western religious paintings played an important role in Catholic practice, when various Catholic religious orders, including the Society of Jesus, the Dominicans, and the Franciscans, went to China for missionary work, they all considered using Western religious paintings as a medium to propagate Catholic creeds. In 1679, the Franciscan order built a new church in Guangzhou, which was described as follows:

With its […] beautiful portraits, the whole church wins respect from everyone. In particular, in the portrait depicting Virgen de la Concepción,

129 Ricci and Trigault, China, 156–57. 130 Brockey, Journey, 247–55. 210 Chapter 6

several angels around her seem to fly in the sky, and her beautiful face wins acclamation from pagans and Christians. Some missionaries famil- iar with the art of painting stated that the paintings should be placed in the main church. Every one of them wanted to have the portrait in their own church, so that everyone could share her beautiful facial expression. Chinese people would appreciate the portrait, Christians would be attracted to the church to attend religious services, and her charming facial expression could infuse Christians with love […] and loyalty, which are the true original sentiments of Christians.131

Jesuits brought Western religious paintings into China and frequently used them for propagating Catholic creeds. Ruggieri reached China in 1579, and brought Western religious paintings into Guangzhou in 1581. He subsequently built a residence in Guangzhou, which “displays many novel items, […] such as beautiful exhibitions on the deeds of the Virgin Mary and Catholic doctrines.”132 Later, Ricci, Longobardi, Aleni, and Schall all paid great attention to the use of Western religious paintings for teaching Catholicism in China. In 1601, Ricci brought portraits of God and the Virgin Mary to Beijing, among other things, as tribute to Emperor Wanli.133 In Xichao Chongzheng ji (熙朝崇正集), these three paintings were entitled “Contemporary Portrait of God,” “Ancient Portrait of Virgin Mary,” and “Contemporary Portrait of Virgin Mary.”134 According to Auguste M. Colombel 高龍鞶 (1833–1905),

Among the three oil paintings, two are as tall as 1.5 aune, of which one is based on the portrait of the Virgin Mary painted by Saint Luke, and the other is the Virgin Mary hugging Jesus Christ and John the Baptist. The third painting is rather small, depicts Jesus Christ the Savior, and notes on Catholic creeds are below the portrait. A eunuch tells fathers that all three paintings are worshipped in the imperial palace.135

One aune is 1.88 meters. Thus the two portraits given by Ricci to Emperor Wanli in tribute were 2.82 meters tall, and it is likely that the arrival of such large portraits at the imperial palace would have caused a great sensation.

131 Anastasius van den Wyngaert, O.F.M., Sinica Franciscana, vol. 4 (Florence: Apud Colle- gium S. Bonaventuræ, 1942), 112. 132 Bernard, Aux portes, 276–77. 133 Cai Xianchen 蔡獻臣, Qingbaitanggao [清白堂稿], vol. 1, Sikuweishoushujikanben 四庫未收書輯刊本 (Beijing: Beijing Press, 2000), 7. 134 Wu Min and Han Qi, eds., Xichao Chongzheng ji [熙朝崇正集], vol. 2 (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2006), 20. 135 Colombel, Histoire, 71. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 211

As a foreign art form, Western religious painting differed completely from Chinese painting both in content and form, and its introduction drew attention from intellectuals and the masses alike. The welcome Catholic painting received in mainland China was unexpected by the missionaries, and further stimulated their enthusiasm for using paintings to propagate Catholic creeds. Many missionaries imported Catholic paintings from Europe and Macau, as discussed in detail above, and the dissemination of Catholic painting in China undoubtedly played a vital role in fostering the development of the Catholic enterprise there. When Ruggieri and Ricci began teaching Catholicism in Zhaoqing, the portrait of the Virgin Mary hung in their main working room attracted curiosity and esteem from many people.136 Similarly, when Ricci entered Nanjing for the second time, the portrait of Jesus on the Cross he brought as tribute to Emperor Wanli won him great respect from the governor of Yingtian 應天, Zhao Kehuai 趙可懷, who told the Jesuit that “it is surely not a portrait of an ordinary person.”137 When Ricci was in Beijing, he took the emperor’s inquiries about conditions in the West as an opportunity to use Catholic painting as a starting point from which to explain Jesus Christ and his deeds.138 Upon seeing such vivid portraits, Emperor Wanli reportedly remarked, “it is a living Buddha!”139 He later sent the portrait to his mother, who preserved it in a warehouse. According to Ricci, it was said that the emperor put the portrait in his guest room and burned incense to worship it.140 Fr. Ruggieri wrote the following Chinese poem titled Shengtu Sanxiang shuo Guanyinzhe zhi (聖圖三像說觀音者知):

The three figures are of supreme divinity and they do not look as mundane as lay people. The baby to the left, the incarnation of Jesus, has created the heaven and earth. The virgin in the middle gives birth to the baby without sexual intercourse. The man to the right kneels down, looks like an immortal, and propagates the religion to convert people. 慈悲三像最靈通，不比人間等俗容。左是聖兒天主化，曾開天地著元功。中間聖母無交配，誕聖原前室女躬。跪下右邊仙氣象，長成闡教度凡蒙。141

136 Ricci and Trigault, China, 168. 137 Ibid., 322–23. 138 Ibid., 407. 139 Pasquale M. d’Elia 德禮賢, ed., Fonti Ricciane: Documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la storia delle prime relazioni tra l’Europa e la Cina (1579–1615), vol. 2, 125–26, cited in Song Liming, Emperor’s New Dress: Matteo Ricci in China (1582–1610) (Nanjing: Nanjing University Press, 2011), 225. 140 Ibid., 225. 141 Chan, Michele Ruggieri. 212 Chapter 6

Thus Ruggieri clearly drew directly upon the visual imagery of religious paintings in order to explain the core beliefs of Catholicism. Missionaries relied extensively on Western religious painting to propagate Catholic beliefs. After seeing religious paintings in the church in Nanjing, Xu Guangqi 徐光啟 (1562–1633), a high-ranking official in the Ministry of Rites, was inspired to follow Catholicism:

In autumn of the thirty-first year of the reign of Emperor Wanli [1603], Xu Guangqi went to Shicheng again. Because he was a friend of […] Ricci, he went to visit him, but did not see him. Entering a church, he saw a portrait of the Virgin Mary, and felt that his spirit [was] connected to it.142

The image of the Virgin Mary was the most common theme in Catholic paintings. In the most typical composition, Mary stands and holds the infant Jesus in her arms. As an image that combines many virtues, the portrait conveys purity, compassion, benevolence, and humility. This portrait was an important medium by which people had their initial contacts with Christianity. The experience of Xu, who “saw a portrait of the Virgin Mary and felt that his spirit [was] connected to it,” is a typical example. Many Catholic portraits in the church in Shanghai were painted by Xu Gandida (1607–80), the granddaughter of Xu Guangqi. These magnificent portraits were visited by eight thousand to nine thousand followers during the Easter and Christmas seasons. After visiting these portraits, the converts “felt that their soul flies in heaven.” Xu Gandida “saw the portraits and felt as if she were with these people, and felt great joy.”143 Kouduo Richao (口鐸日抄) by Aleni records several of the occasions upon which Aleni and Fr. Rudomina used Catholic paintings to interpret Catholic creeds:

In the tenth painting, three people are in the fire in hell, are tortured by two devils, and appear resigned without alternative. Above, five people join hands and are entertained by the music played by immortals. The priest states as follows. These three people are souls in hell. The devils torture them to release fury. In contrast, these five people enjoy heaven.

142 Li Duo 李杕, Xuwendinggongxingshi [徐文定公行實], in Song Haojie 宋浩傑, ed., The First Man Versed with Chinese and Western Cultures: Proceedings of the Academic Confer- ence on Xu Guangqi [中西文化會通第一人—徐光啟學術研討會論文集] (Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Press, 2004), 231. 143 Philippe Couplet, Histoire d’une dame Chrétienne de Chine ou Madame Candide Hiu (1607– 1660), trans. Xu Yunxi (Shanghai: Tushanwan Press, 1938), 101–2. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 213

I ponder over the meaning and think that […] heaven and hell are judged like this. Man shall be alarmed that they rise to heaven or fall to hell because of their initial ideas of working hard or being lazy. If man changes immediately before their death, he can still be saved. However, many people do not change their mistakes even as time goes by.144

Aleni’s Notes on Portraits of Descending God (天主降生圖像經解) used texts and illustrations to explain the birth of Jesus, so that the Chinese could quickly master Catholic creeds. Images such as these helped illiterate Chinese from the lower ranks of society understand the biblical account of the incarnation of God, and were thus popular with the masses.145 In 1641, Sambiasi built a church in Nanjing, and Lagea painted a picture of evil angels: “people from inside and outside of the Catholic community rushed to see the novel painting, and consequently some people were baptized.”146 Through an implicitly suggestive function, the images of benevolent and evil angels in the frescos in the church in Nanjing activated the feelings of the viewers, purified man’s mind, and induced people to follow Christianity. The Franciscan missionary Antonio de Santa María Caballero 利安當 (1602–69) used Western religious painting very successfully in his missionary work in Shandong. According to Mungello, “European-style religious paintings prove[d] to have marvelous effects for missionary work. Antonio de Santa María Caballero asked the diocese to send a portrait that depicted the Armageddon or other serious subjects, such as the horror of hell, so that the masses in Shandong might be influenced.”147 Catholic paintings were also frequently presented to Chinese government officials and gentlemen as gifts, in order to facilitate the work of the missionaries in China. When Ricci passed Shandong on his second journey to Beijing, he was welcomed by the water transport governor Liu Dongxing 劉東星 (1537– 1601) and Li Zhi 李贄 (1527–1602). Upon hearing that the priest had a painting that was exactly the same as a scene in her dream, the wife of the governor “asked her husband to dispatch a painter to go to the ship to copy the painting faithfully.” However,

Father Matteo Ricci was afraid that an ugly duplicate would be produced and gave her [the wife of Liu, the water transport governor] a fine

144 Aleni and Rudomina, Kouduo Richao, vol. 2, 115–16. 145 Ni, Daoyuanjingcui, 2 146 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 145. 147 David E. Mungello, The Spirit and the Flesh in Shandong, 1650–1785, trans. Pan Lin (Zheng- zhou: Daxiang Press, 2009), 14. 214 Chapter 6

duplicate made by a young man in the church in Nanjing. Consequently, the governor was very thankful and stated that he and his family members would all become devout servants of Virgin Mary and her holy baby.148

Setting aside the real motivations behind the governor’s request for the painting, it is clear that the missionaries were helped by this episode. When the missionaries left Nanjing, the governor dispatched a government official to accompany them for a few kilometers.149 According to the record kept by Gouvea, in 1648 Mr. Liu, a military commander of the Qing government, visited the church in Fuzhou:

He shows his respect to the Catholic portraits in the church. Attracted by the exquisite paintings, he views them for a long time, is unwilling to leave, and touches them several times. He feels that the people in the portrait have real bodies and are true to life. Numerous people have seen these paintings. Since then we have not heard that any Tartar soldier crossed or entered the church, or stirred up troubles in the church.150

Catholic converts also relied on Catholic paintings to express their faith, sometimes following the orders of the priests. On behalf of de Rougemont, Philippe Couplet (1622–93) presented a portrait of the Virgin Mary to Xu Gandida to help her overcome her sorrow. “We presented it [a portrait of the Virgin Mary] to our mother Xu Gandida so that she could overcome her sorrow and fall asleep with God. When she looks at the Virgin, she can also stare at the sleeping Jesus. God would thereby forgive her sins.”151 The following record deserves our attention: “The missionary [de Rougemont] tries his best to persuade the Catholic fiancées to wear the portrait of Jesus on the cross when they enter the homes of their future husbands, and display and worship her before their future fathers-in-law and mothers-in-law.”152 If the family of the husband toler- ated this practice, it undoubtedly contributed to the woman’s religious freedom. Moreover, the experiences recorded by de Rougemont allow clearer insight into the role that Western religious painting played in the daily work of a missionary, and underscore the priority that missionaries gave to religious painting.

148 Ricci and Trigault, China, 387. 149 Ibid. 150 Gouvea, Cartas, 399. 151 Golvers, François de Rougemont, 390. 152 Ibid., 229. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 215

The accounting table below lists the expenditures by de Rougemont on Catholic paintings from October 1674 to September 1675.153

Table 6.1 François de Rougemont’s expenditure on Catholic paintings, October 1674–Septem- ber 1675

Date Matter Expenditure Note Source

Oct. 1674 Printing a portrait of 0.100 tael To Mrs. Kiam Page 1 Virgin Mary Nov. 1674 Repairing two Probably 0.500 tael To be presented to Page 3 dioramas government officials, etc. Dec. 24, 1674 Purchasing portraits 0.500 tael To be presented to a Page 4 convert Jan. 1675 Making partial 200 coins Page 5 payment to painter Jan. 1675 Purchasing nine 0.200 tael Page 5 Catholic portraits Jan. 1675 Paying painter 0.260 tael Page 6 Jan. 1675 Purchasing three 0.16 tael Page 6 Catholic portraits Feb. 1675 Paying painting 0.700 tael Page 8 framers Mar. 1675 Paying painter 0.100 tael On behalf of Father Page 8 Philippe Couplet Mar. 1675 Purchasing one 0.110 tael Page 8 painting Mar. 1675 Purchasing a portrait 0.200 tael To a new convert Page 8 of Virgin Mary May 1675 Purchasing wood To make a box for Page 12 diorama June 1675 Paying painting 1.600 tael To frame the gifts Page 15 framers (paintings, etc.) Aug. 1675 Paying painting 0.100 tael Page 16 framers

According to the available sources, in only one year, de Rougemont purchased paintings six times, and paid painters and painting framers six times

153 Ibid., 104–52. The pages in the table refer to the pages in the account book. 216 Chapter 6

(once in the name of Couplet). In his largest documented purchase, he bought as many as nine paintings (he almost certainly bought many paintings for Christmas, although he did not record the exact number) on January 21, 1675, which was the twenty-sixth day of December in the lunar calendar, and on the eve of the Spring Festival; the next purchase was made on the twenty-ninth day of December in the lunar calendar. Hence while adapting to Chinese customs, de Rougemont clearly took the opportunity presented by the Spring Festival to use Catholic paintings to maintain and develop relations with various parties. Table 6.1 also shows that these Catholic paintings were mainly sent to old and new converts, as well as to non-believers and some government officials, and their prices varied greatly. An undated accounting book shows that de Rougemont was also preparing for the exhibition of dioramas: “I paid 1.780 tael to purchase some wood and planks for the exhibition of some dioramas.”154 He used the display of Catholic paintings to attract enthusiastic viewers, and thereby influenced many other missionaries.155 In summary, during the Ming and Qing dynasties Catholicism won recognition and even acceptance among many Chinese people due in large part to the vital role played by Catholic paintings.

3.3 The Cultural Adaptation of Catholic Painting and Attacks on the Catholic Arts When missionaries used Catholic artworks as a tool for missionary work, they confronted the problem of “cultural adaptation” to the Chinese context. After Ruggieri and Ricci started their missionary work in Zhaoqing, they promptly hung a portrait of Virgin Mary in their church. The portrait was widely re spected, but eventually it was replaced by a portrait of Jesus: “Soon we realized that, for various reasons, it would be better to take down the portrait of the Virgin Mary from the altar, and replace it with the portrait of the Savior Jesus.”156 They gave the following reasons for their decision: “Firstly, we would not have them believe, as the rumor in circulation states, that we worship a woman as a god. Secondly, they could more easily accept the creeds of the incarnated Jesus.”157 Henri Bernard gives a different explanation:

Guanyin Buddha 觀音菩薩 appears as a woman who holds a baby to give to the wives who want a boy. Seeing Guanyin Buddha, the Europeans who

154 Golvers, François de Rougemont, 134. 155 Ibid., 387. 156 Ricci and Trigault, China, 168–69. 157 Ibid., 169. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 217

came to China very early thought that it was the Virgin Mary, the mother of Jesus. Similarly, at first the Chinese thought that the God of the missionaries was a woman, since the missionaries displayed a portrait of the Virgin Mary on the altar. In order to avoid such confusions, the missionaries preserved the portrait of Virgin Mary in their chapel, and replaced it with a portrait of Jesus the Savior in the church.158

Such explanations would appear to be reasonable enough. However, the missionaries also did this in response to specific cultural differences between China and the West. Fang Hao explains that “Matteo Ricci often persuaded them not to display the portrait of Virgin Mary to the masses so that it would not be confused with the image of Guanyin.”159 This shows that the Chinese and the Westerners had different understandings of the religious meaning of the Marian image. After observing the daily social interaction of Chinese women, Magalhães understood “why the Chinese feel unhappy when they see our portrait of Virgin Mary with bare feet”; he now realized that to paint a young virgin “in splendid clothing without shoes was laughable” from a Chinese perspective.160 According to Couplet’s A Chinese Catholic Wife (一位中國奉教太太),

We Europeans shall learn from Chinese ethics. From the top to the bot- tom, the Chinese women are fully covered by clothing and do not even expose their fingers. The Chinese people are surprised by any nudity in pictures. Therefore […] among the portraits of the Virgin Mary, the version of Saint Luke should be the most suitable.161

The portraits of the Virgin Mary in circulation in China at that time consequently featured more than one artistic style. By praising Chinese customs and offering his views on the portrait of the Virgin Mary, Couplet was undoubtedly seeking to express his dissatisfaction with some of the customs in Europe at that time. He affirmed that the painting style of St. Luke would be more appropriate. According to Bernard, the portrait of Virgin Mary in the Flower Temple followed the style of St. Luke exactly, but this does not mean that such portraits

158 Bernard, Le père Mathieu Ricci, 119. 159 Fang, History, vol. 2, 912. 160 Gabriel de Magalhães, A New History of the Empire of China, trans. He Gaoji (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2004), 65. 161 Couplet, Histoire, 95. 218 Chapter 6 were not occasionally misunderstood, or even held in suspicion by members of a different culture. Ricci and other missionaries obviously did not want the Europeans to know that their Virgin Mary was compared with idols and even regarded as an influence that “corrupts the customs.” This explains why Ricci took down the portrait of the Virgin Mary, as well as the choices made by Ricci and Couplet when they applied the policy of “cultural adaptation” to Western religious painting. As Western religious painting became a widely used tool for propagating creeds, it adopted some innovations in content. According to Fang Hao,

In Xi’an city in the third year of the reign of Emperor Xuantong [1911], Dr. Berthold Laufer discovered a portrait of the Virgin Mary hugging Jesus. Virgin Mary looks like a Western woman while Jesus appears like a Chinese child. The painting is signed by [the] famous Chinese painter Tang Yan 唐寅, probably falsely. The portrait is very similar to the portrait preserved in the Petrus Chapel in the Church of the Virgin Mary in Rome.162

When compared with Western portraits of the Virgin Mary and Jesus, the face and nose of Mary in the anonymous Chinese Portrait of the Virgin Mary and Her Son Jesus (中國聖母子圖) are rather flat, and have the facial features of Eastern women.163 The first adaptation of the portrait of the Virgin Mary and Jesus made by a Chinese artist is the Painting of India (天竺圖) by Cai Ruxian 蔡汝賢, a government official in Guangdong in 1586 (the fourteenth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli), when Catholicism had not yet been introduced into China. The portrait refers to the introduction of Catholicism along the southeastern coast of India. The figures of the Virgin Mary and her son Jesus in this portrait appear to be very similar to the images in the traditional Chinese painting Kwan-yin of Giving Sons.164 The measures taken by a Confucian scholar in Beijing to persuade his family members to convert to Catholicism can equally be said to exemplify the “cultural adaptation” potential of Western religious painting.

162 Fang, History, vol. 2, 907. 163 Mo Xiaoye, Missionaries and the Spread of Western Paintings in the East in the 17th and 18th Centuries [17–18 世紀傳教士與西畫東漸] (Hangzhou: China Academy of Fine Art Press, 2001), 58–59. 164 Cai Ruxian 蔡汝賢, Portraits of Eastern Foreigners [東夷圖像], Sikucunmucongshu 四庫存目叢書 (Jinan: Qilu Shushe, 1997), 7. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 219

[The Confucian scholar] asked a person to paint a gigantic portrait, in which the Savior stands in the middle and his relatives, headed by his father and mother, are on the two sides. All figures are as tall as a real person. They hold beads in their hands, and a small cross and holy ornaments hang on the neck. Only those who have converted to Catholicism can be painted on the portrait. Consequently, almost all of his relatives have been attracted to convert.165

Such Western religious paintings obviously yielded better results in missionary work when they were transformed to adapt to traditional Chinese culture. The fact that these kinds of innovations were introduced into the content of the paintings is confirmed by remarks made by Franciscan missionaries. On August 14, 1637, the Spanish Franciscans Gaspar Alenda 雅連達 (d.1642) and Francisco de la Madre de Dios 馬方濟 (d.1657) reached Beijing, and arranged with Schall to live in the apartment close to the graveyard in which Ricci was buried. After living there for more than half a month, they found, “most sur- prisingly for them, in the portrait of Jesus and his disciples hung in the chapel, [that] the painter [had] put shoes on the figures in the painting who originally had bare feet, in order to respect the feelings of the Chinese.”166 The emer- gence of such innovative Catholic portraiture exemplifies the policy of “cultural adaptation” adopted when using Western painting for missionary work. In order to better propagate Catholic creeds, moreover, missionaries used Chinese scroll painting as a new medium through which to depict religious subject matter, in addition to European portraits, fable paintings, printmaking, and oil paintings. According to Golvers, “The aforementioned record in the accounting book [by de Rougemont] proves that the local technique [of painting on scrolls] was used often, and obviously European portraits and even Catholic mottos were mounted and spread in this manner.”167 Several entries in the accounting book kept by de Rougemont suggest he had contacts with workers involved in mounting paintings, as shown in table 6.1. This should also be considered evidence of the missionary policy of “cultural adaptation.” As a part of Catholic culture, Western religious painting could clearly induce Chinese people to convert to Catholicism. Yet Western art also provided

165 Bernard, Le père Mathieu Ricci, 600. 166 George H. Dunne, Generation of Giants: The Story of the Jesuits in China in the Last Decades of the Ming Dynasty, trans. Yu Sanle and Shi Rong (Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Press, 2003), 230. 167 Golvers, François de Rougemont, 388. 220 Chapter 6 excuses for anti-Catholic parties to launch attacks on Catholicism owing to differences in belief and ideology, as is clear from an account in the Histoire de la mission du Kiang-nan by Colombel:

In 1606, in Jiangzhou, the Society of Jesus of Macau set up a chapel, in which there was an altarpiece of the Saint Michael stepping on an evil dragon. The portrait provided an excuse for the anti-Catholic Chinese, who claimed that the angel represented the church, and the evil dragon being trampled stood for China. Therefore, they broke into the church, took away the portrait and carried it to march in the street to oppose Catholicism.168

As a result of the activities of missionaries in mainland China, Western religious painting became increasingly well known and was often subject to opposition from anti-Catholic Chinese. When Ricci went northward to Beijing to pay tribute to the Chinese emperor, he was opposed by the eunuch Ma Tang. According to Fang Hao, one of the reasons for this was “the portrait of Jesus Christ on the cross, because the Chinese regard the painting of executions as something unlucky.”169 After Ricci entered Beijing, he was criticized by the Ministry of Rites:

The portrait of God and portrait of God’s mother, as tributes, are against orthodoxy. These Westerners have items such as sacred bones in their luggage. They claim that God is an immortal, who can fly in the sky and should not have bones. Thus, as Han Yu in the Tang dynasty stated, these unlucky things should not be brought into the imperial palace.170

In Nanchang in 1607, the missionaries were opposed by some literati, who criticized various episodes of alleged misconduct, claiming that

these missionaries distribute the portraits of a Tartar or Saracen they call God. They claim that the man descends from the heavens to save and teach mankind. According to their creeds, only he can endow mankind with wealth and fortune. Such creeds may mislead the ignorant masses.171

168 Colombel, Histoire, 81. 169 Fang, History, vol. 2, 912. 170 Cai, Qingbaitanggao, vol. 1, 7. 171 Ricci and Trigault, China, 570. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 221

During this period, some people “broke into the home of new Christian converts to search for portraits of the Savior, and tore two or three portraits.” Consequently, Fr. Díaz asked Christian converts to hide the portraits, and particularly not to hang them in their bedrooms.172 A few passages in Shengchao poxie ji (聖朝破邪集) (1639), written during the Ming dynasty, mention such attacks and comment on Catholic portraits in general. According to Poxie ji xu (破邪集序) by Jiang Dejing 蔣德璟: “Our Confucianism worships the heaven. How comes it that we have a portrait? Even if we have a portrait, it shall not depict a man of deep eyes, high nose, and thick beard.”173 During the calendar disputes of the early Qing dynasty (1644–70), Yang wrote No Alternatives (不得已), which offers a systematic critique of the Western calendar. He also wrote an essay entitled Xiejiao santu Shuoping (邪教三圖說評), in which he states:

After I submitted the letter to Mr. Xu, I regret that when I wrote Bixie Lun (辟邪論), in my essay I did not reprint the painting [in which] Jesus is worshipped by the masses and the painting [in which] Jesus is crucified on a cross, printed according to state law by Adam Schall von Bell. If people see the portrait in which Jesus dies from crucifixion, the literati would be unwilling to write an introduction to the book for the Catholics, and the lower class would not follow Catholicism […]. Now I duplicate only the three portraits, which show that Jesus is worshipped, is crucified, and dies on the cross. Thus everyone would see that Jesus is the head of bandits executed for rebellion, rather than a law-abiding citizen.174

Because of the cultural differences between the Chinese and Westerners, Catholic creeds conveyed in Western religious painting evidently led to some serious misunderstandings. In the turbulence sparked by the dispute over the Western calendar,175 paintings in the Catholic churches in Beijing were among the first objects to be attacked:

172 Ibid., 572. 173 Xu Changzhi 徐昌治, Shengchao poxie ji [聖朝破邪集], vol. 3, 139–40. 174 Yang, No Alternatives, vol. 1, 30. 175 The calendar dispute arose due to Schall’s reforms of the Chinese calendar, which were opposed by Yang Guangxian, who was a lifelong anti-Catholic and who also objected to anything Western, including science. Yang prosecuted the missionaries in 1664, leading to the arrest of Schall and Verbiest. 222 Chapter 6

The church in which Adam Schall von Bell resides shall also be demolished. However, the Chinese emperor had granted silver taels to […] Schall […] for building the church, and written a board for the church. Therefore, we plan to keep the church and demolish the Catholic portraits only. According to his confession in court, the imperial envoy Tong purchased a house to build the church where Ludovico Buglio stays. Nevertheless, the church where […] Buglio lives, and the church outside of Fuchengmen should be demolished by the Ministry of Engineering. Moreover, the two churches where […] Schall […] and […] Buglio reside have Catholic scriptures, portraits, and printing plates of Tianxue Zhuangai [Introduction to astronomy], which should all be burned. According to the imperial decree, those who converted to Catholicism are exempt from punishment. The copper statues, embroidered bags, Essence of Catholicism (教要) and Tianxue Zhuangai (天學傳概) that these converts received should be destroyed by the Ministry of Rites. Moreover, Catholic churches, Catholic scriptures, and Catholic portraits outside of Beijing should be destroyed by the governors.176

During the ban imposed on Catholicism throughout the reign of Emperor Yongzheng 雍正 (r. 1723–35), the portraits in the church in Gubeikou, close to the Great Wall, and in the church in Guilin, in southern China, were also destroyed and burned.177 When an anti-Catholic campaign broke out in Fuan 福安 in 1746 (the eleventh year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong 乾隆 [r. 1736– 96]), agitators against Catholicism set all the portraits and ornaments in the church there on fire.178 The government even put the portraits on the ground and forced the converts to step on them, calling the action “trampling bitter portraits.”179 During the anti-Catholic campaign in 1748 (the thirteenth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), “The government officials brought the Catholic followers to the court, threw the portraits of Jesus and the Virgin Mary on the ground, and asked people to step on the portraits to show their anti-

176 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 22, 52–53. 177 Du Halde, Lettres, vol. 2, 332–33. 178 Ibid., vol. 4, 336. 179 Wu Min and Han Qi, Collection of Catholic Documents during the Reigns of Emperor Yong- zheng and Emperor Qianlong in Europe [歐洲所藏雍正乾隆朝天主教文獻彙編], no. 39 (Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Press, 2008), 151. Catholic Art in Macau and Mainland China 223

Catholic attitude.”180 In the anti-Catholic campaign in 1784 (the forty- ninth year of the same reign), the portraits and paintings confiscated in Gansu were “all destroyed.”181 Thus, for those opposed to Catholicism, Catholic artistic works that publicized and promoted Catholicism were evil artifacts that should be destroyed. In summary, in the course of their attempts to spread Catholicism in Ming and Qing China, Catholic missionaries used Western religious paintings as a means through which to promote Catholic creeds and principles, and they also measured the success of their missionary work, in part, through the spread and popularity of Catholic art among the Chinese masses and the elite. They used the artistic charm and religious appeal of Western painting to introduce potential converts to the essence of Catholicism; notably, as the guidelines of missionary work proposed by Ricci came to be widely implemented in the missionary campaign in China, Western religious painting embarked on a process of cultural adaptation in which the paintings that became popular among Chinese converts had a greater tint of traditional Chinese culture. Although the adaptation was not always successful, it produced results in keeping with the ultimate goal of winning converts to Christianity. Of course, we must note that both the success achieved by religious painting and the criticism of and attacks on Catholic art took place within a broader Catholic missionary culture. Religious painting did not stand alone, but complemented the other means missionaries devised to propagate their beliefs in China.

180 Joseph Siao, Textual Researches on the Spreading of Catholicism in China, ed. Chen Fang- zhong, Collection of Archives of History of Catholicism in China, vol. 7 (Taipei: Fu Jen Catholic University Press, 2003), 213. 181 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 297, 474. 224 Chapter 7

Chapter 7 Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties

In this essay, the expression “Catholic music” is used to refer to the European music brought to Macau and mainland China directly by European missionaries, including musical theory, musical composition, musical instruments, and the chants used in Catholic ritual.1 Before the Ming dynasty (i.e., prior to 1368), many Christian churches had been built in China thanks to the spread of Christianity during the Tang (618–907), Song (960–1279), and Yuan (1279–1368) dynasties. During the Yuan dynasty, for example, Franciscan missionaries built three magnificent churches in Quanzhou city alone.2 It can be assumed, therefore, that Catholic music would have been introduced into China together with church music well before the Yuan dynasty. However, after the Yuan dynasty, as Catholicism disappeared in China, Catholic music also vanished. As European merchants and missionaries headed east from the middle years of the Ming dynasty onwards, Catholic music was once again introduced into China. According to the available sources, Shuangyu port, in the Ningbo area of Zhejiang province, was the first place into which Catholic music was introduced during the Ming period. The Portuguese explorer Fernão Mendes Pinto 平托 (1509–83) gave the following account of Shuangyu port:

Antonio de Faria boarded this boat. Amid the extremely loud music of trumpet, flute, timpani, treble flute, and bass drum as well as the earsplit-

1 The research on this topic includes the following: Wu Xiangxiang 吳相湘, “History of the Introduction of Western Music to the East” [西洋音樂東傳記略], in Ta-Kung Pao [大公報] (February 9, 1937); Wang Rou 王柔, “Introduction of Western Music to China” [西洋音樂傳入中國考], Music Research [音樂研究] 2 (1982); Yang Naiji 楊乃濟, “Western Music Band in the Royal Court during the Reign of Emperor Qianlong” [乾隆朝宮遷西洋樂隊], Forbidden City [紫禁城] 4 (1984); Tao Yabing, Draft of History of Communication between Chinese Music and Western Music [中西音樂交流史稿] (Beijing: China Encyclopedia Press, 1994), chapters 3, 4, 6; Fang Hao, “History of the Spread of Western Music in China before the Reign of Emperor Jiaqing” [嘉慶前西洋音樂流傳中國史略], Mainland Magazine [大陸雜誌] 4, no. 10 (1952); and Fang Hao, History of Sino-Western Transportation, vol. 2 (Hong Kong: Chinese Publishing House, 1992), chapter 8, “Music.” 2 Arthur Christopher Moule, Christians in China before the Year 1550, trans. Hao Zhenhua (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1984), 280.

ting music played by Chinese, Malays, Chamba, Siamese, Borneo, and Ryukyu at the port with other musical instruments, he reached the wharf. When he reached the gate of the church, […] some people sang to the organ […]. According to the ancient way, the acting bishop played a huge guitar […]. [He] played a few pieces of music on the guitar for the special occasion. There was also a performance during the banquet: one Chinese play and one Portuguese play.3

This account indicates that an international band had taken shape at the port, which was developed jointly by the Portuguese, Japanese, and merchants from Southeast Asia and China. The band was composed of musicians playing various instruments, and they even performed “Portuguese plays.” These European instruments are likely to have been brought into the port by the Portuguese. However, Shuangyu port in Ningbo did not become a base for Westerners bound for China. Around 1548 (the twenty-seventh year of the reign of Emperor Jiajing 嘉靖 [r. 1522–66]), the port was completely demolished by the troops of the Ming dynasty. As a result, while Catholic music was clearly introduced to islands along the coast of China during this period, it would appear that such music did not initially spread to Macau or the mainland.

1 The Spread of Catholic Music in Macau

Catholicism was first introduced into Macau in 1555, two years before the Portuguese formally settled there. Gregório Gonçalves, the first priest in Macau, “built a thatched church” in 1556.4 At least three churches were built in Macau in the space of around ten years,5 with Western religious music being brought into Macau along with the Catholic creed. The creation of a formal church in Macau thus signifies the introduction of Western church music into Macau. The earliest Chinese document on religious music in Macau was writ-

3 Fernão Mendes Pinto, Peregrinação, trans. Jin Guoping (Macau: Fundação Macau, 1999), 196, 200, 203. Among the three historical records quoted in this book, the first came from Jin Guoping’s translation, but there was no specific term for the musical instrument. Therefore, the translation of Peregrinação in RC (Rui Manuel Loureiro is the editor of no. 31, 1997) was adopted; see Pinto, Peregrinação, no. 31, 1997, 146. 4 Rui Manuel Loureiro, Em busca das origens de Macau (antologia documental), doc. 12, Carta do Padre Gregório González a D. Juan de Borja (Malacca, c.1571), 194. 5 Tang Kaijian, “Establishment of the City of Macau during the Ming Dynasty” [明代澳門城市建置考], in Literature and History [文史] (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, no. 48, July 1999). 226 Chapter 7 ten by Wang Linheng 王臨亨 (1557–1603), who visited Macau in 1591 (the nineteenth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli 萬曆 [r. 1573–1620]). Volume three of his book Yuejian Pian (粵劍篇) states that

foreigners in Macau […] play music […]. They built one wooden chest, into which they put a few hundred pipes or strings. A machine was used to ship the chest. Once a person presses the key, a few hundred pipes give out sound. Once a person turns on the machine, a few hundred strings ring. The melody is loud, clear, and enjoyable.6

The Western musical instrument referred to in this account is likely to have been an organ. The use of organs in Macau during this period is further confirmed in volume two of New Essays of Guangdong (廣東新語), written by Qu Dajun 屈大均 (1630–96):

Men and women go to the temple to listen to the preaching of monks every day. The temple has a musical instrument, which is hidden in the chest and invisible. The instrument has more than one hundred pipes inside and a windbag outside. When the windbag absorbs wind, sound comes out of the chest. The melody is sophisticated and has all tones.7

Similarly, in volume two of his book Record of Inspection in Guangdong and Fujian (粵閩巡視紀略), Du Zhen 杜臻 (1633–1703) gave the following account of the organ music he heard playing in Macau in 1684 (the twenty-third year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi 康熙 [r. 1662–1722]):

There is a platform for organ in the right side of the room. A musical instrument with copper strings hangs on the platform. It often gives out sound automatically. And there are some musical instruments, such as pipes and drums, in a wood chest. They are connected with silk strings. They are intermingled through gears and knock on each other. When they turn around, they give out sound, as if the sound comes out of [a] human mouth.8

6 Wang Linheng 王臨亨, Yuejianpian [粵劍篇], vol. 3 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1987), 92. 7 Qu Dajun 屈大均, New Essays of Guangdong [廣東新語], vol. 2 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1985), 37. 8 Du Zhen 杜臻, Record of Inspection in Guangdong and Fujian [粵閩巡視紀略], vol. 2 (Taipei: Wenhai Press, n.d.), 20. Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China 227

Western organs appear to have been quite popular in Macau, and the organ in St. Paul’s Cathedral was the most well known. According to an account by José Montanha: “[Next to the church] there is a corridor that connects to the academy to the north […]. The seats of the choir are very spacious. There are two organs, one big and one small.”9 In his book Record of My Visit to Zhujiang as an Envoy (珠江奉使記), written in the twenty-third year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi (1684), Geng Xianglin 龔翔麟 observes that

in [St. Paul’s] Cathedral there is an organ that has copper strings. It is played to accompany the recital of religious texts. Hidden in a wooden chest, it contains musical instruments, such as pipes, which are connected with silk strings and intermingled through gears. When a person turns on the machine, sound comes out.10

Jiao Qinian 焦祈年 also remarks on the organ in the Record of the Inspection of Macau (巡視澳門記), written during the reign of Emperor Yongzheng 雍正 (r. 1723–35): “In St. Paul’s Cathedral, the roads in the building are wide enough for horses to walk freely. The Western organ gives out a loud sound, which is similar to ancient Chinese music.”11 Aomen jilue (澳門記略), written by Yin Guangren 印光任 during the reign of Emperor Qianlong 乾隆 (r. 1736–95), provides a similar description:

In St. Paul’s Cathedral there is an organ, which is hidden in a leather case. It has more than one hundred pipes connected with silk strings inside and a windbag outside. When the windbag absorbs wind, sound comes out of the case. The melody has many tones. It accompanies the recital of religious texts and is very pleasant to hear.12

Liang Di’s 梁迪 Western Organ (西洋風琴) (1709) also mentions the music of the organ in St. Paul’s Cathedral.

9 From Lee Yuk Tin 李玉田, Olhar as ruínas: Igreja da madre de Deus em Macau (Macau: Livros do Oriente Leat Senado de Macau, 1990), 18. 10 Wang Shizhen 王士禎, Chibeioutan [池北偶談], vol. 23 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1982), 517. 11 Hao Yulin 郝玉麟, (Yongzheng) Guangdongtongzhi （雍正）廣東通誌[ ], vol. 62 (Shang- hai: Ancient Books Press, 1987), 74. 12 Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin, Aomen jilue [澳門記略] (Macau: Cultural Bureau, 1992), 172. 228 Chapter 7

The Western organ looks similar to a phoenix sheng. With two wings, it resembles a phoenix […]. When it is played in St. Paul’s Cathedral, the sound can be heard over five kilometers […]. It is said that the foreigners on the island are good at handicraft. The organ is its obvious evidence.13

Although the first Western organs in Macau were likely to have been shipped there from Europe, people in Macau later began to make copies of Western instruments. According to the Complete Works of Matteo Ricci, Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) once requested to “have one organ” from Macau as tribute for the emperor of the Ming dynasty, and several Western organs were subsequently copied in Macau. Yet these were finished later than had been planned and were not ultimately shipped to Beijing.14 The popularity of Western organs in Macau is clearly indicated by their presence in the churches and the houses of the Westerners who lived there, as has been recorded in a number of poems written during the Qing dynasty (1644–1911). Liang Peilan’s 梁佩蘭 (1629–1705) Poem on the Sea for Envoy Geng Hengfu (觀海篇贈龔蘅圃榷使), for instance, describes the Portuguese using the instrument to express their happiness: “The imperial envoy befriends the people from faraway 駕部柔遠人/and shows generosity to them 榷外并寬宥. / The foreigners on the islands become happy 島夷聽之喜/and play organ. 風琴一為奏.”15 In addition to the Western organ, the other type of European musical instrument in Macau was the clavichord, an instrument Ricci had presented to Emperor Wanli as tribute. The priest Henri Bernard described the clavichord as a box-shaped piano that could be played on a table,16 and it is probably this kind of clavichord that is referred to as a “foreign musical instrument” in the poems below. The poem Hearing a Foreign Woman Playing Western Musical Instrument in Foreign-Style Building (夷樓聽番女彈洋琴), by Huang Peifang, for instance, reads as follows: “Hearing the music played by a foreign woman on a foreign musical instrument/I recall the high mansion of the Chinese com-

13 Chen Lanzhi 陳蘭芝, Scenic Spots in Guangdong [嶺海名勝志], Volume 7, Aomenji [澳門記] (Qianlong Wushiwunian Keben, 1790), 97–98. 14 Pietro Tacchi Venturi, ed., Opere storiche del P. Matteo Ricci, S.J., Macerata, 1911–1913, cited in Fang, “History of the Spread,” and Henri Bernard, Le père Mathieu Ricci et la société de son temps (1552–1610), trans. Guan Zhenhu (Beijing: Commercial Press, 1998), 307. 15 Liang Peilan 梁佩蘭, Liuyingtangji [六瑩堂集], vol. 2 (Guangzhou: Zhongshan Univer- sity Press, 1992), part 2, 134. 16 Bernard, Le pėre Mathieu Ricci, 340. Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China 229 mander in chief. 洋琴一曲鳴番女，記起高樓兵總家.”17 The Miscellaneous Poem on Macau (澳門雜詠) by Li Xialing 李遐齡 (1768–1832) also refers to Western women playing a foreign instrument: “Beautiful women sing nicely in high building close to the sea/Western plucked string instruments give out nice music. 海山飛樓蜃結成，妜徒嬌唱囀雛鶯。月琴銀甲挑銅線，別是人間幼婦聲.”18 The Western organs and Western musical instruments mentioned in the poems written by members of the literati in Macau were not only found in churches but also in the houses of mandarins and ordinary people. This clearly suggests that Western organs and Western musical instruments more generally were very popular in Macau. The Western organ was not the only church musical instrument that was introduced into Macau during this period, as is clear from the Record of Inspection in Guangdong and Fujian (粵閩巡視紀略) by Du Zhen: “I arrive in Macau. The ambassador of Portugal led his fellows to welcome me with foreign music. The musical instruments include the Tartar pipe and pipa. The songs are unfamiliar to me.”19 The tartar pipe is an ancient Chinese musical instrument. It was introduced into China from central Asia and existed in China as early as during the Tang dynasty. However, the “tartar pipe” mentioned by Du was in fact a Portuguese musical instrument, similar to the suona horn, the use of which has been documented by the Japanese scholar Hayashi Kenzo 林謙三:

According to the book Essays of Nagasaki (長崎逸事) by Confucian scholar Hayashi Razan 林羅山 in the early Edo period [1603–30], people played the suona on boats in Macau in 1610. This suona is not the Chinese suona. Instead, it is the similar musical instrument called charmello in the Portuguese language (the word was also transliterated into Japanese). It is a Portuguese musical instrument, which is similar to and also different from suona.20

17 Huang Peifang 黃培芳, Linghailoushichao 嶺海樓詩鈔, vol. 9 (Daoguangershiyinian kanben, 1841), 21. 18 Li Xialing 李遐齡, Shaoyuanshichao [勺園詩鈔], vol. 1 (Jiaqingshijiunian kanben, 1814), 8. In this poem, “Yueqin 月琴” refers to a plucked string instrument as a guitar rather than a Chinese instrument. 19 Du, Record, vol. 2, 20. 20 Hayashi Kenzo 林謙三, Musical Instruments of East Asia [東亞樂器考], trans. Qian Tao- sun 錢稻孫 (Beijing: People’s Music Press, 1999), 415. 230 Chapter 7

Hence, as Du describes the pipa as a “foreign musical instrument,” it is far more likely to have been the plucked string musical instrument favored by the Portuguese that was similar to the pipa. Wu Li’s 吳歷 Poems on St. Paul’s Cathedral (三巴集) refers to the same instrument being used during the Christmas season in Macau: “Black people sing and dance to the music of [the] pipa 黑人歌唱舞足，與琵琶聲相應.”21 As with Du’s account, this poem is also referring to a Western rather than a Chinese musical instrument, the name of which appears to have been transliterated into Chinese as “mantuolin 曼佗林.” In 1729 (the seventh year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng), when Jiao Qinian 焦祈年 inspected Macau, he noted that the Portuguese “played drums.”22 Similarly, the Miscellaneous Poem in Macau (澳門雜詩) authored by Li Xialing 李遐齡 states: “[The] copper drum and iron flute are played on the street and in church. 街前坎坎槌銅鼓，廟里嗚嗚擪鐵簫.”23 The copper drum and iron flute referred to in the poem must have been Western musical instruments. According to Aomen jilue (澳門記略), in St. Paul’s Cathedral, “various musical instruments are housed in the building above.”24 This reference to “musical instruments” does not refer solely to Western organs. When academic degrees in humanities were conferred at St. Paul’s College in Macau, the candidates were required to “bring [a] flute with them.”25 Xinxiu Xiangshanxian zhi (新修香山縣誌) recorded that in Macau, “there are musical instruments, including organ, copper-string piano, copper drum, and foreign flute.”26 Yu Yi Aomen Jishi (於役澳門紀事), by Ye Tingxun 葉廷勳, states: “Foreign candles give out light, and musical instruments are played till late night. 洋蠟高燒鼓吹奇，管弦聲徹夜闌時.”27 This suggests that a wide range of Western instruments were used in Macau. The Long Essay on the Local Customs Narrated by the People Whom I Asked on My Trip to Macau (游澳門同人詢土風以長歌述之), by Wu Tian 吳錪, from Panyu 番禺, describes the Portuguese playing music and dancing in Macau:

21 Zhang Wenqin 章文欽, ed., Wuyushanjijianzhu [吳漁山集箋注] (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2007), vol. 2, 180. 22 Hao, (Yongzheng) Guangdongtongzhi, vol. 62, 74. 23 Li, Shaoyuanshichao, vol. 1, 8. 24 Yin and Zhang, Aomen jilue, 149. 25 Antonio Francisco Cardim, Batalhas da Companhia de Jesus, cited in Li Xiangyu, Cradle of Sinologists: Research on St. Paul School of Macau (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 2006), 71. 26 Zhu Huai 祝淮, Xinxiu Xiangshan Xianzhi [新修香山縣誌], vol. 4, (Zhongshan documents photocopying Daoguangqinian kanben, 1827), 715. 27 Ye Tingxun 葉廷勳, Meihuashuwushichao [梅花書屋詩鈔], vol. 4 (Daoguangshiyinian kanben, 1831), 4–5. Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China 231

“People drink wine, play foreign musical instruments, and dance. When they get drunk, they break the coral tree. 奏胡琴，擊羯鼓，葡萄酒泛汴且舞。菩薩鬘垂連臂歌，醉來擊碎珊瑚樹.”28 Henri Bernard similarly describes a religious ceremony in Macau in 1563, during which the participants in the parade “played music and danced.”29 In 1582, the Japanese Tenshō youth embassy to Europe stayed in Macau for nearly ten months. During their sojourn, they “read books, wrote, played music, and talked with the priests of the Society of Jesus.”30 In 1642, to celebrate the enthronement of the new Portuguese king, a torch parade was held in the Japanese district in Macau, and people “played various musical instruments and danced elegantly.”31 Thus, it can clearly be concluded that Western songs and dance, accompanied by the music of Western musical instruments, enjoyed considerable popularity in Macau from the sixteenth to the middle of the eighteenth century. After a church was established in Macau, Catholic prayer was naturally accompanied by chanting. According to China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journal of Matthew Ricci (利瑪竇中國劄記), in 1582 the Portuguese built the Oratorio of St. Martin.32 Oratorio is a kind of religious choral music, similar to chorale. Qu Dajun’s New Essays of Guangdong (廣東新語) refers to this kind of singing taking place in St. Paul’s: “In the morning, men and women worship in the St. Paul’s Cathedral […]. There is music in the church […] which accompanies the recital of religious texts and is very enjoyable.”33 The author is clearly referring here to the chanting activities taking place in St. Paul’s Cathedral. These activities are also described in a poem by Cai Xianyuan 蔡顯原: “Western monks sing religious songs, and the rhythm is like the sound of insects in autumn. 西僧頜之作梵唱，咿嚶可厭如秋蟲.”34 According to the Portuguese- language records of St. Paul’s College in Macau, during the college’s graduation examination in the humanities, the chairman of the examination board spoke

28 Chen, Scenic Spots, vol. 7, Aomen ji, 97–98. 29 Henri Bernard, Aux portes de la Chine: Les missionnaires du XVIe siècle, trans. Xiao Junhua (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1936), 110. 30 Manuel Teixeira, “The Japanese in Macau,” in Macau RC 17 (1993): 158. 31 Charles Ralph Boxer, “The Function of Macau as a Transshipment of Religion and Trade in the 16th–17th Century,” trans. Huang Hongzhao, in Collection of Translations of the His- tory of Sino-Western Relations, no. 5 (Shanghai: Shanghai Yiwen Press, 1991), 91. 32 Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault, China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journal of Matthew Ricci, trans. He Gaoji et al. (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1983), 146. 33 Qu, New Essays, vol. 2, 37. 34 Cai Xianyuan蔡顯原, Mingxinshuwushichao [銘心書屋詩鈔], vol. 2 (Tongzhi ernian Keben, 1863), 15–17. 232 Chapter 7 first, and then the “chorus sang,”35 while the rulebook of St. Paul’s College in 1597 states that, during the Mass, “A book of the Mass shall be put under the cross and turned to the page of the song that the choir is to sing.”36 Montanha’s account of the activities at St. Paul’s Cathedral, cited above, also mentions a choir. According to the rules of the college in 1620, “Students shall pray and sing holy songs every day.”37 The appearance of the choir and chorus mentioned above shows that the practice of chanting had become widespread in Macau. According to the Portuguese archives of St. Paul’s College, in the late sixteenth century, the opening of examinations in the humanities “was accompanied by music”; likewise, “musicians started singing songs” after the chairman of the examination board gave a speech, and “music was [played] after the examinees finished talking”; “music was played” after the thesis was read, and when the students entered the classroom and formally defended their theses, they “were accompanied by music.” The examination had an “explicit hint of the Coimbra choir of 1559 and 1565, and a kind of adaptability imposed by moral atmosphere, climate, race and civilization which have rather compli- cated elements related to the Orient.”38 Hence St. Paul’s College would appear to have had its own Western musical ensemble as early as the closing decades of the sixteenth century. Formal performances of music, dance, and drama began to take place at a very early stage in Macau. “The Annual Report of St. Paul’s College of Macau,” published on January 16, 1596, contains the following record:

There is a public performance of tragedy on the day of the Assumption of Mary. The teacher of the first grade plays the protagonist and the students play the other roles. The drama depicts how faith defeated the Japanese oppression. The performance takes place on the stairs at the gate of the college. It attracted the residents of the whole city, who crowd the street before St. Paul’s Cathedral. Chinese dialogues are made so that the audience who do not understand the Latin language can appreciate the drama […]. The drama is accompanied by music and vocal accompaniment, and everybody is greatly content.39

35 Domingos Mauricio Gomes dos Santos, Macau, primeira universidade do Extremo-Oriente (Macau: Fundaço Macau, 1994), 20–21. 36 Gonçalo Couceiro, A igreja de S. Paulo de Macau (Lisbon, 1997), 174. 37 Biblioteca da Ajuda, Do último ministério deste Colégio que é a escola dos meninos, cited in Li, Cradle, 80–81. 38 Santos, Macau, 17–18. 39 Cartas ânuas do colégio de Macau, January 16, 1596, cited in Li, Cradle, 64–65. According to research by Qin Yinping, the art classes mentioned by Li are likely to have been humanities classes. Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China 233

“The Annual Report of St. Paul’s College of Macau,” published on January 27, 1604, records a similar occasion:

In early 1604, a dialogue comedy is performed, partly in Latin and partly in the local language. The content is the life at the St. Paul College. All the actors are students of the St. Paul College. The comedy is well received by [the] audience. It has three acts. The last two acts are performed in the afternoon of the second day. The performance lasts five hours each afternoon. The actor’s lines are very devout, the actors are skillful, and the preparation is sufficient. Therefore the comedy is sensational.40

These two documents suggest that Europeans began to introduce Western drama to Macau in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and that the local Chinese could also take part in the performances. The genres performed included both comedy and tragedy; a comedy lasted as long as ten hours, and the use of “music and vocal accompaniment” in the drama suggests that the performances were highly professional. The Englishman Peter Mundy (1600–67) gave the following account of a performance of Western music, dance, and drama:

On November 22, 1637, before the mansion of the captain of the Spanish sailboat, a drama is performed on the stage built on a scaffold. It is very attractive. The songs are like the song of the Indians. They are harmonious and consistent. There is loud music on the stage.

The reference to the “song of the Indians” in this account indicates that the performers were Portuguese. Mundy further narrates:

On November 25, 1636, the commanders of our ship [were] invited to land in Macau and watch theater at the St. Paul Cathedral […] Chinese children play[ed] Chinese dance according to custom. The dance depict[ed] the war between the Portuguese and the Dutchmen […]. Another performance [was] the crab dance, in which children play[ed] the part of crabs, and [sang] and dance[d] to music […]. The last performance [was] a burlesque and the performers [were] very dexterous. There are many children and they dress up nicely. Their parents trust the

40 Cartas ânuas do colégio de Macau, January 27, 1604, cited in Li, Cradle, 64. 234 Chapter 7

priests to educate their children. Many of these parents have high social status. The theater is located in the church.41

The so-called Chinese dance referred to here was actually a Western dance performed by Chinese children under the guidance of Western priests. The author’s remark that “the theater is located in the church” refers to the open space adjacent to St. Paul’s Cathedral. The success and popularity of Catholic music in Macau was closely related to the education in Catholic music that was available in Macau. According to Paulo Aido 艾保祿, in 1601 fifty-nine Jesuits lived in St. Paul’s College, which is described as having a music school that “taught music composition and performance of classic musical instruments.”42 Music classes were listed in the curriculum of St. Paul’s College. In a document dated December 29, 1749, the Portuguese priest Hilário de Sousa stated, “There is also information that the music class is one of a few classes for the ordinary people who lack curiosity and literacy.”43 There were also music classes for students at the primary school of St. Paul’s College: “all students study reading, literature, and arithmetic together, and advanced students with strong learning ability can attend music class.”44 It is unclear which priest served as the music teacher at the college. However, the missionary Lazzaro Cattaneo 郭居靜 (1560–1640), who was in Macau from 1604 to 1606, was described as “an excellent musician.”45 Moreover, the painter Giovanni Niccolò 尼閣老 (1560–1626), who was in Macau from 1614 to 1626, was also a musician skilled at making “musical instruments and organs.”46 Tomás Pereira (1645–1708) was a famous Portuguese musician, and it is likely that he taught the music class at the college while teaching there in 1672.47 The musician Manuel Rodrigues 馬瑪諾 (1659–1703), who was born in Macau, attended St. Paul’s College in 1681 and it is probable

41 Peter Mundy, The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia: 1608–1667, vol. 8, part 1 (Lon- don: Hakluyt Society, 1919), 274–75. 42 From Lee, Olhar, 17. Paulo Aido is incorrect in saying that there was a music school, because at that time there would only have been some music courses rather than a music school in St. Paul’s College. 43 Santos, Macau, 33. 44 Biblioteca da Ajuda, Do seminináris que há neste Collégio e como se Crião os Collegiaes dele, cited in Li, Cradle, 63. 45 Ricci and Trigault, China, 326. 46 Teixeira, “Japanese in Macau,” 157. 47 Joel Canhão, “Um músico portugȗes do século XVII na corte de Pequim: O Padre Tomás Pereira,” in Macau RC 4 (1988): 39n5. Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China 235 that he also taught music there.48 St. Joseph’s Seminary, established in 1728, also offered music classes. Joaquim Afonso Gonçalves, a highly talented Portuguese musician who lived in Macau from 1814 to 1841, taught music at St. Joseph’s Seminary and composed many pieces of Catholic and Chinese music. “In major festivals, music composed by Gonçalves is played by his students, and sung by excellent tenors in the church of the St. Joseph Seminary.”49 José Marinho Marques 瑪姬士 (1810–67), who was born in Macau and wrote the Elements of Music (音樂要素), was a graduate of St. Joseph’s Seminary and a student of Gonçalves.50 In 1848, the St. Rose of Lima School also had a music class, which was taught by Bishop Jerónimo da Matta 馬塔 (1804–65).51 A considerable amount of musical talent was consequently cultivated in Macau and many foreigners also traveled there to study Catholic music. The Cronologia da história de Macau by Beatriz Basto da Silva, for instance, states: “On January 13, 1821, Cochinchina dispatched personnel to Macau to study European music skills and performance.”52

2 The Spread of Catholic Music in Mainland China

In the late sixteenth century, as Catholicism was introduced into Guangdong and missionaries built churches and residences in Zhaoqing and Shaozhou, Catholic music was introduced into mainland China. Later, as Western priests who were well versed in Catholic music and/or those who were professional musicians—such as Ricci, Pereira, Diego de Pantoja 龐迪我 (1571–1618), Johann Adam Schall von Bell 湯若望 (1592–1666), Giovanni Gherardini 聶雲龍 (1658– ?), Teodorico Pedrini 德理格 (1671–1746), and Dominique Parrenin 巴多明 (1665–1741)—went to China,53 Catholic music became widespread in the

48 Joseph Dehergne, Répertoire des Jésuites de Chine de 1552–1800, trans. Geng Sheng (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1995), 569. 49 Books Group, Books Group Staff, ed., Chinese Repository, vol. 15, no. 2 (Newcastle: Cam- bridge Scholars Publishing, 2009), 176–77. 50 Liu Xianbing 劉羨冰, Bilingual Elite and Cultural Exchange [雙語精英與文化交流] (Macau: Macau Foundation, 1995), 38. 51 Benjamin Videira Pires, Os extremos conciliam-se: Transculturação em Macau, trans. Su Qin (Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1992), 154–55. 52 Beatriz Basto da Silva, Cronologia da história de Macau (16th–18th Century), trans. Xiao Yu (Macau: Fundação Macau, 1995), 25. 53 Tang Kaijian, “Western Musicians Who Entered Mainland China via Macau from the 16th Century to the 18th Century” [16–18世紀經澳門進入中國內地的西洋音樂家考述], Journal of North University of Ethnicity [西北第二民族學院學報] 3 (2001). 236 Chapter 7 imperial courts of the Ming and Qing dynasties, and gradually spread across China.

2.1 Missionaries Brought Western Musical Instruments to the Imperial Court of the Ming and Qing Dynasties Ricci was the first person to bring Western musical instruments to the imperial court of the Ming and Qing dynasties. Volume 120 of QindingXuWenxianTongkao (欽定續文獻通考) records how,

In the 28th year of the reign of Emperor Wanli [1600], […] Ricci […] presented the musical instruments from his homeland […]. The piano is 1 meter wide and 1.7 meters long. It is hidden in a case. It has 72 strings made from gold, silver, or iron. Each string is connected to a button, which is put outside. When you press the button, music comes out.54

According to a memo from Ricci to the emperor, the musical instrument was called a “Western piano 大西洋琴.”55 When Feng Shike 馮時可 saw it in Beijing he called it the “foreign piano” and stated: “With copper and iron strings, it is different from the Chinese musical instruments. Man presses on the small panel to play it. The sound is clear.”56 What was this “Western piano” that was so different from the Chinese musical instruments? Some scholars hold that it was either a clavichord or a kind of ancient European musical instrument,57 whereas others argue that it was an épinette.58 However, it is likely that the first group of scholars is correct, as the diary of Ricci describes the instrument as a clavichord,59 which was also known as an iron-string piano.60 It was probably

54 Ji Huang 稽璜, Qinding xu Wenxian Tongkao [欽定續文獻通考], vol. 120, Wenyuangesi- kuquanshu 文淵閣四庫全書本 (Shanghai: Ancient Books Press, 1987), 800. 55 Matteo Ricci, Complete Works of Fr. Matteo Ricci, S.J., Volume 4, Letters (II), trans. Luo Yu (Taipei: Guangqi Press, 1986), 551–53. 56 Biji xiaoshuo daguan: Mingren baijia [筆記小說大觀•明人百家], vol. 42, 1. 57 Yin Falu 陰法魯, “Macau and the Communication of Music Culture between China and the West” [澳門與中外音樂文化交流], in Research on Historical Documents [歷史文獻研究] (Beijing: Beijing Normal University Press, 1994). 58 Fang, History, vol. 2, 889. Pierre du Jarric, Histoire des choses les plus mémorables, advenues tant ez Indes orientales, que autres pays de la découverte des Portugais, vol. 3 (Bordeaux: Millanges, 1608), 963. 59 Lin Jinshui 林金水, Matteo Ricci and China [利瑪竇與中國] (Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1996), 262. 60 Nicolas Standaert 鍾鳴旦, ed., Documents of Catholicism of the Ming and Qing Dynasties in the Archives of Society of Jesus in Rome [耶穌會羅馬檔案館明清天主教文獻], vol. 12 (Taipei: Taipei Ricci Institute, 2002), 211. Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China 237 the first Western musical instrument to appear at the imperial court. A number of other musical instruments were also given as gifts by the missionaries during the Ming period. In 1640, for instance, Schall failed in his attempt to manufacture a piano at the imperial court of the Ming dynasty, and instead worked with Xu Fuyuan 徐復元 (1600–40), an assistant priest, to repair the Western musical instrument that had been presented to the Chinese emperor by Ricci thirty years previously; in the meantime, he presented “a water-driven musical instrument”61 to Emperor Shunzhi 順治 (r. 1644–61), which had been sent by Maximilian I, elector and duke of Bavaria (r. 1597–1651) and brought to China by the Jesuit Nicolas Trigault 金尼閣 (1577–1628) twenty years earlier. In 1645, Francesco Sambiasi 畢方濟 (1582–1649) presented “a Western piano and a pipe”62 to Emperor Hongguang 弘光 (r. 1644–45) of the Southern Ming dynasty. Few Western musical instruments were brought to the imperial court during the early Qing dynasty, however. The only known case is that of an ancient piano presented by the Dutch envoy in 1656 (the thirteenth year of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi).63 This changed during the reign of Emperor Kangxi, who was described as having

strong interests in music and [of being] aware of the importance of music. […] Therefore he likes the music theory, instruments, and playing Western music. In his spare time after he finishes working on state affairs, he can play Western musical instruments as skillfully as he plays Chinese and Tartar musical instruments, once he has practiced Western musical instruments a few times.64

61 Alfons Väth, Johann Adam Schall von Bell, S.J.: Missionar in China, kaiserlicher Astronom und Ratgeber am Hofe von Peking, 1592–1666, trans. Yang Bingchen (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1949), 124–25; George H. Dunne, Generation of Giants: The Story of the Jesuits in China in the Last Decades of the Ming Dynasty, trans. Yu Sanle and Shi Rong (Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Press, 2003), 297. 62 Nicolas Standaert, ed., Catholic Documents of the Ming and Qing Dynasties in the Library of Xujiahui [徐家匯藏書樓明清天主教文獻], vol. 2 (Taipei: Taipei Ricci Institute, 2002), 913. 63 Leonard Blussé and Zhuang Guotu, A Study of the First Dutch Embassy Visit to China (Xia- men: Xiamen University Press, 1989), 51. 64 Joachim Bouvet, Portrait historique de l’empereur de la Chine, trans. Zhao Chen (Harbin: Heilongjiang People’s Press, 1981), 5. However, according to Matteo Ripa, Memoirs of Father Ripa, during Thirteen Years’ Residence at the Court of Peking in the Service of the Emperor of China, trans. Li Tiangang (Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Press, 2004), 56, “The Emperor supposed himself to be an excellent musician, and still a better mathemati- cian; but though he had a taste for the sciences and other acquirements in general, he knew nothing of music, and scarcely understood the first element of mathematics.” 238 Chapter 7

As a result, during his reign, Western musical instruments were increasingly introduced into the imperial court. Before Pereira arrived in Beijing, there was already “a woman who play[ed] the harp well” in the imperial court.65 When Claudio Filippo Grimaldi 閔明我 (1638–1712) and Christian Herdtricht 恩理格 (1624–84) arrived in Beijing in 1671, they brought “European books and instruments, including a piano and other musical instruments,”66 and when Pereira was received by Emperor Kangxi for the first time in 1676, he played a Chinese ballad on the violin.67 In 1679 (the eighteenth year of Emperor Kangxi’s reign), the emperor received Pereira and Grimaldi and asked them to “play organ and the ancient piano that had been presented to the Chinese emperor.”68 In 1699 (the thirty-eighth year of the same reign), when Kangxi inspected Zhenjiang in southern China, he listened to the Western music played by missionaries aboard the ship. When he returned, he found that more and more musical instruments were being played at the imperial court, including flute, organ, bass, violin, and bassoon.69 In 1703 (the forty-second year of the same reign), various Western musical instruments were housed in the Nuange Hall 暖閣, and a Western iron-string piano was present in the Yuanjianzhai Hall 淵鑒齋 in the imperial court.70 Gherardini is recorded as having played “trombone, violin, and bass” at the imperial court during this period,71 while Louis Pernon

65 Zhu Jing 朱靜, ed., View of Missionaries on the Chinese Royal Court [洋教士看中國朝廷] (Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Press, 1995), 57. 66 Noël Golvers, “F. Verbiest, G. Magalhães, T. Pereira and the Others: The Jesuit Xitang Col- lege in Peking (1670–1688) as an Extraordinary Professional Milieu,” in Tomás Pereira, S.J. (1646–1708): Life, Work, and World, ed. Luís Filipe Barreto (Macau: Centro Cientifico e Cul- tural de Macau, I.P., 2010), 277–98. 67 Joachim Bouvet, The Relationship between the History of Missionary Work in China and Emperor Kangxi and Qianlong, trans. Feng Zuomin (Taipei: Guangqi Press, 1966), 62. 68 Canhão, “Um músico,” 36. 69 François Froger, “Relation du premier voyage des François à la Chine,” in Asia Major, ed. Bruno Schindler (Leipzig: Asia Publishing, 1926), 100. 70 Gao Shiqi 高士奇, Pengshanmiji [蓬山密記], Supplement to Collection of Books 叢書集成續編本, vol. 40 (Shanghai: Shanghai Bookstore Press, 1994), 1–3. 71 Fr. Giovanni Gherardini 聶雲龍 was Fr. Nian 年修士. See First Historical Archives of China, ed., Chinese Translations of Comments in Manchu Language by Emperor Kangxi on Memos [康熙朝滿文朱批奏摺全譯], no. 627 (Beijing: Chinese Social Sciences Press, 1996), 331. Bouvet’s memorial in Fang Hao, Biographies of People Related to the History of Catholicism in China, vol. 2 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1992), 291–94. Michael Sullivan, “The Chinese Response to Western Art,” Art International 24, no. 3–4 (Novem- ber–December 1980): 8–31. Geng Sheng 耿昇, “Deeds of Friar Nian, an Italian Painter who Entered China” [義大利入華畫家年修士事蹟鉤沉], in Research of Sinology [漢學研 Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China 239

南光國 (1663–1702) played “violin and flute”72 and Parrenin played “flute, ancient clarinet, and trumpet marine [tromba marina].”73 In 1717, the Jesuit missionary Karel Slavíček 嚴嘉樂 (1678–1735) went to the imperial court with a “keyboard musical instrument,” and he played “guitar,”74 and Pedrini is said to have played “clarinet and organ.”75 Matteo Ripa 馬國賢 (1682–1746) claimed that he personally saw Emperor Kangxi’s “huge collection of Western musical instruments in the imperial court, where bells or ancient pianos were placed in each hall.”76 An increasing number of new musical instruments also began to appear at the imperial court during this period. According to the Qing dynasty archives, in 1742 (the seventh year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), Jean Walter 魯仲賢 (1708–59) “identified one cello and one violin.”77 The archives of the workshop that served the Qing court state that, during the reign of Emperor Kangxi, the Western music contingent at the court consisted of fourteen Western musicians who used the following musical instruments: one cello, two violas, ten violins, eight wooden pipes, four ivory clarinets, seven pipas, guitars and mandolins, one wooden piano, one air whistle, and one iron-string piano (clavichord).78 Hence the musical ensemble at the imperial court was already of a considerable size. When the Portuguese delegation led by Francisco de Assis Pacheco de Sampaio 巴哲格 reached Beijing in 1752 (the seventeenth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the emperor ordered the Western musicians to play music to welcome them. “Music was played at the gate to welcome me. They call it European music. The musical instruments include cello, flute, and violin. Some serenades taught by the priests were played.”79

究], vol. 4 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 2000). Fang, “History of the Spread of West- ern Music.” 72 Dehergne, Répertoire, 500. 73 “Journal anonyme du voyage de la Chine fait dans les années 1701, 1702 et 1703,” Révue Contemporaine 25 (1856): 6–7; Feuillet de Conches, “Les peintres européens en Chine et les peintres chinois,” Revue Contemporaine 25 (Paris, 1856): 220. 74 Karel Slavíček, Listy z Číny do vlasti a jiná korespondence s evropskými hvězdáři (1716–1735), trans. Cong Lin and Li Mei (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2002), 32. Louis Pfister, Notices biographiques et bibliographiques sur les Jésuites de l’ancienne mission de Chine 1552–1773, trans. Feng Chengjun (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1995), 670. 75 Fang, Biographies, vol. 2, 349. 76 Ripa, Memoirs, 55–56. 77 Ju Deyuan, “Chronology of Joseph Castiglione, Painter of Qing Royal Court: Dating the Jesuits in China,” Journal of Palace Museum [故宮博物院院刊] 2 (1988): 51. 78 Yang, “Western Music.” 79 Jin Guoping, trans., “Relatorio de Francisco de Assis Pacheco de Sampaio a el-rei D. José I dando centa dos successos da embaixada a que fôra mandado á corte de Pekim no anno 240 Chapter 7

Missionaries also manufactured Western musical instruments at the imperial court. The first copies of Western musical instruments were made as early as the reign of Emperor Kangxi. According to Pengshan Miji (蓬山密記), “The Western iron-string piano manufactured in the imperial court has 120 strings.”80 The documents show that Pernon was especially good at manufacturing Western musical instruments, including harpsichords 羽管鍵琴, and timpani 定音鼓, all of which were given to Emperor Kangxi.81 Pedrini manufactured a small organ, equipped with a clock, which automatically emitted music when its mechanical spring was pressed, and presented the organ to the emperor.82 Slavíček is also recorded as excelling “in manufacturing and repairing organs.”83 When the Frenchman Sigismond de Saint Nicolas 席澄源 (1713–67) “reached Beijing, he must have already mastered the skills [required] to manufacture organs.”84 The French Lazarist Charles Paris 巴茂正 (1738–1804) manufactured one small organ and one big organ.85 Yet Pereira was the greatest master in manufacturing Western musical instruments. According to a letter from Joachim Bouvet 白晉 (1656–1730) to King Louis XIV (r. 1643–1715), Pereira “guided Chinese craftsmen in the manufacture of all kinds of musical instruments.”86 Pereira was also an expert in organ construction, as has been documented by Noël Golvers:

1. In 1678, Pereira made two organs for the emperor; 2. In 1678 and 1679, he made another musical instrument which had two registers and could play Manchu and Han music; 3. From late 1679 to early 1681, he built a big organ which had four registers: open sound, close sound, man’s sound and bird’s sound, and which was put in the Catholic church at Xuanwu Gate; 4. In 1681, he spent five months making a two-faced organ. One face is an indoor organ and the organ face consists of a series of Chinese clocks. The two systems both give out a nice sound.

de 1752,” in Jin Guoping, Historical and Geographic Investigation of Sino-Portuguese Rela- tions [中葡關係史地考證] (Macau: Macau Foundation, 2000), 225. 80 Gao, Pengshanmiji, vol. 40, 3. 81 “Journal anonyme”; Conches, “Les peintres européens,” 220. 82 Ripa, Memoirs, 76. 83 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 670. 84 First Historical Archives of China, ed., Archives concerning Western Catholic Missions: From the Early to Mid-Qing Dynasty in China, vol. 4, no. 173 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 2003), 150. 85 Octave-Marie-Lucien Ferreux, Histoire de la congrégation de la mission en Chine (1699– 1950), trans. Wu Zongwen (Taipei: Huamin Press, 1977), 118–28. 86 Bouvet, Portrait, 32. Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China 241

5. In 1687, he repaired an old organ, which he himself had originally built and presented to the emperor.87

The notes of the Russian delegation to China in 1693 also state that “there is a gigantic organ made by the priest Tomás Pereira” in the church at Xuanwumen.88 According to a letter dated August 1, 1683, the Westerners at the imperial court were skilled at making organs. After they built a few organs, they were asked by the Chinese emperor to manufacture several more, and also to invent new organs. One organ was 26.4 meters tall and its bells automatically played harmonious Chinese dance music.89 The British delegation which arrived in Beijing in 1793 included a four-person brass band and brought four different musical instruments to China: a clarinet, a long flute, a bassoon, and a French horn. Upon learning of this, the music officers of the Qing dynasty ordered painters to make illustrations of the instruments and asked Chinese craftsmen to craft copies of the instruments according to the illustrations. The Chinese determined the musical scale themselves, thereby creating a new kind of Chinese musical instrument that blended Western and Chinese musical styles. While in Beijing, Sir George Thomas Staunton 斯當東 (1781–1859), the deputy head of the British delegation, noted that “the Chinese copied the European- style violin, but have not made it widespread yet.”90 According to documents in European languages, some Italian Jesuits performed the famous comedy La buona figliuola (Good-natured daughter) at the imperial court during the reign of Emperor Qianlong.91 The emperor greatly appreciated the performance and subsequently gave orders to organize a musical ensemble to perform this play exclusively. “A courtyard similar to a stage was built […] so that the emperor can watch and listen to the play simultaneously.”92 The import and performance of Western opera suggests that Catholic music was increasingly popular in China during the reign of Emperor Qianlong.

87 Golvers, “F. Verbiest, G. Magalhães, T. Pereira,” 277–98. 88 Ysbrants Ides, Driejarige reize naar China, trans. Committee of Russian Translation, Bei- jing Normal College (Beijing: Commercial Press, 1980), 225. 89 Canhão, “Um músico,” 29. 90 George Staunton, An Authentic Account of an Embassy from the King of Great Britain to the Emperor of China, trans. Ye Duyi (Shanghai: Shanghai Bookstore Press, 1997), 332. For an investigation into the names of these four musical instruments, see Tao Yabing 陶亞兵, Exchange between Chinese Music and Western Music during the Ming and Qing Dynasties [明清間的中西音樂交流] (Beijing: Oriental Press, 2001), 70. 91 Fang, History, vol. 2, 906. 92 Ibid. 242 Chapter 7

2.2 Western Musical Composition and Theory at the Imperial Court of the Ming and Qing Dynasties Fathers Ricci and Pantoja were the first to teach Western music and musical theory at the imperial court. Before traveling to China, Pantoja was not well versed in music or music theory, and in order to teach Christianity he consequently began to learn to play piano from Cattaneo while he was in Nanjing. When Pantoja entered Beijing in 1601 (the twenty-ninth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli), the emperor dispatched four eunuchs to learn to play the “clavichord” under Pantoja’s tutelage, and after more than one month of study all the four eunuchs had learned to play this instrument.93 This is the earliest example of members of the imperial court being taught how to play Western musical instruments, and the four eunuchs are also likely to have been the first Chinese to have learned to play the clavichord. The musicians of the imperial court of the Ming dynasty sought to master specific pieces of Western music. They not only learned these works but also “added Chinese texts to the musical works that they played.”94 Ricci composed eight of these songs. According to Xiqin qu yi (西琴曲意),

In the 28th year of the reign of Emperor Wanli [i.e., 1580], […] Ricci went to Beijing to present gifts to the Chinese emperor, one of which was a Western musical instrument, which looks different from Chinese musical instruments, and gives out a strange sound when it is touched. Surprised, the emperor asked the musician, “the songs played on this instrument must be from your home country and I would like to hear them.” […] Ricci replied, “I know only a few songs. I have translated them roughly into Chinese.”95

Xiqin qu yi (西琴曲意), compiled by Ricci, is divided into eight parts: “My Wish,” “Shepherd Boy Climbing Mountain,” “Self-Cultivation,” “Virtue of Bravery and Wisdom,” “Heavenly Virtue,” “Golden Mean,” “Sacks on Shoulder,” and “Destiny.” According to Liu Qi 劉奇, “These eight parts are exactly like eight Chinese poems with seven characters to a line, and are full of rhythm, and therefore it is appropriate to say that Xiqin qu yi is the text of Christian hymns

93 Ricci and Trigault, China, 407–8. 94 Ibid. 95 Matteo Ricci, Recultivation of Ji Ren Shi Pian, Attached with Xi Qin Qu Yi [重刻畸人十篇附西琴曲意], Wenyuangesikuquanshuben 文淵閣四庫全書本 (Shanghai: Ancient Books Press, 1987), 499–500. Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China 243 translated by […] Ricci into the Chinese language.”96 Hence it is clearly the case that Catholic chants had been translated into Chinese and introduced into China by the early seventeenth century. The content of the eight parts of Xiqin qu yi demonstrate the missionary strategy adopted by Ricci and Pantoja, who ingeniously combined Confucianism and Catholic doctrine into the texts of the hymns in the hope that they could subtly introduce Catholic doctrine to Emperor Wanli through the Western music they played before him.97 In 1640 (the thirteenth year of the reign of Emperor Chongzhen 崇禎 [r. 1628–44]), when Schall repaired Western musical instruments for the emperor, he also wrote “guidelines for playing Western piano, [translated] one hymn into [the] Chinese language, and [composed] music for the text.”98 Emperor Kangxi had a keen interest in Western music. He played Western piano and learned to play various pieces of Catholic music. He also asked his concubines, children, and other members of the royal family to study Catholic music. According to Ferdinand Verbiest 南懷仁 (1623–88):

Now the emperor is learning European music, which he has always praised, and he also hopes to publish music books in his name. Therefore, when he left Beijing for western Tartar for summer vacation on July 2, he brought the Portuguese father Tomás Pereira who is good at playing music.99

On January 29, 1687, “Pereira was called in by the emperor. […] Pereira was with the emperor for a few hours. He taught the emperor music, and the emperor enjoyed it very much. In the teaching process, the emperor asked […] Pereira not to hesitate to point out mistakes.” On March 6, 1687, “the emperor called in […] Pereira to the imperial court to teach musical knowledge for two hours.”100 It is said that Pernon also taught music to Emperor Kangxi,101 as did Pedrini; he is recorded as having been able to “compose Chinese music with Western musical instruments.”102 According to The Document of the Relationship

96 Liu Qi 劉奇, “Investigation of Christian Church Music Introduced into Ancient China” [中國古代傳入的基督教會音樂探尋], Musical Art (Journal of Shanghai Conservatory Of Music) [音樂藝術 (上海) 音樂學院學報] 1 (1987). 97 Zhang Kai, Diego de Pantoja in China: Research on the Adaptation Strategy of the Society of Jesus (Beijing: Beijing Library Press, 1997), 66. 98 Dunne, Generation, 297. 99 Golvers, “F. Verbiest, G. Magalhães, T. Pereira,” 277–98. 100 Ibid., 277–98. 101 “Journal anonyme,” 6–7; Fang, History, vol. 2, 898. 102 Palace Museum, ed., Compilation of Documents [文獻叢編], vol. 1, 8. 244 Chapter 7 between Kangxi Emperor and Papal Legate, no. 11, “The Emperor investigates the fundamentals of musicology and orders Teodorico Pedrini to teach musicology to his third, fifteenth, and sixteenth sons every day.”103 A document from the archives of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, dated August 4, 1714, states that

leader Zhang Qilin 張起麟 announces the imperial edict as follows. Teodorico Pedrini shall teach his students not only how to play piano, but also the fundamentals of musicology. The Chinese emperor has a lot of people who can teach how to play piano. Now these children do not understand the musical notes. What do you teach them? You shall clearly ask […] Pedrini to teach seriously. He shall make sure that the students know the fundamentals of musicology. And then he shall teach them how to play musical instruments.104

In addition to teaching students how to play Western musical instruments, the music teachers at the imperial court also taught Western musical theory. According to Bouvet’s Biography of Emperor Kangxi (康熙皇帝傳), “Emperor Kangxi wanted to study Western musical theory, and therefore he appointed the priest […] Pereira, who then wrote a textbook in the Chinese language.”105 This Chinese-language musical textbook is referred to by the title The Elements of Music (律吕纂要) in the Description of the Empire of China by Jean-Baptiste Du Halde 杜赫德 (1674–1743). This is the first book on Western musical theory to have been produced in the Chinese language. The book was completed in 1707 (the forty-sixth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi) and introduced Western musical theory, including musical notation, scales, beat, and harmony, to Chinese-speaking students. In 1714 (the fifty-third year of the same reign), Pedrini wrote The Elements of Music: Expanded Edition (律呂正義•續編). The book expanded on Pereira’s text by introducing recent developments in Western musical theory, including new methods for reading music.106 This book, which was printed in 1723, had a greater impact on Chinese music than the earlier edition, as the latter was not formally published, and the existing copies are entirely handwritten. Pedrini also composed twelve works for violin during the reign of Emperor Qianlong entitled Collection of Violin Sonatas. The

103 Ibid., vol. 6, 4. 104 Fang, History, vol. 2, 901–2. 105 Bouvet, Portrait, 32. 106 Tao, Draft, 87–94. Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China 245 hand-copied Italian version of this work, which is preserved in the National Library of China, was the first collection of European music produced in China.107 European music was also popular with Emperor Qianlong in the early years of his reign. At that time, four people served as the principal music teachers at the imperial court, including Walter, the German Florian Bahr 魏繼晉 (1706– 71), and the Italian Carmelite Giuseppe Maria a Santa Teresa 那永福. According to the archives of the Qing dynasty, dated 1742:

Westerner […] Walter is asked to identify one cello and one violin. These musical instruments were handed over to eunuch Gao Yu 高玉. […] Walter can play these instruments. He was asked to teach the young eunuchs to play these instruments. If some musical instruments are needed, please list them and they will be supplied by the imperial court.108

The same source states that

eunuch Gao Yu and others handed over ten pipas, six three-stringed plucked instruments, ten violins, one cello, eight Western flutes of various sizes, three bamboo clappers, and one reed pipe wind instrument. The emperor issues an imperial edict to ask the Westerners to identify these instruments. After these instruments are sorted out, these West erners teach young eunuchs to play these instruments in Luhualou Hall 陸花樓.109

According to the archives of the Qing dynasty from 1750 (the fifteenth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong),

On the ninth day of August [lunar calendar], the eunuch Hu Shijie 胡世傑 announced the imperial edict. The Westerners who can play musical instruments shall write out the music scores for Chinese musicians to study. On this day, officer Bai Shixiu requests food for the Westerners […]

107 Ibid., 99–103. 108 First Historical Archives of China, Archives concerning Western Catholic Missions: From the Early to Mid Qing Dynasty in China, vol. 4, no. 110, 106. 109 Ibid., 107. 246 Chapter 7

Bahr, […] Walter, and […] Santa Teresa, who teach musical scores at Yingtai in the Forbidden City.110

The same documents state that Walter and Bahr “taught music to 18 students” when they served together as music teachers at the imperial court of the Qing dynasty,111 and they also worked together to compose sixteen musical works and texts to be performed at the imperial court.112 The fourth music teacher at the imperial court was the French missionary Jean-Baptiste-Joseph de Grammont 甘若翰 (1736–1812). He “was well-versed in music, played the violin well,” and “taught a few young students” in the imperial court.113 Those who taught Catholic music at the imperial court of the Ming and Qing dynasties lived for many years at the imperial court, where they taught Western musical works, musical theory, and performance, making great contributions to the spread of Catholic music. Many of the emperor’s children, imperial concubines, and eunuchs learned to play Western musical instruments, and some also mastered Western musicology and theory, thereby becoming thoroughly acquainted with both Chinese and Western music. Western music, however, was favored only by a limited number of emperors, including Wanli, Kangxi, and Qianlong, and even their tastes quickly changed. By his later years, for instance, Emperor Qianlong “was no longer interested in Western music.”114 The ruling class generally rejected Western music on the grounds that it was alien to Chinese culture, as scholars began to observe as early as 1735. According to Du Halde,

European music, as long as it is [a] duet accompanied by music played by musical instruments, is not objectionable to them [the Chinese]. However, the best part of the music, I mean the contrast of different sounds, high and low pitches, high key, fugue and beat, is not liked by them, who hold that such contrast is a disharmonious mix.115

Fr. Jean-Joseph Marie Amiot 錢德明 (1718–93) gave the following account of the way in which European music was received by the Chinese:

110 Ibid., vol. 4, no. 205, 182. 111 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 839. 112 Fang, History, vol. 2, 905. 113 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 1020. 114 Ibid., 789. 115 From Canhão, “Um músico,” 31. Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China 247

In order to please these people, some Chinese are willing to put forth efforts to study our various music scores, composed by music notes, and diligently remember some music works, which they play well on European musical instruments. However, from their childhood, they get used to listening to people talking about topics in Chinese music, like music, tune, the sound of stone, the sound of drum, the sound of clappers, the sound of cymbals, the sound of string instruments, the sound of wind instruments, etc. They want to apply melody to morality and virtually all physical aspects in the natural world, but European musicology does not help them to generate such wonderful sentiment. Therefore in their heart they absolutely prefer their own music.116

Consequently, while Western music was introduced and popularized to a certain degree at the imperial court during the Ming and Qing dynasties—and though some Chinese mastered the skills and fundamentals needed to perform Western music—it was never wholly accepted at the imperial court. Indeed, in the period after the reign of Emperor Qianlong, during the succes- sive reigns of Emperors Jiaqing and Daoguang (1796–1850), Western music almost disappeared from the imperial court.

2.3 The Spread of Catholic Music in Chinese Society Catholic music also became popular in Chinese society at large during the Ming and Qing dynasties. The first channel by which Catholic music gained influence among those who were not part of the elite was the Chinese-language books published by European missionaries with the intention of introducing Catholic music to the Chinese. Aleni’s Geografia dei paesi stranieri alla Cina (職方外紀) (1624), for instance, introduces its readers to Catholic music in Spain and Italy:

The church has 36 sacrificial altars. There is an organ to the left and right of the middle platform. Each organ has 32 levels, each of which has 100 pipes, each of which gives out a kind of sound. Each organ has more than 3,000 pipes in total. It can imitate the sound of wind, rain, wave, moan, battle, and various birds. [A] Western organ gives out music ingeniously

116 Ysia Tchen, La musique Chinoise en France au XVIII siècle, trans. Geng Sheng (Beijing: Commercial Press, 1998), 69. 248 Chapter 7

when it is blown by man. The church has a Western organ, which is put in water. It is mechanical and gives out nice music.117

Xifang Yaoji (西方要紀), completed in 1668, also describes a European organ. “Among the numerous musical instruments, the Western organ is the best. It has more than 50 iron strings. When you play the organ, you do not touch the string. Instead you touch the button, and then the mechanics emit sound.”118 In his Mémoire sur la musique des Chinois tant anciens que modernes (中國古今音樂記) (1726), Amiot recalled:

When I was in Beijing, I also often promoted Western music to the Chi nese. However, the Chinese are not moved by either classic piano works, such as the Barbarian and One-Eyed Man, or the graceful sonatas of Jean- Philippe Rameau played on piano, nor by the organ music of Blavet with its golden rhythm.119

The examples above clearly demonstrate that European missionaries sought to use books as a way to promote Catholic music to ordinary Chinese. In the early days of the China mission, not all of the churches had a Western organ or other Western musical instruments; however, as Western musical instruments were increasingly manufactured in Macau, it seems more than likely that at least a portion of the churches built across China in the late Ming dynasty (1621–44) would have had Western musical instruments. After the church in Zhaoqing was completed, one record states that “[the Chinese] envy our musical instruments and they like the mellow music and structural novelty.”120 When Ruggieri was in Guangzhou in 1581, he built a small church in his house, and his house is recorded as having contained “new musical instruments which gave out nice music.”121 This suggests that the house in Guangzhou and the church in Zhaoqing already had Western musical instruments, and that Catholic music attracted many Chinese. Xu Shijin 徐時進, a Chinese minister, described the musical instrument Ricci brought to the region:

117 Giulio Aleni, Zhifang waiji jiaoshi [職方外紀校釋], annotated by Xie Fang (Beijing: Chi- nese Publishing House, 1996), 77–85. 118 Ludovico Buglio, Xifang yaoji [西方要紀], Imperial Collection of Four Divisions, Division of History, vol. 256 (Jinan: Qilu Shushe, 1997), 3. 119 Jean-Joseph Marie Amiot 錢德明, Mémoire sur la musique des Chinois tant anciens que modernes, in Tao, Draft, chapter 2, 89. 120 Ricci and Trigault, China, 216. 121 Bernard, Aux portes, 276. Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China 249

A musical instrument is like a box. It is six to seven cun wide and the length is several times of the width. When the box is opened, we see items in various colors, and we still do not realize that it is a musical instrument. The musical instrument has 45 thin copper strings. It is played by pressing the buttons rather than touching the strings. The strings give out wonderful music, and [then] people realize that it is a musical instrument.122

The chapel built by Ricci in 1605 contained a monochord.123 In the time of Emperor Tianqi, He Qiaoyuan 何喬遠 (1558–1632) states that he saw a Western musical instrument in the residence of Niccoló Longobardi 龍華民 (1559– 1654): “There is a musical instrument on a shelf. The keyboard is under the strings. When the keyboard is touched, the strings give out music which is similar to the sound of Chinese musical instruments, but is more sophisticated than Chinese music.”124 At the funeral of Ricci in 1611, an “organ and other musical instruments were played.”125 During the reign of Emperor Chongzhen, the Catholic church at Xuanwumen in Beijing had a “heavenly piano,” which was said to have “iron- strings, which give out music after being touched.”126 In 1631 (the fourth year of the reign of the same reign), the church in Sanshan of Fujian province had a “Western musical instrument.”127 In the early Qing dynasty, Schall rebuilt the Xuanwumen Church 宣武門教堂, which was later called the South Church 南堂. The church had one “iron musical instrument.”128 In 1654 (the eleventh year of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi), the historian Tan Qian 談遷 (1593–1657) saw this musical instrument there:

122 Xu Shijin 徐時進 and Jiu Ziji 鳩茲集, The Record of Europa [歐羅巴國記], vol. 1, Taipei: Wanli 萬曆 block-printed edition collected in national library, 10a–15b. I thank Dr. Zheng Cheng 鄭誠 for providing this information to me. 123 Ricci, Complete Works, 265. 124 He Qiaoyuan 何喬遠, Jingshan quan ji [鏡山全集], vol. 37, Zhenqituxu [真奇圖序] (Ministry Library of Japan National Cabinet Document Library 日本內閣文庫本, 1641), 35. 125 Ricci and Trigault, China, 646. 126 Liu Tong 劉侗, “Dijing jingwu lüe” [帝京景物畧], vol. 4 (Beijing: Beijing Ancient Books Press, 1982), 153. 127 Aleni and Rudomina, Kouduo Richao,vol. 7, 24. 128 Tan Qian 談遷, Travel in the North [北遊錄] (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1960), 46. 250 Chapter 7

The musical instrument has iron strings. The case is 0.33 meters long, 1.67 meters wide, and 0.3 meters high. There is clapboard in the middle. Forty- five iron strings on the clapboard are tied to the left and right pillars. The instrument has a sloped beam. When the forty-five pillars under the clapboard are touched, they give out music.129

In 1712 (the fifty-first year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi), when the Korean envoy Chang Op Kim 金昌業 (1658–1721) arrived in Beijing to pay tribute to the Chinese emperor, he visited the South Church and gave the following account of the church music there:

Suddenly at the east gate there is sound of wind, similar to the sound of many revolving wheels. Then music, including the sound of reed pipes, and fluted and stringed sounds, coming out from some place that we do not know. The music is very harmonious and pleasant to hear. We are told that it is Chinese music. The music stops after a long time. Then another kind of music comes out. It is similar to the music that was played when we were received by the Chinese emperor. We are told that it is contemporary music. The music stops after a long time. Then another kind of music comes out. We are told that it is Mongolian music. It stops after a long time. After the music is over, the six doors are all closed automatically. The musical instrument was made by Western envoy Tomás Pereira.130

This document is historically important not only because of its account of the Catholic music in the South Church which was run by the Portuguese Jesuits but also because it highlights the fact that the church music created by Pereira had “adapted to the Chinese culture,” combining “Chinese music,” “contemporary music,” and “Mongolian music.” This development embodies the “cultural adaptation policy” promoted by the Society of Jesus in its missionary work in China. During the reign of Emperor Qianlong, Zhao Yi 趙翼 recorded the following scene in the South Church in Beijing: “in a house for entertainment, a bearded man sits and plays a musical instrument, which gives all kinds of sounds: flute,

129 Ibid., 46. 130 Jin Changye 金昌業, Laojiazhaiyanxingriji [老稼齋燕行日記], vol. 6, in Yanxingluquanji [燕行錄全集], vol. 32, ed. Lin Zhongji 林中基 (Seoul: Donggkuk University Press, 2001), 110–11. Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China 251 bell, and drum.”131 He also gave the following description of the Western musical instruments that he saw in the church: “After hearing the music, I suspect that there should be about 100 musicians. Yet when I climb up the building, I see only one musical instrument. It has pipes and copper strings. It has a wind sack below.”132 In 1765 (the thirtieth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), when the Korean envoy Tae-yong Hong 洪大容 (1731–83) arrived in Beijing to pay tribute to the Chinese emperor, he visited the South Church and described the Catholic music there:

A Western musical instrument is housed in the building to the south. I request to hear the music. Ferdinand Avguštin Haller von Hallerstein 劉松齡 [1703–74] uses his fingers to push the wooden buttons and the instrument gives out music. He shows me how to play. I press the buttons and listen to the music, which is consistent with the rhythms of Korean music. Thus I know that Korean music is also based on music theory. According to the rhythm of Korean music, I press the buttons and play one piece of musical work.133

The East Church 東堂 was built by Ludovico Buglio 利類思 (1606–82) and was intended to serve as the church of the Portuguese mission of the Society of Jesus. When Manuel Rodrigues 馬瑪諾 (1659–1703), from Macau, preached Christianity in Beijing, he served as the church’s “organ player” and probably lived in the East Church.134 After the death of Verbiest in 1688, the music band in the funeral procession was likely a Western-music ensemble,135 and as he also lived in the East Church, the band is likely to have been composed of musicians serving the church. The North Church 北堂, which was built in 1704, was a grandiose and magnificent cathedral, and there was a Western musical instrument in the lobby.136 According to a letter from the French Jesuit François Bourgeois 晁俊秀 (1723– 92), dated October 15, 1769, the church in Beijing had twenty musicians and “the Mass started to the accompaniment of instrumental and vocal music,

131 Zhao Yi 趙翼, Zhanpuzaji [簷曝雜記], vol. 2 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1982), 37. 132 Zhao Yi 趙翼, Oubeiji [甌北集] (Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Press, 1997), 127. 133 Jin Jingshan 金景善, Yanyuanzhizhi [燕轅直指], vol. 3, in Hong Tae-yong 洪大容, Zhanxuanyanji [湛軒燕記], vol. 1 (South Korea Sung Kyun Kwan University Dadong Cul- ture Research Institute, 1960–62), 430. 134 Dehergne, Répertoire, 569. 135 Zhu, View, 35. 136 Ibid., 51. 252 Chapter 7 which is full of Chinese style.”137 A letter sent to France by his fellow French Jesuit, Pierre-Martial Cibot 韓國英 (1727–80), dated June 11, 1773, claims that the Corpus Christi Chapel in Beijing had a congregation of musicians, the members of which sang songs and performed symphonies.138 According to a letter Michel Benoist 蔣友仁 (1715–74) wrote to Louis-Marie Dugad 嘉類思 (1707–86) on August 26, 1770, the North Church also had an Oratorio Society, which consisted of thirty young Chinese, among whom a man named André, who had been educated by the church, served as the “music teacher”; he was reputed to have completely mastered the theory and practice of music, and had educated highly skilled musicians in a short period of time.139 This Oratorio Society belonged to the North Church, which was the seat of the French mission of the Society of Jesus. During the reign of Emperor Qianlong, Zhao Huaiyu 趙懷玉 (1747–1823) wrote a poem upon his visit to the Catholic church, stating that music was played upstairs in the building:

After we travel over a long distance on horse, we can still see the tall buildings of the foreigners. Now I come to the western part of the capital to visit the Catholic church for study. 莪莪番人居，車過常遠眺。今來城西隅，得徑甫深造。[…] I hear that music, which is very much different from music played on Chinese musical instruments, is played in the higher floor of Catholic church. 樓頭旋奏樂，彷彿八音調。轉捩惟一手，吹噓殊眾竅.140

Zhao stated that this church was located in the western part of Beijing. It seems likely that he is referring to the West Church 西堂, which was established in 1723 by Pedrini, and was under the supervision of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith. The West Church was quite small in size. However, as Pedrini was a professional musician who could build organs, it also seems likely that there would have been a Western-style organ in the church. Documents reveal that Catholic music was also played in churches outside of Beijing. In 1659, in the West Church of the Society of Jesus in Ji’nan 濟南 city, Shandong 山東 province, the priest Jean Valat 汪儒望 (1599–1696) and his

137 Jean-Baptiste Du Halde, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangeres memoires de la Chine, trans. Zheng Dedi, vol. 5 (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2001), 154. 138 Ibid., vol. 6, 1–2. 139 Ibid., vol. 5, 246–47. 140 Zhao Huaiyu 趙懷玉, Yiyoushengzhai ji [亦有生齋集], vol. 14, Xuxiusikuquanshu 續修四庫全書本 (Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Press, 2002), 15. Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China 253 faithful celebrated Christmas together. The “followers played the flute and other musical instruments, and lit candles to celebrate Christmas.”141 In 1688, in the church in Hanzhong, Shaanxi province, “they also have an ensemble of several kinds of musical instruments, and the performance is remarkable for them.”142 According to a letter from Fr. Xavier d’Entrecolles 殷弘緒 (1664–1741) in 1712, “performances of flute and oboe” took place in the church in Raozhou 饒州.143 A letter from Parrenin in 1715 described the conditions at the new church in Gubeikou 古北口: “Every morning and evening, accompanied by music, they recited prayers. They bought the musical instruments at over 50 French ecus and taught young Christians to play musical instruments.”144 The documents cited above highlight two issues regarding the spread of Catholicism in Chinese society that are worth exploring in further detail. First, in the course of the Ming and Qing dynasties, several hundred churches of various sizes were built across China, and Catholic music was present in each church. However, it is not necessarily the case that each church would have had its own “music band” or “Oratorio Society.” Some large churches (such as the North Church in Beijing, discussed above) certainly had their own musical ensembles and oratorio societies, the members of which were mainly Chinese, thereby demonstrating that some members of Chinese society had learned and mastered Catholic music during the Ming and Qing dynasties. Second, not all the musical instruments used in the churches across China were Western musical instruments. In many churches, Chinese and Western musical instruments were used together, such as the flute mentioned above, because at that time the tunes and texts in traditional Chinese music had already been used for the Mass and for hymns. In the phrase coined by Nicolas Standaert, these were “interwoven rituals.”145 These two points suggest that Catholic music became highly localized under the influence of the cultural adaptation policy promoted by the Society of Jesus. The most important indication of the spread of Catholic music in Chinese society is not found in the use of Western musical instruments or theory, but instead pertains to the chanting that accompanied Catholic rituals. Both the

141 David E. Mungello, The Spirit and the Flesh in Shandong, 1650–1785, trans. Pan Lin (Zheng- zhou: Daxiang Press, 2009), 24. 142 Louis Le Comte, Un Jésuite à Pékin: Nouveaux mémoires sur l’état présent de la Chine 1687– 1692, trans. Guo Qiang et al. (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2004), 306. 143 Du Halde, Lettres, vol. 2, 64. 144 Ibid., 135. 145 Nicolas Standaert, The Interweaving of Rituals: Funerals in the Cultural Exchange between China and Europe, trans. Zhang Jia (Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Book Publishing House, 2009), 244–50. 254 Chapter 7

Mass and hymns were recited in a series of chants, and these were the most common ways in which Catholic music influenced Chinese society. 1. In the Franciscan East Church 東堂 of Ji’nan city, before the high Mass, the faithful kneeled before the altar. They sang hymns and read God’s commandments in whispers in two groups. Then they sang hymns to the Virgin Mary in two lines. Finally, they praised the Holy Spirit and the immaculate conception of the Virgin Mary.146 2. According to the account book kept by the Jesuit François de Rougemont 魯日滿 (1624–76), dated 1674, major churches in Hangzhou city also had such altars to be used by the choir. This shows that chanting activities were conducted at some Mass ceremonies.147 3. At the funeral of the Jesuit Gabriel de Magalhães 安文思 (1610–77) in 1677, twenty-four trumpeters brought various musical instruments and followed the procession. When they reached the graveyard, they sang hymns and performed prayers and recitals. Eight followers who were government officials wore white ecclesiastical robes, and assisted the priest who presided over the funeral. When Christians devoutly sang songs about the Virgin Mary for the funeral, the dead body was placed in the brick tomb.148 4. In 1688, in the church of the French Jesuit Louis Le Comte 李明 (1655– 1728) in Hanzhong 漢中, Shaanxi:

We sing the Mass in the Latin language as always. Every day, I get them together in the church to pray publicly. They sing in two choirs. Unlike us, the Chinese followers are not well-versed with chorale or music. However, the rhythm that they sing is not grating, and for me it is even more bear- able than the rhythms that are abused by a few bands in Europe.149

Tianyue zhengyin pu (天樂正音譜) by Wu Li 吳歷 is worthy of additional discussion. Wu had worked in churches as a Catholic priest for over thirty years, was well-versed in music, and was skilled at playing piano. In his later years, he wrote Tianyue zhengyin pu, a collection of texts based on traditional Chinese music and tunes for the Mass and hymns. The collection has nine works of

146 Mungello, Spirit, 16. 147 Noël Golvers, François de Rougemont, S.J., Missionary in Ch’ang-Shu (Chiang-Nan): A Study of the Account Book (1674–1676) and the Elogium, trans. Zhao Dianhong (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2007), 328. 148 Gabriel de Magalhães, A New History of the Empire of China, Attached Ludovico Buglio, An Abridgment of the Life and Death of F. Gabriel de Magalhães, of the Society of Jesus, Mission- ary into China, trans. He Gaoji (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2004), 186. 149 Le Comte, Un Jésuite, 303–6. Catholic Music in Macau and Mainland China 255 southern and northern drama music, and twenty works modeled on the style of the Chinese ancients. The nine works of southern and northern drama music are: (1) The Masses; (2) Songs Praising the Virgin Mary; (3) Songs Thanking God; (4) Works Explaining Sin; (5) Compositions Reflecting on the Sorrowful Word; (6) Admonitions against Arrogance; (7) Commandments; (8) Rules on Singing Catholic Texts; and (9) Those Concerning Devils. They are based on more than thirty traditional Chinese musical tunes, including Nanlü yizhihua 南呂一枝花, Hongna’ao 紅納襖, Xiutaiping 繡太平, Yichunle 宜春樂, Taishiyin 太師引, Dong’ouling 東甌令, and Liupomao 劉潑帽.150 Hence Tianyue zhengyin pu can be described as the “new wine” of Catholic Mass and hymns in the “old bottle” of traditional Chinese musical tunes. In other words, to support the Catholic Mass and hymns, Wu created these texts for the songs for Catholic rituals, based on the existing format of Chinese musical tunes. How were these texts for Catholic ceremonies—which Wu described as “works of heavenly music”—actually sung? Did they adapt to the “rhythm of the Catholic Mass and hymns,” as Professor Tao Yabing claims?151 This seems unlikely. Tianyue zhengyin pu is a collection of musical scores consisting of nine musical movements, which are based on the musical notes of the southern and northern drama music that was popular during the Ming and Qing dynasties. These musical notes were designed mainly to define the format of the music, and would have to be able to be sung. These musical tones and scores are “models that follow the rules for musicians to sing.”152 Taihe zhengyin pu (Taihe music scores), written by Zhu Quan 朱權 in the Ming dynasty, and Tianyue zhengyin pu by Wu, are Chinese musical scores that “define the contemporary music and exemplify moral cultivation”;153 the musical tunes are works of classical Chinese music, with a fixed melody and singing method. Therefore, Tianyue zhengyin pu is a collection of musical scores for singing the Catholic Mass and hymns, based entirely on traditional Chinese southern and northern drama music, rather than on the “rhythms of the Catholic Mass and hymns.” In other words, while it was spreading among Chinese Christians, Catholic music began to adapt to Chinese culture, at least in some regions, as early as the initial years of the Qing dynasty (1644–70). There are quite a few examples of such

150 Fang Hao, Works by Fang Hao in Sixty Years old [方豪六十自定稿] (Taipei: Student Press, 1969), 1627–42. 151 Tao, Exchange, 126. 152 Zhou Weipei 周維培, Research on Music Score [曲譜研究] (Nanjing: Jiangsu Ancient Books Press, 1999), 1. 153 Zhu Quan 朱權, Taihezhengyinjianping [太和正音箋評], annotated by Yao Pinwen 姚品文 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 2010), 13. 256 Chapter 7 localization; for instance, as mentioned above, when in 1659 the West Church of the Society of Jesus in Ji’nan city of Shandong province celebrated Christmas, “the faithful played flute and other musical instruments”;154 in 1712, the church in Raozhou had “performances of flute and oboe,”155 and in 1769 the music played by twenty musicians in the church in Beijing “was full of the Chinese style.”156 There were many musical ensembles among the several hundred churches of various sizes across China at that time, and the members of these ensembles were mostly Chinese. Therefore, both the musical instruments and the works themselves were mainly Chinese, rather than Western; while the instruments were both Chinese and Western, the music itself was ultimately dominated by the Chinese style.

3 Conclusion

Catholic music was first introduced to Macau with the arrival of European missionaries. In the period that followed, church music, including hymns, as well as Western musical theory and European drama, became known to many Chinese as the missionaries sought to use music and drama as a vehicle in the missionary endeavor. Many of the missionaries were gifted musicians; courses in music were established in St. Paul’s College, and Western musical instruments were introduced to the Chinese for the first time. The missionaries also compiled Chinese-language textbooks, such as Lülü Zuanyao (律呂纂要) and Lülü Zhengyi Xubian (律呂正義續編), which played an important role in spreading knowledge of Western music and musical theory both within the imperial court and broader Chinese society. And as the missionaries sought to adapt their strategy to Chinese culture, music began to emerge which blended Western and Chinese styles, thereby further contributing to the missionary cause and the success of Catholicism in China.

154 Mungello, Spirit, 148. 155 Du Halde, Lettres, vol. 2, 64. 156 Ibid., vol. 5, 154. Jesuit Clock Diplomacy and the Use of Western Clocks 257

Chapter 8 Jesuit Clock Diplomacy and the Use of Western Clocks during the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties

Western clocks were introduced into China together with Catholicism. They were brought by the Jesuits into Macau in the middle of the sixteenth century before being introduced to mainland China, and gradually came to be widely accepted by the Chinese. In China, they were usually called “striking clocks” due to the fact that they could emit sound automatically, a format distinctly different from the traditional Chinese way of reporting time. The Chinese generally referred to these clocks as being either “big” or “small”: the former was used when describing larger clocks, and the latter when referring to smaller timepieces, such as watches. Striking clocks played a critical role in the history of the introduction of Catholicism into China and in relations between the West and the East more generally. Most mechanical technologies from the West were not widely accepted by the Chinese, but clocks and their technologies were nearly as influential as the Western calendar. In China, clocks spread and were accepted faster than any other objects from the West, and their tech- nological, artistic, social, and cultural influence deserves our attention.1

1 This topic has been studied by many scholars in China and elsewhere. Fang Hao 方豪, “Clock Repairmen Recorded in the Dream of the Red Chamber” [紅樓夢所記鐘錶修理師], in Works of Fang Hao [方豪文錄] (Beijing: Shangzhi Translation House, 1948); Clocks in the Qing Palace [清宮鐘錶珍藏] (Beijing: Forbidden City Press, 1995); Palace Museum, ed., Clocks in the Palace Museum [故宮鐘錶] (Beijing: Forbidden City Press, 2004); Zhang Bochun 張柏春, “Introduction of European Mechanical Clock Technology into China during the Ming and Qing Dynasties and Related Issues” [明清時期歐洲機械鐘錶技術的傳入及有關問題], Bulletin of Natural Dialectics [自然辨證法通訊] 2 (1995); Jin Guoping 金國平 and Wu Zhiliang 吳志良, “Secret of the Stay of Matteo Ricci in Beijing from the Perspective of Striking Clock” [從自鳴鐘探討利瑪竇留居北京的內幕], in Macau 2004 [澳門2004] (Macau: Macau Foundation, 2004); Ju Deyuan 鞠德源, “Jesuits and Western Facilities during the Qing Dynasty” [清代耶穌會士與西洋奇器], Journal of Palace Museum [故宮博物院院刊] 2 and 3 (1986); Alfred Chapuis, Rélations de l’horlogerie Suisse avec la Chine: La montre “Chinoise” (Neuchâtel: Attinger Frères, 1919), 45–50; Joseph Needham, Wang Ling, and Derek J. de Solla Price, Heavenly Clockwork (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960); Carlo M. Cipolla, Clocks and Culture, 1300–1700 (New York: W.W. Norton, 1977); Catherine Pagani, Eastern Magnificence and European Ingenuity: Clocks of Late Imperial China (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001); “The Clocks of James Cox: Chinoiserie and the Clock Trade with China

1 “Clock Diplomacy” of the Society of Jesus

Although clocks first appeared in Europe in the late thirteenth century, it is unclear when this European technology was first introduced to China. However, while the relevant sources are silent with regard to this issue, it seems likely that Western clocks would have been brought into the country when the first Portuguese delegation reached China in the reign of Emperor Zhengde (r. 1506–21) in the Ming dynasty (1368–1644). When Ye Quan 葉權 toured the church in Macau in 1565 (the forty-fourth year of the reign of Emperor Jiajing 嘉靖 [r. 1522–66]), the church did not yet have a Western clock;2 however, when the magistrate Wang Linheng 王臨亨 (1557–1603) toured Macau in 1591 (the nineteenth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli 萬曆 [r. 1573–1620]), Western clocks had already been installed in the church in Macau: “The foreigners in Macau have exquisite food and utensils. They have automatic music instruments and automatic clocks […]. An automatic clock is made from bronze. It rings at each hour.”3 The bronze clock was obviously brought into and installed in the church by missionaries at some stage prior to 1591. The introduction of Western clocks into Macau was closely related to the Jesuits’ general strategy for the China mission. In 1578, the Society of Jesus dispatched Alessandro Valignano 范禮安 (1539– 1606) to the East to lay the foundations for the “Chinese-style” strategy that would be used for the missionary work. Michele Ruggieri 羅明堅 (1543–1607) was the first person to implement what came to be called “clock diplomacy.”4 In 1579, after receiving an invitation from Valignano, Ruggieri traveled to Macau, began learning Chinese, and prepared to enter mainland China. In December 1580, he entered Guangzhou for the first time in a Portuguese commercial ship. In the spring of 1581, he went to Guangzhou again, where the vice

in the Late Eighteenth Century,” Apollo 140 395 (January 1995): 15–22; Catherine Pagani, “Clockmaking in China under the Kangxi and Qianlong Emperors,” Arts Asiatiques 50 (1995): 76–84; “‘Most Magnificent Pieces of Mechanism and Art’: Elaborate Clockwork and Sino- European Contact in the Eighteenth Century,” Southeastern College Art Conference Review 13, no. 3 (1998): 221–28. Noël Golvers, “F. Verbiest, G. Magalhães, T. Pereira and the Others: The Jesuit Xitang College in Peking (1670–1688) as an Extraordinary Professional Milieu,” in Tomás Pereira, S.J. (1646–1708): Life, Work and World, ed. Luís Filipe Barreto (Macau: Centro Científíco e Cultural de Macau, I.P., 2010), 277–98. 2 Ye Quan 葉權, Xianbobian [賢博編] (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1987), 32. 3 Wang Linheng 王臨亨, Yuejianpian [粵劍篇], vol. 3 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1987), 74. 4 Jin and Wu, “Secret.” This paper was later published in Jin Guoping and Wu Zhiliang, Early History of Macau [早期澳門史論] (Guangdong: Guangdong People’s Publishing House, 2007), 426–49. Jesuit Clock Diplomacy and the Use of Western Clocks 259 maritime governor arranged for him to live temporarily in a residence used by the Siamese delegation for the purpose of paying tribute to the Chinese emperor. Ruggieri gave a mechanical clock, a timepiece consisting of many tiny metal gears, to the commander-in-chief, Huang Yingjia 黃應甲, who expressed his willingness to bring Ruggieri into mainland China.5 Where did Ruggieri get this clock? According to volume 2 of the Collection of Historical Works by Father Matteo Ricci (利瑪竇神父著作集), when Ruggieri left Rome in late November 1577, the director of the Society of Jesus gave him a small striking clock presented by Cardinal Flavio Orsini (1532–81).6 The clock sent to Huang by Ruggieri was probably the same clock that Ruggieri received from the director of the Society of Jesus. In order to open the door to missionary work in China, Ruggieri began crafting the “clock diplomacy” of the Society of Jesus. On November 12, 1581, he made the following suggestion:

Some government officials in Guangzhou told me that if I go to Beijing in the name of the pope, the great father, I would succeed easily. They also state that the best gift would be a large clock with luxurious decorations that rings at every hour, and the sound could be heard from very far if the clock is put in the imperial palace. A small clock should also be presented, like the type sent by Cardinal Orsini […]. It has a handle and rings at every hour. Similar ones are also fine.7

On August 7, 1582, Matteo Ricci 利瑪竇 (1552–1610) traveled to Macau, bringing from India a large and highly ornate mechanical clock that had been made in Europe. Before arriving in China, he had studied clock manufacturing at the Rome Academy. While in India, he often went to the factories at the bus- iest time of day to study clocks, mechanics, and printing technology.8 In 1582, Chen Rui 陳瑞, the governor general of Guangdong and Guangxi, gave formal notice to the bishop and mayor of Macau, ordering them to meet with him

5 Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault, China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journal of Matthew Ricci, trans. He Gaoji et al. (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1983), 146. Henri Bernard, Aux portes de la Chine: Les missionnaires du XVIe siècle, trans. Xiao Junhua (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1936), 190. 6 Pietro Tacchi Venturi, ed., Opere storiche del P. Matteo Ricci, S.J., Macerata, 1911–1913, vol. 2, 404, cited in Song Liming, Emperor’s New Dress: Matteo Ricci in China (1582–1610) (Nanjing: Nanjing University Press, 2011), 210n1. 7 Matteo Ricci, Complete Works of Fr. Matteo Ricci, S.J., Volume 4, Letters (II), trans. Luo Yu (Taipei: Guangqi Press, 1986), 434. 8 Henri Bernard, Le père Mathieu Ricci et la société de son temps (1552–1610), trans. Guan Zhenhu (Beijing: Commercial Press, 1998), 50. 260 Chapter 8 immediately. Thus Ruggieri and Matias Panela 本涅拉, as envoys, went to Zhaoqing 肇慶 with lavish gifts to meet Chen. In order to ensure that the trade with Guangzhou proceeded smoothly, and in the hope they would receive approval for permanent residence in Macau, they planned to give Chen the exquisite clock brought by Ricci from India. Yet the trip was delayed because Ruggieri had fallen ill, and Ruggieri and Francesco Pasio 巴範濟 (1554–1612) hurriedly brought gifts such as a triangular prism and mechanical clock to Zhaoqing in December 1582. To express his appreciation for these gifts, Chen gave his guests an extremely warm welcome and arranged for them to live in Tianning Temple 天寧寺 in Chengguandong 城關東. On January 4, 1583, Ruggieri adjusted the bronze mechanical clock, installed the clock cover and various ornaments that were made specifically for it, changed the twenty-four- hour system to a twelve-hour system, replaced the Arabic numbers with Chinese numbers, and divided a day into one hundred sections, each of which was divided into one hundred parts, in order to accommodate the customs of the Chinese.9 This is the earliest example of the Western time system being revised in this way. After changing to the Chinese time system, “the big clock rings each hour and the small clock rings every quarter.”10 At that time, the Spanish Jesuit Alonso Sánchez 桑切斯 (1547–93) also brought “an exquisite clock, which counts time with the movement of gears, rather than with grav- ity” to Guangzhou.11 The clock was originally meant to be given to the Chinese emperor, yet it would appear that its intended recipient never received the gift. The governor of Zhaoqing, Wang Pan 王泮, was also interested in striking clocks. In an effort to gain his favor, the Society of Jesus in Macau dispatched a black Indian skilled at making clocks from Macau to Zhaoqing. According to Ricci, this dark-skinned Indian man was skilled at making clocks and he was also a good blacksmith. In October 1584, in cooperation with the blacksmiths in Zhaoqing, the Indian watchmaker manufactured the first striking clock to have been produced in China, and the Society of Jesus gave the clock to Wang. Yet the striking clock produced in Zhaoqing stayed in the mansion of Wang for only a few months because he did not know how to use it and it was subsequently returned to the missionaries in Zhaoqing, whereupon it was placed in the guest room of the Flower Church 仙花寺 in Zhaoqing. According to docu-

9 Bernard, Aux portes, 208. 10 Ji Huang 稽璜, Qingding xu Wenxian Tongkao [钦定續文獻通考], vol. 109, 629. 11 Ricci and Trigault, China, 184. According to the Taiwanese scholar Dr. Li Yuzhong, in the archives in the Spanish language, there is a letter from Santos to the Spanish king, asking him to prepare clocks to be presented to the Chinese emperor. Jesuit Clock Diplomacy and the Use of Western Clocks 261 ments from that time, the Flower Church in Zhaoqing had one big clock and several small clocks.12 On January 25, 1584, in the process of preparing tributes to be sent to the Chinese emperor, Ruggieri sent another request to the director of the Society of Jesus:

In my previous letter, I asked the priest to send me one clock. It shall be as tall as a palm, have a pendulum inside, and be gilded with gold outside. I want to present it as a tribute to the Chinese emperor, so that we can get permission from him to spread the Gospel in China.13

Claudio Acquaviva (1543–1615), the director of the Society of Jesus, sent a letter to the Chinese mission, agreeing to provide a mechanical clock and a desk clock. The desk clock had a sophisticated structure that caused it to ring every hour and every quarter hour.14 In 1586, the director of the Society of Jesus sent four striking clocks to the Jesuits in Macau, one of which was a large desk clock, and three of which were small wall clocks.15 In 1589, Ricci and his fellows were driven out of Zhaoqing and they later settled in the west of Shaozhou 韶州, in Mount Furong 芙蓉山. On September 9, they reported building a residence and a church that had “a tall wooden building.” “There are three levels. The mother of God is worshiped at the top level and God is worshipped at the middle level. And there are also a few fine buildings.”16 The church in Shaozhou had two striking clocks:

Two bronze clocks were brought here and stored in a secret chamber. They hang on the beam. For each hour, the bronze man rises up and hits the clock to give out a loud sound. For each quarter, the bronze man rises up and hits the quarter to give out a soft sound. The mechanics are unknown to others.17

12 Pasquale M. d’Elia, Fonti Ricciane: Documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la storia delle prime relazioni tra l’Europa e la Cina (1579–1615), vol. 1, 201–65, cited in Song, Emper- or’s New Dress, 211. 13 Ricci, Complete Works, 457. 14 Ricci and Trigault, China, 194. 15 D’Elia, Fonti Ricciane, vol. 1, 231, cited in Song, Emperor’s New Dress, 212. 16 Liu Chengfan 劉承范, “Biography of Matteo Ricci” [利瑪傳], Family Book of Liu [劉氏族譜], ed. Liu Houqing 劉後清, introduction, vol. 2 (1914), 12. 17 Ibid., 13. 262 Chapter 8

This scene was witnessed by Liu Chengfan 劉承范 (1553–after 1629), the vice governor of Shaozhou and an old friend of Ricci. The clock, which reported the time eight times per hour, should not be confused with the clock in the Flower Church in Zhaoqing, which reported the time four times per hour. It seems likely that this striking clock, “stored in a secret chamber,” was sent by the director of the Society of Jesus to Ruggieri to be given to the Chinese emperor as tribute, as Ruggieri had requested in his letter of 1584. In 1589, Ricci wrote a letter in Shaozhou to Valignano, “I possess great fame in striking clocks, but I cannot get rid of it.”18 Thus the existence of the striking clock hidden in the secret chamber appears to have been widely known. Valignano was not content with the achievements in Zhaoqing and Shaozhou. He appointed Ricci as the superintendent of the China mission, and made plans to go to Beijing to seek the emperor’s approval to carry out missionary work. Prior to the delegation’s visit to China, the Jesuits in Macau brought the clock sent by the director of the Society of Jesus to Nanchang 南昌.19 When he traveled northwards, Ricci frequently gave exquisite items such as clocks and triangular prisms as gifts to local government officials and imperial ambassadors in exchange for permission to stay in their districts, or to enter Beijing. In order to enter Beijing successfully, Ricci gave a clock to Wang Zhong Ming 王忠銘, the minister of rites in the cabinet in Nanjing, who had helped him greatly.20 In 1595, Ricci reached Nanchang, giving a clock to Zhu Duojie, king of Jian’an (d.1601); this clock was made according to the Chinese time system, and featured the zodiac carved on black Chinese marble. The times of sunrise and sunset, and the lengths of day and night, were indicated for each month. Times were also carved for the beginning and middle of every month.21 While he was in Nanchang, Ricci received a mechanical clock from Manuel Díaz 李瑪諾 (1559–1639), and thus acquired an additional gift to give to the Chinese emperor.22 In early 1598, Ricci exhibited mechanical clocks and other items, which attracted many viewers. Xu Shijin 徐時進 described one of the striking clocks brought by Ricci:

18 Matteo Ricci, Lettere, ed. Piero Corradini et al., 145, cited in Song, Emperor’s New Dress, 212. 19 Ibid., 231, cited in Song, Emperor’s New Dress, 212. 20 Filippo Mignini, Matteo Ricci: Il chiosco delle fenici, trans. Wang Suna (Zhengzhou: Dax- iang Press, 2012), 138. 21 Ricci and Trigault, China, 301. 22 Ibid., 314. Jesuit Clock Diplomacy and the Use of Western Clocks 263

They brought two striking clocks, one big and one small. I have seen the small one, which is hung in a small pavilion that is eight cun 寸23 high and six cun wide. The clock rings to report hours and quarters. The mechanical devices are like a wheel and are put in the pavilion. Two sundials are placed outside of the gate of the pavilion. One sundial is in silver color and reports the quarter, and one sundial is in golden color and reports the hour. Twelve hours are marked on the gate.24

In May 1600, Ricci and his fellows left Nanjing and again traveled to Beijing. When they were detained in Tianjinwei 天津衛 by the eunuch Ma Tang 馬堂, Emperor Wanli recalled the report stating that the foreigners intended to send clocks to him and issued an imperial decree ordering the people who sought to present such gifts to come to Beijing. On January 24, 1601, Ricci reached Beijing and presented the gifts to the Chinese emperor. The emperor expressed his sincere gratitude for the big and small mechanical clocks.25 He kept the small one for himself, and in the following year he asked the Ministry of Engineering to build a wooden pavilion to house the big clock that had a pendulum.26 Because of these gifts, the emperor subsequently showed favor to the missionaries and became interested in European civilization. In order to maintain and use the clocks, he designated four eunuchs to learn from Ricci. Ricci had repeatedly asked the Chinese emperor for permission to live in Beijing, albeit without success. It was in this context that he devised a clever plan that took advantage of the fact that the Chinese were not acquainted with mechanical clockwork—he altered the clocks so they would not report the time accurately. In consequence, “he [Emperor Wanli] became obsessed with playing with the clocks, whose clockwork was intentionally loosened, and thus he ordered priests to come to repair the clocks.”27 As a result, Ricci was finally able to take

23 A cun is a traditional Chinese unit of measurement: one cun is equal to 1.312336 inches. 24 Xu Shijin 徐時進 and Jiu Ziji 鳩茲集, The Record of Europa [歐羅巴國記], vol. 1, 10a–15b. 25 “Matteo Ricci presented the following items as tribute. The first [was] a big iron clock. […] Ricci made a gilded wood box in Nanjing. The clock must [have been] gigantic, because it could not be housed in the palace, and a pavilion had to be built in the garden to house the clock. The second [was] a clock at half a meter tall. It [was] a gilded bronze clock. The roman numerals on the clock panel had been changed to Chinese numbers. The clock [was] also put into a gilded wood box.” See Auguste M. Colombel, Histoire de la mission du Kiang-nan, trans. Zhou Shiliang (Shanghai: Guangqi Press, 2009), 70–71. 26 Ricci and Trigault, China, 400–5. 27 António de Gouvea, Asia Extrema: Primeira parte—Livro II, vol. 2 (Lisbon: Fundação Ori- ente, 1995), 157. 264 Chapter 8 up residence in Beijing, and has since been honored as the founder of the Catholic mission to China. Nicolas Trigault 金尼閣 (1577–1628) continued to pursue this policy of “clock diplomacy” after Ricci. In 1613, he was ordered to return to Europe to collect funds, books, and gifts. On April 16, 1618, he departed from Lisbon for China. In 1620, he reached Macau with a number of exquisite clocks, including a clock that had been given to him by Archbishop Ferdinand of Bavaria (1577–1650) in 1618. In a letter, he described this clock in great detail:

We have never seen such a clock, because it is so exquisite, superb, and valuable. It rings every hour, a common feature of well-made clocks. Moreover, from below we can see the history of the birth of Jesus played out ingeniously by gilded bronze men […] The clock shines as it is made from bronze and gilded with gold. It is in the shape of a sexangle tower and stands there gracefully.28

Trigault mentions another clock in the same letter. This clock was a gift from Cosimo de’ Medici (1519–74), the duke of Florence and Tuscany, to the Chinese emperor:

The gilded clock was cast in the shape of a dragon, which is the symbol of the Chinese ruler. When the clock rings, the dragon opens its mouth, waves its wings, blinks its eyes, and makes other wonderful movements. The clock is about two inches tall, and costs 500 gold coins in Europe.29

William V, duke of Bavaria, also gave Trigault an astronomical instrument which could automatically illustrate the operation of heavenly bodies and indicate time. It was later presented to Emperor Chongzhen 崇禎 (r. 1628– 44).30 Other missionaries are also recorded as having given striking clocks to the Chinese emperor:

In the fourth year of the reign of Emperor Chongzhen [1631], Korean ambassador Zheng Douyuan 鄭斗源 came back to Beijing and presented

28 Pagani, Eastern, 32. 29 Ibid., 33. 30 Alfons Väth, Johann Adam Schall von Bell, S.J.: Missionar in China, kaiserlicher Astronom und Ratgeber am Hofe von Peking, 1592–1666, trans. Yang Bingchen (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1949), 214. Jesuit Clock Diplomacy and the Use of Western Clocks 265

a telescope, striking clock, niter, and flower, which were presented to him by Westerner João Rodrigues 陸若漢 [1561–1633], who came to China. The striking clock rings automatically every hour.31

Rodrigues, the Portuguese missionary who brought the striking clock to China, sought to open the door for Catholicism in Korea by presenting gifts to the Korean envoy. In the first year of the reign of Emperor Hongguang 弘光 (r. 1644–45) of the Southern Ming dynasty (1645), Francesco Sambiasi 畢方濟 (1582–1649) presented “a start screen” and a “universal screen” to Emperor Longwu 隆武 (r. 1645–46), together with other gifts, including a striking clock and a telescope.32 As the court of the Qing dynasty (1644–1911) showed even more interest in striking clocks than its predecessors, the Jesuit strategy of presenting rare gifts as a means of gaining access to the Chinese emperor continued to be pursued after the fall of the Ming dynasty. In July 1652 (the ninth year of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi 順治 [r. 1644–61]), Johann Adam Schall von Bell (1592–1666) presented an “astronomical striking clock” with a copy of notes to Emperor Shunzhi. The astronomical clock was highly ornate:

Besides reporting time, the clock has a sun and moon, both operate along the ecliptic. There are southern and northern latitudes, which are demar- cated by a small iron bar. The moon is half bright and half dark. It evolves constantly and is sometimes close to and sometimes far from the sun. Thus it is easy to know the distance between the sun and moon.33

In the tenth year of his reign (1653), Emperor Shunzhi received a small European striking clock. According to the Jesuits, the gift was very well received; he carried it with him all the time, and soon asked for a bigger clock of the same type.34 On February 27, 1655 (the twelfth year of his reign), the Western missionaries Ludovico Buglio 利類思 (1606–82) and Gabriel de Magalhães 安

31 Wu Han 吳晗, Chinese Historical Documents in the Record of Li Dynasty of Korea [朝鮮李朝實錄中的中國史料], part 1, vol. 55 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1980), 3478. 32 Standaert, Catholic Documents of the Ming and Qing Dynasties in the Library of Xujiahui, vol. 2, 911–77. 33 Research Institute of History and Language, Academia Sinica, Historical Documents of the Ming and Qing Dynasties [明清史料] (Taipei: Weixin Publisher, 1972), 323. 34 Pagani, Eastern, 59. 266 Chapter 8

文思 (1610–77) presented a number of Western items, including “a large Western striking clock,” to Emperor Shunzhi.35 When Emperor Kangxi 康熙 (r. 1662–1722) was enthroned at a young age, Magalhães “presented a striking clock, which rings every hour, then gives out music which differs with the hours, and then gives out the sound of gunfire which can be heard over a long distance.”36 Claudio Filippo Grimaldi 閔明我 (1638–1712), who went to China in 1669, “presented a hydraulic machine, a novel invention at that time, which has a foundation from which water comes out constantly, an accurate timer, a celestial globe, and an accurate alarm clock.”37 To get closer to the ruling class of the Qing court, missionaries presented previous gifts to senior government officials and members of the royal family. For instance, Joachim Bouvet 白晉 (1656–1730) had presented his only astronomical clock preserved for his own use to Prince Imperial Yinreng 胤礽.38 The Jesuit Louis Porquet 卜文氣 (1671–1752) discussed the effects of this “clock diplomacy” in a letter from October 1719:

We have to have the protection from the government officials. However, we cannot win their favor unless we frequently send gifts to them. Therefore, usually we send several rare items from Europe to government officials. The following things are liked by them: clocks, telescopes, micro- scopes, glasses, various kinds of mirrors, painted or carved pictures of long-range perspective, small and exquisite artistic works, luxurious clothing, and boxes of instruments for drawing.39

Clocks were clearly among the most highly valued gifts and thus served as an ideal medium in the diplomacy for the missionary endeavor. Upon learning that Spanish Franciscan missionaries had sneaked into Guangzhou from Macau in 1672, Shang Zhixin 尚之信 (1636–80), the governor of Guangdong, dispatched staff to arrest them and asked the missionaries to return to Macau. The missionaries, who feared they would be expelled, were

35 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 18, 43. 36 Louis Pfister, Notices biographiques et bibliographiques sur les Jésuites de l’ancienne mission de Chine 1552–1773, trans. Feng Chengjun (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1995), 258– 59. 37 Ibid., 135, 370. 38 Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Novissima Sinica: Historiam nostri temporis illustratura, trans. Thierry Meynard (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2005), 19. 39 Jean-Baptiste Du Halde, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangeres memoires de la Chine, trans. Zheng Dedi, vol. 2 (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2001), 210. Jesuit Clock Diplomacy and the Use of Western Clocks 267 only saved from this fate thanks to a highly fortuitous turn of events—while they were detained, the Western clocks owned by Shang had stopped working. When Shang heard that Fr. Francisco Peris de la Concepción 卞芳世 (1635– 1701) could repair clocks, he decided to invite the missionaries to his mansion. Fr. Concepción quickly fixed the clocks and won sympathy from Shang. “Seeing this, the governor was very happy. In order to keep us, he promised to give us an apartment one street away from his palace so that we can build a church there.”40 Diplomatic delegations were similarly aware of the importance of giving gifts and also took great care in choosing clocks to present to the Chinese. The earliest example is from the twenty-first year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi (1682), when the Macau government gave gifts including “two striking clocks, of which the big one is 20 centimeters tall, and the small one is ten centimeters tall”41 to Du Zhen 杜臻 (1633–1703), the inspector of Macau. There were a large number of mechanical clocks in Macau at this time, as has been recorded in Aomen jilue (澳門記略):

Saint Paul Cathedral has a sundial. When the clock rings, the toad moves towards a certain position. There are several kinds of striking clocks, such as desk clocks and wall clocks. The small clocks are like round copper ore. They all ring punctually every hour. The clocks that emit music when they ring are called music clocks. If we want to know the time when the clocks do not ring, we can pull the string and the clocks ring to report the time. Such clocks are called asking clocks.42

In 1686, the Dutch who lived in Taiwan dispatched Vincent Paats 賓先吧芝 to send gifts, including “a big striking clock,” to the Chinese emperor.43 In the twenty-fifth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi (1686), the Dutch ruler dispatched an envoy to present a striking clock as tribute.44 In the period that followed, striking clocks were increasingly given as gifts by the diplomatic

40 Anastasius van den Wyngaert, O.F.M., Sinica Franciscana, vol. 3 (Florence: Apud Colle- gium S. Bonaventuræ, 1942), 327. 41 Du Zhen 杜臻, Record of Inspection in Guangdong and Fujian [粵閩巡視紀略], vol. 2 (Taipei: Wenhai Press, n.d.), 21. 42 Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin, Aomen jilue [澳門記略] (Macau: Cultural Bureau, 1992), 171. 43 Wang Shizhen 王士禎, Chibeioutan [池北偶談], vol. 2 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1982), 80. 44 Liang Tingnan 梁廷枏, History of Guangdong Customs [粵海關誌], vol. 22 (Guangzhou: Guangdong People’s Press, 2002), 444. 268 Chapter 8 delegations of various nations, with Russia and England as the most promi- nent examples. In November 1686, for instance, a Russian delegation reached Beijing and presented two silver-base clocks, one French silver clock, one small German clock, and one small clock made in Turkey.45 The delegations headed by George Macartney (1737–1806) and Isaac Titsingh (1745–1812), from England and the Netherlands, not only brought clocks as gifts but also brought watchmakers and mechanical engineers. The Scottish philosopher Dr. James Dinwiddie (1746–1815), for example, who was attached to the Macartney mission, was a mechanical engineer, and two other members of the delegation also had interests in mechanics: Victor Thibault was a mechanical engineer and machine manufacturer, and Charles-Henri Petitpierre (b.1769) was a watchmaker, originally from Switzerland.46

2 Imitation and Production of Western Clocks in the Royal Court during the Ming and Qing Dynasties

Western clocks had already been introduced into the royal court during the Ming dynasty. However, there is no evidence that clocks were made in the royal court during this period. On September 8, 1629, in order to set up the calendar, Xu Guangqi 徐光啟 (1562–1633) submitted a list of astronomical implements that needed to be manufactured. Although three clocks were included on the list, they were not subsequently manufactured. During the Qing dynasty, Magalhães, who had “remarkable mechanical skills,”47 entered the imperial court in the fifth year of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi (1648), and manufactured many striking clocks.48 Consequently, professional watchmakers began to appear in the imperial court and were managed by specially designated

45 Nikolaĭ Nikolaevich Bantysh-Kamenskiĭ, Diplomaticheskoe sobranie del mezhdu rossiĭskim yi kitaĭskim gosudarstvami s 1619 bo 1792-ĭ god. Chinese, trans. Russian Research Section, Chinese People’s University (Beijing: Commercial Press, 1982), 44. 46 Pagani, Eastern, 70. 47 Francisco Rodrigues, Jesuítas Portugueses: Astrónomos na China 1583–1805 (Macau: Insti- tuto Cultural de Macau, 1990), 89. 48 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 18. “A big Western striking clock” presented by Gabriel de Magalhães in the twelfth year of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi (i.e., 1655) would also have been made by Magalhães. Ferdinand Verbiest stated that Magalhães was a dexterous clock-maker, while Magalhães called himself a mechanician. In 1660, Magalhães wrote that he “was busy with making and adjusting clocks for the emperor.” Golvers, “F. Verbiest, G. Magalhães, T. Pereira,” 277–98. Jesuit Clock Diplomacy and the Use of Western Clocks 269 staff. During the reign of Emperor Kangxi, with the cultural exchange between China and the West, the emperor became very interested in Western science and technology, and in particular in striking clocks. As the queen and maids of honor and the members of the royal family also regarded clocks as something of a novelty, an increasing number of clocks began to appear in the imperial palace, which set up an office in charge of storing, repairing, and manufacturing the clocks.

2.1 Bureau of Striking Clocks 自鳴鐘處 The Bureau of Striking Clocks was established in the later years of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi (1653–62). Magalhães was in charge of clock making and repairing clocks at the bureau. According to the Western archives, the place where Magalhães supervised the manufacturing of clocks “employed 50 or 60 craftsmen.”49 The production of striking clocks on this scale suggests that there would have been an institution to manage and oversee their production. Magalhães died in the sixteenth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi (1677). He had made striking clocks and mechanical men a few times during the reigns of Shunzhi and Kangxi “in order to make the emperor happy.”50 After the death of Magalhães, Emperor Kangxi wrote the eulogy. “During the reign of Emperor Shunzhi, he manufactured utensils according to the emperor’s will. Then he spared no efforts to manage the things that he had manufactured.”51 Magalhães not only “manufactured utensils [striking clocks and mechanical men]” but also managed these items. This would appear to indicate that he was in charge of the Bureau of Striking Clocks. According to Guochao Gongshi (國朝宮史), and Qinding Rixia Jiuwenkao (欽定日下舊聞考): “There was the bureau of striking clocks to the south of Duanning Hall 端凝殿. A board, on which Emperor Kangxi wrote ‘Worshipping Heaven 敬天’, was hung in the bureau.”52 Emperor Kangxi wrote these words on the board in the tenth year of his reign (i.e., 1671),53 and the plaque was displayed in the Bureau of Striking Clocks

49 Irene Pih, Le père Gabriel de Magalhães: Un Jésuite portugais en Chine au XVIIe siècle (Paris: Centro Cultural Portugués, 1979), 132. 50 Pfister, Notices biographiques, 88, 257. Golvers, “F. Verbiest, G. Magalhães, T. Pereira,” 277– 98. 51 Pedro Huang, Zhengjiao Fengbao, and Chen Fangzhong, ed., Collection of Archives of His- tory of Catholicism in China, April 5, sixteenth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi (1677), 530–31. 52 E. Ertai 鄂爾泰, History of Qing Royal Court [國朝宮史], vol. 12 (Beijing: Beijing Ancient Books Press, 1994), 210. Yu Minzhong 于敏中, Qindingrixiajiuwenkao [欽定日下舊聞考], part 1, vol. 14 (Beijing: Beijing Ancient Books Press, 1983), 186. 53 “The emperor wrote Chinese characters ‘worshipping heaven 敬天’ on the board. The imperial decree states that worshipping the heaven means worshipping God.” Huang, 270 Chapter 8 because Catholic missionaries worked there. Magalhães was the only missionary manufacturing striking clocks at the royal court. Therefore, the Bureau of Striking Clocks was set up in the imperial palace between the end of the reign of Emperor Shunzhi and the tenth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi (1653– 71). The Bureau of Striking Clocks was originally set up to manage, store, and display the striking clocks in the imperial palace. However, from the time of Magalhães onwards, the bureau started producing striking clocks, manufacturing dozens of them in a short space of time during the later years of Emperor Shunzhi’s reign (1653–61). It is therefore clear that the Bureau of Striking Clocks had a workshop for producing striking clocks. There are only a limited number of documents that mention the bureau’s production of striking clocks. However, according to Chinese and Western documents, in the twenty years from the fortieth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi (1701) to the emperor’s death, seven Western watchmakers, namely Grimaldi,54 Jacques Brocard 陸伯嘉 (1661–1718), Gaspard-François Guéty 方舟 (d.1725), Pierre Jartoux 杜德美 (1669–1720), Franz Stadlin 林濟各 (1658–1740), Karel Slavíček 嚴嘉樂 (1678–1735), and Angelo Pavese 陸安 (1671–1723), entered the imperial palace and were involved in manufacturing striking clocks.55 Stadlin, a famous Swiss watchmaker, entered the imperial palace to take charge

Zhengjiao, and Chen, Collection, 525. “In the early years of Emperor Kangxi, the striking clocks from England were placed in Duanning Palace and then moved to Jiaotai Palace and Duanning Palace was called the bureau of striking clocks.” Shi Jichang 石繼昌, ed., Poems of Qing Royal Court [清宮詞] (Beijing: Beijing Ancient Books Press, 1986). In the early years of Emperor Kangxi’s reign, England had communicated with China only once: in the third year of his reign (1664), the British commercial boat Sutra reached Macau for trade and communicated with local government officials in Guangzhou who collected tax in Macau. The presents England offered in the early years of Kangxi’s reign came from this visit. Liu Jiantang 劉鑒唐, Sino-British Relations: From the 13th Century to 1760 [中英關係系年要錄:西元13世紀—1760年], vol. 1 (Sichuan: Academy of Social Sciences Press, 1989), 145. 54 Claudio Filippo Grimaldi 閔明我 was skilled at making clocks. See Golvers, “F. Verbiest, G. Magalhães, T. Pereira,” 277–98. In 1678, Pereira wrote: “last year Claudio Filippo Grimaldi made an ingenious water fountain and designed a clock for the Chinese emperor.” In 1679, Pereira mentioned that Grimaldi had invented “a new type of cylinder-shaped clock,” and in 1681 he stated that “Grimaldi used a newly invented method to manufacture four clocks.” 55 Pfister, Notices biographiques. Karel Slavíček, Listy z Číny do vlasti a jiná korespondence s evropskými hvězdáři (1716–1735), trans. Cong Lin and Li Mei (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2002), 60. Matteo Ripa, Memoirs of Father Ripa, during Thirteen Years’ Residence at the Court of Peking in the Service of the Emperor of China, trans. Li Tiangang (Shanghai: Shang- hai Ancient Books Press, 2004), 104. Jesuit Clock Diplomacy and the Use of Western Clocks 271 of the production of striking clocks, and greatly boosted the standards of production. Around the forty-seventh year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi (1708), Jiangxi governor Lang Tingji 郎廷極 (1663–1715) presented “a big Western clock” to Emperor Kangxi. Kangxi wrote in his comments, “Recently, the clocks produced in the imperial palace have been much better than clocks made in the West. You do not need to present such things to me in future.”56 The bureau was in charge of making clocks for the royal court until 1731 (the ninth year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng 雍正 [r. 1723–35]).57

2.2 Bureau of Clock-Making 做鐘處 The Bureau of Clock-Making was set up in the Ruyi Hall 如意館 in the tenth year of the reign of Emperor Yongzheng (1731). The Western missionaries were in charge of making clocks at the bureau. According to documents from 1753 (the eighteenth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong 乾隆 [r. 1736–95]), contained in the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in Rome, “The Ruyi Hall has two Western painters and two Western watchmakers […]. Sigismond de Saint Nicolas 席澄源 is in the clock workshop in the Ruyi Hall and he often meets the Chinese emperor.”58 The staff in the Bureau of Clock- Making consisted of three kinds of people: Western missionaries, eunuchs serving as watchmakers, and Chinese craftsmen. Western missionaries were technicians. The involvement of eunuchs as watchmakers is detailed in Guochao Gongshi Xubian (國朝宮史續編), “the bureau is headed by a eunuch of eighth rank and has 15 eunuchs.”59 The number of Chinese craftsmen is likely to have varied over time. According to a record kept by Fr. Valentin Chalier 沙如玉 (1697–1747), “In the 1730s and 1740s, in the bureau of striking clocks and the bureau of clock-making, about 100 Chinese worked under his leadership.”60 In other words, the Bureau of Clock-Making usually had around 120 technicians, managers, and technical workers in total during the reign of Emperor Qianlong. Watchmaking in the Chinese royal court reached a peak during the reign of Qianlong. During this period, the royal court manufactured a large number of

56 First Historical Archives of China, ed., Collection of Comments in Chinese Language by Emperor Kangxi on Memos [康熙朝漢文硃批奏摺彙編], vol. 8 (Beijing: Archive Press, 1985), 1118. 57 Palace Museum, Clocks in Palace Museum [故宮鐘錶], 39. 58 Yan Zonglin 閻宗臨, Missionaries and Early Sinology in France [傳教士與法國早期漢學] (Zhengzhou: Daixang Press, 2003), 215, 216. 59 Qing Gui 慶桂, Supplementary to the History of Qing Royal Court [國朝宮史續編], part 2, vol. 74 (Beijing: Beijing Ancient Books Press, 1994), 678, 692. 60 Cipolla, Clocks, 86. 272 Chapter 8 high-quality clocks. There are two reasons why watchmaking prospered during these years. 1. Many famous European watchmakers worked at the royal court. In the first year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong (1736), Stadlin and Chalier, his assistant, manufactured striking clocks at the royal court. When he was in France, Stadlin was already a skillful watchmaker. He stated, “I certainly know as many theories as European watchmakers, because I am sure that seldom does anyone have as extensive experience as I do.”61 In 1738 (the third year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the French watchmakers Nicolas and Gilles Thébault 楊自新 (1703–66) entered service at the royal court, and their counterparts in Europe, Arcangelo-Maria di Sant’Anna 李蘅良 (1738–?), Jean- Matthieu de Ventavon 汪達洪 (1733–87), Pietro Adeodato da Sant’Agostino 德天賜 (1757–?), Emmanuel Conforti 高臨淵 (1745–?), and Hubert Cousin de Mericourt 李俊賢 (1729–74) also came to the royal court at a later date.62 Thus many highly skilled European watchmakers worked at the royal court of Emperor Qianlong, bringing advanced technologies from European countries, particularly Switzerland and France, and teaching their skills to Chinese craftsmen;63 in so doing, they played an important role in the development of clock technology at the royal court. 2. Existing records and accounts demonstrate that watchmaking took place on an extensive scale during the reign of Emperor Qianlong. In 1736 (the first year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), “more than 100 striking clocks had been made,” while in the second year “so many clocks had been manufactured” that “the workshop appeared small.”64 According to the

61 Ibid. 62 See First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 227, 358; Pagani, Eastern, 55; and Pfister, Notices biographiques, 826, 963, 1041. 63 During the reign of Emperor Kangxi, “Huang Yiren 黃異人” became well known after learning technology from Western clock-makers in the Qing royal court. “Huang was a master in making things […]. When he visited Beijing, he had a close look at the Western items housed in the royal court. Then he could duplicate these items exactly and his copies were even better than the original works. During the reign of Emperor Kangxi, West- erners presented a box as tribute. After it is put on the table, the box immediately gives out music […]. After he had a close look at the box, master Huang reported to the emperor, ‘If I am allowed to open the box, I can also make it.’ In a few days, he duplicated the work. When he presented his work to the emperor, the Western ambassador had not departed yet.” See Zhang Peifang 張佩芳, Xixianzhi [歙縣誌], vol. 15, biography no. 5 (1771), 1399– 400. 64 Guan Xueling 關雪玲, “Reconstruction of Clocks during the Reign of Emperor Qianlong” [乾隆時期的鐘錶改造], Journal of Palace Museum [故宮博物院院刊] 2 (2000). Jesuit Clock Diplomacy and the Use of Western Clocks 273 archives, from the eleventh to the twentieth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong (1746–55), the Bureau of Clock-Making manufactured forty-four clocks.65 According to the Zuozhongchu Zhongbiao XishuQingce (做鐘處鐘錶細數清冊) of the royal court, from the twenty-second to the fifty-ninth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong (1757–94), 116 clocks produced by the Bureau of Clock-Making were preserved in the imperial palace.66 Although this is not a particularly large number, most of the clocks produced by the royal court in the Qing dynasty were used for interior decoration in the imperial palace and would have been of high quality and exquisite appearance; most would also have been inspected upon completion by the emperor himself. As a result, it would have taken a great deal of time, manpower, and materials to produce a striking clock in the royal court. One clock alone—the exquisite music clock decorated with eight immortals produced in the fourteenth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong (1749)—took a total of five years to complete.67 Given the length of time and the amount of work involved in producing such exquisite timepieces, the fact that several hundred clocks were produced during the reign of Emperor Qianlong clearly indicates that considerable resources were dedicated to clock-making during this period. However, during the reign of Emperor Jiaqing 嘉慶 (r. 1796–1820), who dis- liked Western objects, the Bureau of Clock-Making gradually declined and it did not make many more clocks in the period that followed. Jiaqing’s views on Western items and clocks are detailed in an imperial decree issued in November 1799 (the fourth year of his reign):

I have never liked precious items and entertainment. It is my nature and I am not pretending. Rice and clothing are from the heaven and earth to raise people and are needed by every home. Clocks are for checking time only. Many people from the lower class do not have a clock and they have not given up their habit of getting up in the morning and sleeping at night. Things like striking clocks in the shape of [a] bird are worthless for me.68

65 Yun Limei 惲麗梅, “Bureau of Clock Making and Striking Clocks in the Qing Royal Court” [光陰似水物依舊—清宮做鐘處與自鳴鐘], Cross-Strait Relations [兩岸關係] (No- vember 2000): 62–63. 66 National Library of China, ed., Collection of Archives and Documents of Bureau of Internal Affairs of Qing Dynasty [清內務府檔案文獻彙編], vol. 6 (Beijing: Reproduction Center of Documents in Libraries in China, 2010), 2557–656. 67 Yun, “Bureau,” 62–63. 68 Record of Emperor Jiaqing of the Qing Dynasty [清仁宗嘉慶實錄], vol. 56, imperial decree in November 1799. 274 Chapter 8

3 Imitation of Western Clocks among the Masses

The introduction of striking clocks into China by missionaries in the later period of the Ming dynasty (1580–1640) had a significant impact on social life in China, and attracted the attention of scholars. According to Gu Qiyuan 顧起元 (1565–1628), for instance, “the things manufactured by Europeans include striking clocks, which are exquisite.”69 It was also during this period that people throughout China began to duplicate Western clocks. Li Zhizao 李之藻 (1565–1630), a native of Hangzhou city, was probably the first Chinese to learn how to manufacture clocks in the European style. According to a letter written by Ricci,

He [Li] went back to Beijing and prepared to print the book Aritmetica pratica, by my teacher Giulio Bassi, and the book On Clocks, which was also written by my teacher and had been translated into Chinese. He made many clocks, which are beautiful and accurate.70

This letter was written in 1608 (the thirty-sixth year of the reign of Emperor Wanli), and hence Li had already mastered the skills required to make clocks himself barely twenty years after the missionaries had first brought clocks into China. Li was also the first native Chinese to translate theories on European clocks into the Chinese language. Jinling Suoshi (金陵瑣事), completed during the reign of Emperor Wanli, also refers to a Chinese person who had mastered these skills: “Huang Fuchu 黃復初 is dexterous […]. He can cast striking clocks and make wood[en] bulls and horses that can walk, a wood[en] man who can serve tea, and a wood[en] horn that can sound at night.”71 In the sixth year of the reign of Emperor Tianqi of the Ming dynasty (1626), Wang Zheng 王徵 translated Illustrated Explanations of Strange Western Machines (奇器圖說). The book contains a chapter entitled “Illustrations of Wheels 輪壺圖說.” The instrument depicted in this chapter had an upper and a lower level, with the former containing signs indicating hours and a small wooden man, whereas the lower level had a wheel, a clock, and a drum. The device did not have a dial plate, but was timer-operated with gears, which were made from iron rather than wood.72 Wang had made such a facility in Beijing, and was one of the first

69 Gu Qiyuan 顧起元, Kezuo zhuiyu [客座贅語], vol. 6, 193. 70 Ricci, Complete Works, 388. 71 Zhou Hui 周暉, Miscellaneous Notes of Nanjing [金陵瑣事], vol. 3 (1610), 1065. 72 Narrated by Jean Terrenz, trans. Wang Zheng, Illustrated Explanations of Strange Western Machines [奇器圖說], vol. 4, Wenyuangesikuquanshu 文淵閣四庫全書本, 14–15. Jesuit Clock Diplomacy and the Use of Western Clocks 275 among the Chinese literati to learn the Western mode of scholarship. His device was in fact a duplicate of the striking clocks, namely the mechanical clocks that had been introduced from the West at that time. In the second year of the reign of Emperor Chongzhen (1628), Xu Guangqi was in charge of the Bureau of Calendars. He submitted a list of astronomical instruments to be manufactured, which included “three clocks.”73 Hence Xu was the first to propose that the Chinese learn watchmaking from Western craftsmen. According to Yunjian Zazhi (雲間雜誌), written by Li Shaowen 李紹文 during the reign of Emperor Wanli of the Ming dynasty:

[The] Western monk Matteo Ricci made a striking clock, the material of which was copper. There are 12 hours in a day, and the clock strikes 12 times in total. The clock rings out once at the first hour, twice at the second hour, twelve times at the twelfth hour. […] Ricci taught others to make clocks. When Lazzaro Cattaneo 郭居靜 [1560–1640] was in Shanghai 上海, people there could duplicate it. The clock made by […] Ricci is only about four centimeters tall, while the clock made in Shanghai is much larger.74

Thus, during the reign of Emperor Wanli, someone in Shanghai was also able to make copies of Western clocks. According to Lushu (露書), written by Yao Lü 姚旅 in the late years of Emperor Wanli’s reign (1615–20):

Recently Matteo Ricci from the West made a striking clock which is very punctual. Now people in Haicheng 海澄 can duplicate such a clock. It is said that foreigners are more dexterous than the Chinese. Many people do not know that during the Song dynasty 宋朝 [960–1279], Zhang Sixun 張思訓 from Sichuan 四川 made seven wooden puppets that can hit bells and drums.75

This account indicates that clock-making must have been widespread in China because even people in Haicheng, a desolate place in southern Fujian, had learned to master this form of craftsmanship. According to Guangyang Zaji (廣陽雜記) by Liu Xianting 劉獻廷 (1648–95), in the late Ming and early Qing

73 Xu Guangqi 徐光啟, Works of Xu Guangqi [徐光啟集], vol. 7 (Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Press, 1984), 336. 74 Li Shaowen 李紹文, Yunjian zazhi [雲間雜誌], vol. 2, Sikucunmucongshu [四庫存目叢書] (Jinan: Qilu Shushe, 1997), 2. 75 Yao Lü 姚旅, Lu shu [露書], vol. 9 (Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Press, 2008), 214. 276 Chapter 8 dynasty, when Ji Tanran 吉坦然, who hailed from Jiangning 江寧 (now Nanjing), lived in Guangdong, he learned how to make clocks from Westerners. He had made a striking clock called “Babel”:

The striking clock looks like a Western tower. Silver blocks are filled in on the frame. The lower level of the tower has bronze wheels that drive each other and are invisible from outside. The front of the middle level has a door. The dial plate is like a cask, and is divided into 12 sections. It is driven by ten wheels and operates in harmony with the heavens. It goes back to its original place in one day.76

The Babel clock was a duplicate that Ji had made from Western clocks. But he changed the original style and added Chinese elements. The Portuguese missionary Álvaro Semedo 曾德昭 (1585–1658) had been to Nanjing, Shanghai, and Hangzhou, and stayed in China for twenty-eight years. In 1637, he went back to Europe and composed the Atlas of Great China, which states: “Mechanical clocks are the artistic works that they appreciate the most. Now they make very good mechanical clocks that can be put on a desk. If the same price as ours is offered, they can produce the smallest ones.”77 A book published by G. Bruseni in Venice in 1659 also states that the Chinese were skilled in manufacturing clocks: “The Chinese have superb craftsmanship […]. They are able to manufacture clocks, including small clocks.”78 In the Qing dynasty, an increasing number of people who were not part of the elite had begun to learn how to manufacture striking clocks. These include Rui Yi 芮伊, who was described in Xuanchengxian Zhi (宣城縣誌) as being “dexterous” and able to produce striking clocks,79 and Wang Dahong 汪大黌, from Shexian County 歙縣, described in Yangzhou HuafangLu (揚州畫舫錄) as being “skillful at making striking clocks.”80 According to Manyou jilue (漫遊紀

76 Liu Xianting 劉獻廷, Guangyang zaji [廣陽雜記], vol. 3 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1957), 141. 77 Álvaro Semedo, S.J., Relação da grande monarquia da China, trans. He Gaoji (Shanghai: Ancient Books Press, 1998), 66. 78 Silvio A. Bedini, The Trail of Time: Time Measurement with Incense in East Asia, vol. 2, The Oriental Definition of Measuring Time, from Chen Zuwei, “The Incoming of European Clock and the Development of Chinese Modern Clock Industry,” Chinese Journal for the History of Science and Technology 1 (1984). 79 Wu Feijiu 吳飛九, (Qianlong) Xuancheng xianzhi （乾隆）宣城縣誌[ ], vol. 22 (Taipei: Chengwen Press, 1985), 3. 80 Li Dou 李斗, Yangzhou huafang lu [揚州畫舫錄], vol. 12 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1999), 282. Jesuit Clock Diplomacy and the Use of Western Clocks 277

略) by Wang Yun 王澐, “Striking clocks made by Sun Xiniang 孫細娘 in Zhangnan 漳南 and sundials made by Yao Chaoshi 姚朝士 in Putian 莆田 are all marvelous.”81 Volume one of Min Xiaoji (閩小記) by Zhou Gongliang 周亮工 refers to a Sun Ruli 孫孺理, from Longxi 龍溪, who was good at making “striking clocks about four centimeters high,” a skill acclaimed as one of the five wonders of craftsmanship in middle Fujian.82 Similarly, according to Jianwenlu (見聞錄) by Xu Yue 徐岳, “Mr. Zhang 張 from Hangzhou city makes exquisite items such as striking clocks.”83 During the Qing dynasty, the level of craftsmanship involved in watchmaking had improved, blending Chinese traditions with the advantages of Western craftsmanship, and clocks in special styles started to be made. Clock workshops were widespread: they could be found in Shanghai, Nanjing, Suzhou 蘇州, Yangzhou 揚州, Hangzhou, Guangzhou, and some regions in Fujian and Anhui 安徽. Guangzhou and Suzhou were the most famous clock-making cen- ters during the Qing era. Beginning in the middle of the Ming dynasty, Guangzhou was the city through which missionaries introduced striking clocks into mainland China. Moreover, during the Canton Fair in the late Ming dynasty (1620–44), striking clocks became an important commodity in the trade between China and Portugal.84 Western missionaries even brought a watchmaker from Goa to Zhaoqing to repair clocks.85 However, there is no evidence that craftsmen in Guangdong had learned to manufacture clocks in the late Ming dynasty. The book Guangdong Xinyu (廣東新語) (New essays of Guangdong), written by Qu Dajun 屈大均 (1630–96), a famous naturalist in Guangdong in the late Ming and early Qing dynasty (1628–61), lists a vast range of products that were available in Guangdong, including handicrafts. It records the foreign goods imported into China in great detail, but it makes no mention of striking clocks,86 which indicates that there was no one in Guangdong who had learned to manufacture striking clocks during this period. According to the Novus atlas Sinensis by Martino Martini 衛匡國 (1614–61), when he left China in the 1650s, craftsmen

81 Wang Yun 王沄, Manyou jilue [漫遊紀略], vol. 1, Shenbaoguancongkanyuji 申報館叢刊餘集, 1881, 7. 82 Zhou Liang’gong 周亮工, Min xiaoji [閩小記], vol. 1, Xuxiusikuquanshu 續修四庫全書, 1. 83 Xu Yue 徐嶽, Jianwen lu [見聞錄], vol. 3, Xuxiusikuquanshu 續修四庫全書, 644. 84 Rui Manuel Loureiro, Hineáario, viagen ou navegação para as Indias Orientais ou Portu- guesas, descobrimentos Portugueses (Lisbon: Instituto Nacional de Investigação Cientifica, 1997), 134. 85 Jin and Wu, “Secret,” 426–49. 86 Qu Dajun 屈大均, New Essays of Guangdong [廣東新語], vol. 2, chapters 15 and 16 (Bei- jing: Chinese Publishing House, 1985). 278 Chapter 8 in Guangdong had learned to make a variety of mechanical instruments, but making “small and delicate clocks” was still beyond their skills.87 The Moldavian Nicolae Spataru Milescu (1636–1708), who went to China as Russia’s ambassador in 1675, recorded that while craftsmen in Guangzhou 廣州 had “learned to make big clocks, […] they have not learned to make watches.”88 These documents show that the craftsmen in Guangzhou lagged behind their compatriots in Shanghai, Nanjing, and even Haicheng as they had only mastered the skills to make clocks and could not yet make watches. According to the records of the Franciscan order, Francisco de la Concepción learned to repair clocks from the Chinese Christians in Guangzhou who had joined the Society of Jesus. A report from Fr. Buenaventura Ibáñez 文度辣 (1610–91) in Guangzhou in 1688 states that “some Chinese in southern China [i.e., Guangzhou] learned the skills of repairing clocks from the Jesuits first.”89 It can be concluded, therefore, that the requisite craftsmanship to make copies of Western clocks did not reach Guangzhou until Emperor Kangxi lifted the maritime ban (1662–84). This is confirmed in a variety of documents. A memo from Guangdong governor Yang Lin 楊琳 (r. 1716–23) in the fifty-ninth year of the reign of Emperor Kangxi (1720), for instance, states:

I found that a man named Pan Chun 潘淳 in Guangzhou can make enamel. He is originally from Fujian and lives in Guangdong. The things that he made as experiments are wonderful […]. I settled the accommodation of his family, and asked him to bring his disciples Huang Ruixing 黃瑞興 and Ruan Jiayou 阮嘉猷 to go to Beijing together with Li Bingzhong 李秉忠. Pan Chun had made one enamel clock, two snuff bot- tles, and eighty balls. They are submitted for your inspection.90

Pan, a watchmaker who was originally from Fujian and lived in Guangzhou, was one of the producers of Guangdong-style watches, and “enamel clocks” were a specialty of Guangdong-style craftsmanship. He also taught two disciples. He operated a clock workshop, as was common during the reign of Emperor Kangxi.

87 Martino Martini, Novus atlas Sinensis, from Noël Golvers, François de Rougemont, S.J., Mis- sionary in Ch’ang-Shu (Chiang-Nan): A Study of the Account Book (1674–1676) and the Elo- gium, trans. Zhao Dianhong (Zhengzhou: Daxiang Press, 2007), 457n2. 88 Nicolae Spataru Milescu, Descrierea Chinei, trans. Jiang Benliang and Liu Fengyun (Bei- jing: Chinese Publishing House, 1990), 192. 89 Ibid., 324–26. 90 First Historical Archives of China, Compilation of Archives and Historical Documents of Macau Issues in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, vol. 1, no. 65, 109. Jesuit Clock Diplomacy and the Use of Western Clocks 279

The influx of high-quality European clocks into the market of Guangzhou and the settlement of famous European watchmakers there played an important role in improving the overall quality of the Guangdong clock industry.91 During the middle and late years of the reign of Emperor Qianlong (1730–95), the technologies used in the production of Guangdong-style watches improved significantly, and craftsmen in Guangdong started to produce many high- quality Guangdong-style clocks with sophisticated mechanical structures, Chinese-style decorative elements, and exquisite decorations. In 1731 (the ninth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), Ding Honglong 丁龍泓 and his son from Guangzhou wanted to rebuild “a large striking clock on the top” of the Zhenhai Building 鎮海樓. This practice of placing a striking clock on the building is one which reflects a blending of Eastern and Western cultures, and shows that the clocks manufactured in Guangdong during the reign of Emperor Qianlong were of a high quality. This is confirmed by contemporary watchmaking experts, who have described the craftsmanship of the clocks produced in Guangdong, some of which are now housed in the Palace Museum 故宮博物院, as being “close to the level of watchmaking in Europe at that time.”92 The Europeans who went to China at that time also remarked on the quality of the watches produced in Guangzhou:

Around 1800, watchmaking craftsmanship became rooted in Guangzhou and developed rapidly. According to J. Barrow, the watches made by the Chinese in Guangzhou are as good as the watches made in London, and the price of these exquisite mechanics is only one-third of the price of the clocks shipped to China from the warehouses in Cox and Merlin.93

When George Thomas Staunton (1781–1859) saw the watches produced by Chinese craftsmen at the market in Guangzhou in 1794 (the fifty-ninth year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), he remarked that “the workers in Guangzhou are very good at imitating, and they can produce and repair clocks.”94 In 1815, Charles McGregor wrote a letter from China to his father, a British watchmaker,

91 Pagani, Eastern, 100–21. “They are white and tall and are good at making clocks. One young man states that he has stayed in Guang-dong for 17 years since he came to Guang- dong when he was 13 years old.” See Ma Guangqi 馬光啟, Lingnansuibi [嶺南隨筆], 1840, vol. 1, in National Library of China, 15. 92 Shang Zhinan 商芝楠, “Guangdong Clocks in Qing Royal Court” [清代宮中的廣東鐘錶], Journal of Palace Museum [故宮博物院院刊] 3 (1986). 93 Cipolla, Clocks, 97. 94 George Staunton, An Authentic Account of an Embassy from the King of Great Britain to the Emperor of China, trans. Ye Duyi (Shanghai: Library Press, 1997), 503. 280 Chapter 8 noting that: “In Guangzhou, selling clocks manufactured [by his father] encounters the difficulty of competition from Chinese clocks.”95

4 Concluding Remarks

Missionaries began to introduce Western clocks into China in the late Ming dynasty. They initially practiced a form of “clock diplomacy,” whereby Western clocks would be given as gifts to the upper classes of Chinese society. However, as Western clocks were brought into China in increasingly large numbers, copies began to be made in the late Ming and early Qing period (1628–61) in Beijing and many cities and towns along the southeastern coast of China. A flourishing handicraft industry centered on clock-making began to take shape, with many handicraft workshops appearing in Shanghai, Nanjing, Suzhou, Hangzhou, Zhangzhou, and Guangzhou; the professional clock workshop at the imperial court in Beijing employed more than one hundred people. In the cities of the southeastern coast, the workshops producing clocks were mostly small in scale, employing only two to three workers, but these businesses were passed on to subsequent generations. Pioneering and highly esteemed family clock-making businesses gradually appeared, such as those of the Chang family in Suzhou and the Pan family in Guangzhou. Although it is unclear pre- cisely how many clocks were produced in China during the early Qing dynasty (1644–70), the quantities produced in the royal court, Guangzhou, and Suzhou suggest there was an extensive clock-making industry at this time. The clocks made in China were generally inferior to those imported from Europe, with the exception of the bespoke clocks produced in the royal court and in Guangzhou. During the Qing dynasty, clocks were imported mainly to satisfy the demand of the royal court and upper class of Chinese society. Chinese-manufactured clocks subsequently gained widespread popularity among ordinary Chinese people from the early Qing dynasty onward. Striking clocks were installed in churches, business venues, and public buildings in cities, and Western-style watches were worn by government officials, clergymen, businessmen, servants, and even entertainers and prostitutes.96 Senior government officials

95 Bedini, Trail, from Chen, “Arrival.” 96 “The mansion of Fu Heng has many clocks and even every servant wears a watch.” See Zhao Yi 趙翼, Yanbao zaji [簷曝雜記], vol. 2 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 1997), 36. “Now businessmen and servants all have clocks and some of them even have several clocks.” See Ding Kerou 丁克柔, Liuhu [柳弧], vol. 1 (Beijing: Chinese Publishing House, 2002), 36. “The government office has two troupes […]. Everyone wears a watch.” See Jesuit Clock Diplomacy and the Use of Western Clocks 281 commonly collected clocks; they amassed collections consisting of dozens or even several thousand clocks.97 Consequently, under the middle Qing dynasty, the Chinese elite were gripped by what has been described as a “mania for the consumption of clocks.” When buying and using Western clocks, the Chinese were less concerned with accurately telling the time, and in most cases they simply used Western clocks to convey their high status and to decorate their surroundings; many even regarded Western clocks as a kind of toy.98 Never theless, the introduction, copying, and large-scale production of Western clocks played a significant role in fostering the development of Chinese handicrafts, mechanical production, and the Chinese clock industry in general. The subsequent mania for the consumption of Western clocks, and the general acceptance of Western clocks by the Chinese masses, had a lasting influence on Chinese society’s relationship with Western culture.

Liang Gongchen 梁恭辰, Supplementary to Notes of Northeastern Garden [北東園筆錄續編], vol. 2, Bijixiaoshuodaguan 筆記小說大觀 (Nanjing: Guangling Ancient Books Press, 1995), 266. 97 Ju, “Jesuits.” 98 “Scholars and bureaucrats rush to purchase striking clocks from eastern Guangdong, and keep one at home as a toy.” See Zhao Lian 昭槤, Xiaoting Xulu [嘯亭續錄], vol. 3 (Beijing: Zhonghua Publishing House Press, 1997), 468. 282 Chapter 8 BibliographyBibliography 283 Bibliography

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Acapulco 20 António (奄多年) 156 Acquaviva, Claudio 185, 196, 261 Antunes, Policarpo José (安當) 70 Adeodato da Sant’ Agostino, Pietro (德天賜) Aomen Ji 墺門記 (Lu) 16, 23, 28n 231 272 Aomen Jilue 澳門記略 (Yin and Zhang) 13-15, Africa 58, 93 41n 16, 46n 17, 56n 19, 20, 149n 76, 152n Alberto, Francisco (裴方濟) 62 77, 83, 113, 94n 116, 121, 109n 122, 111n 123, Alcáçova, Pedro de 8 175, 192, 227, 230, 267 Alcalá, Pedro de (希氏)38 Aomen Yueshu Zhangcheng (澳門約束章程) Alcober, Juan (費若用) 151, 156 77 Alenda, Gaspar (雅連達) 219 Araújo, José de (張若瑟) 51, 88, 157, 179 Aleni, Giulio (艾儒略) 63, 194, 198, 205, 210, Arcediano, Antonio de 20 212, 144n 213 architecture 15, 187, 189, 197 Geografia dei paesi stranieri alla Cina (職 Architecture 論建築 (Rusconi) 197 方外紀) 247 Arima (daimyo) 109 Illustrated Notes on Canons (出像經解) Arima Painting Academy 204 205 Aritmetica Pratica (Bassi) 274 Kouduo Richao (口鐸日抄) 198, 212, 144n Arriba, Miguel de (趙彌格) 38 213, 127n 249 Art Records of Words and Deeds of the Chinese painters who duplicate Western Descending God (天主降生言行記錄) 201 205 Chinese scroll paintings 219 Zhifang waiji jiaoshi (職方外紀校釋) 117n copperplate etchings 185-86, 194-97, 202-05 248 fable paintings 219 Alexander VII (pope) 41, 137 glass painting 195 Alexander VIII (pope) 41 illustrations 185, 193-94, 196-97, 203-05, 213, Alfaro, Pedro de 16-17, 192-93 241, 274 Almeida, António de (麥安東) 58, 166n 81, oil paintings 202, 210, 219 207, 209 paintings in Macau, 325 Lament That We Do Not Speak the Chinese printed portraits 195, 198, 201, 203, 221 Language Well 207 sculptures 182-84, 188-89, 195, 197 Almeida, José de (范若瑟) 146 Western arts 182-83, 187, 190, 193, 195, Almeida, José Estevão de (梅高) 62, 166n 81 198-99, 204-05, 219 Almeida, José Bernardo de (索德超) 43 Ascension of Our Lady 聖母瑪莉亞升天圖 Alvares, Gonzalo 56 (Neva) 188 Amiani, Carlo (賈嘉祿) 87 Asia Extrema (Gouvea) 101n 63, 132, 27n 263 Amiot, Jean-Joseph Marie (錢德明) 177, 246, astronomy 43, 222 248 Astudillo, Juan (艾玉漢) 87 Mémoire sur la musique des Chinois […] Atlas of Great China (Semedo) 276 (中國古今音樂記) 248 Attimis, Tristano de (談方譚) 62-63, Amoy (China) 38 Attiret, Jean-Denis (王致誠) 93, 288 Anding (China) 147 Augustinians 49n 17, 19, 22, 34, 49, 91, 192 André (Chinese baptized in Macau) 252 buildings in Macau of 24, 49-50, 189 Anhui (China) 184, 277 arrival in Macau of, 33 Annual Report of the Province of Japan 59 monastery in Macau of 19, 33, 64-66, Anping (China) 73 view by Lu Xiyan of 23-24 António (Chinese man with Xavier) 7 in Yingkeng 25

Aux portes de la Chine: Les missionnaires du Le Père Mathieu Ricci et la société de son XVIe siècle (Bernard) 11, 85n 58, 51n 193, temps 136n 73, 60n 195, 121n 207, 165n 29n 231, 5n 259 219, 14n 16n 228, 8n 259 Azzi, Lodovico 62 Beuth, Jean-François (黃明鳳) 82, 174 Biandrate, Francesco San Giorgio di (施提仁) Babel clock 276 87 Baborier, Jean (卜日升) 40, 87 Bianwen jinyi zuiqiu shu (Tian Shengjin 田生 Baeza, Sebastião de 17 金) 93 Bahr, Florian (魏繼晉) 245-46 Biblioteca da Ajuda 187 Bai Shixiu 245 Biography of Boym (Chabriè) 139 Bañeza, Manuel de San Juan Bautista de la ( Biography of Emperor Kangxi 康熙皇帝傳利安寧) 172 (Bouvet) 244 Bañeza de Lucera, Juan 82 Biography of Jean-Joseph Marie (Montaigu) banking 160, 178-79 177 BaoXiao shimo shu 委黎多报效始末疏 Biography of Manuel Pinto (Dehergne) 67 (Vereador) 90 Biography of Xu Gandida, a Chinese Catholic Baroque 188-89 Wife 一位中國奉教太太 (Couplet) Barradas, João (巴若翰) 61 166, 217 Barrow, John David 279 Bishop Jurisdictions of Portugal 21 bass 224, 238 Bixie Lun 辟邪論 (Yang) 221 Basset, Jean (白日升) 66, 87 Bonaparte, Napoléon 161 Bassi, Giulio Bonifacio, Juan Aritmetica Pratica 274 Christiani pueri institutio adolescentiaeque On Clocks 274 perfugium (天主教青牧學院孤兒院) bassoon 238, 241 186 Batalhas da Companhia de Jesus (Cardim) 25n Borja, João de (郭若翰) 146 230 Bourgeois, François (晁俊秀) 162, 251 Baudory, Maurice de (張貌理) 40 Bourgine, Paul Jean Baptiste (巴拉底諾) 52, Bavaria 162, 197, 237, 264 65, 158 Bazhou (霸州) 177 Bouvet, Joachim (白晉) 240, 266 Beauvollier, Antoine de (薄賢士) 40 Biography of Emperor Kangxi (康熙皇帝 Beijing (北京) 68-70, 72-73, 86, 106, 124, 129, 傳) 64n 237, 67n 238, 71n 238, 244 131-33, 143, 145, 148, 150-51, 5n 152, Portrait historique de l’empereur de la 160-62, 164-72, 174-78, 183, 190, 194, Chine (康熙皇帝) 64 n 237, 86n 240, 196-200, 202-03, 208, 210-11, 213, 218-22, 105n 244 228, 236, 238-43, 247-53, 256, 259, Boxer, Charles Ralph 17 n 10, 82 n 25, 111n 32, 262-64, 268, 63 n 272, 274, 278, 280 60, 9n 92, 98, 117n 173, 31n 231 Belleville, Charles de (衛嘉祿) 203 Boym, Michał (卜彌格) 62, 101n 63, 138-39, Benedict XIII (pope) 162 141 Benoist, Michel (蔣友仁) 252 Brac, Albert 62, 191 Bernard, Henri 193, 228, 231 Brancati, Francesco (潘國光) 167, 201 “A Letter from a Jesuit in the Late Ming Brando, Giovanni Battista (王若翰) 62, 142-43 Dynasty” 43n 191, 105n 202, 29n 231 Braun, Georg Aux portes de la Chine...11, 85n 58, 137n 73, Civitates orbis terrarum (世界的都市) 197 51n 53n 193, 82n 199, 132n 210, 121n 248, Britto, Domingos de (畢登庸) 82 5n 259, 9n 260 Brocard, Jacques ( 陸伯嘉) 40, 270 on the Guanyin Buddha and Virgin Mary 216-17 Index 301

Brockey, Liam Matthew 57, 83n 58, 100n 62, Case of Interrogating Criminals Including 101n 63, 101n 64, 120n 67, 146n 75, 22n Alfonso Vagnoni (會審王豐肅等犯一 155, 93n 170, 95n 170, 178, 118n 206 案) 48 Bruseni, G. 276 Castañeda, Jacinto (趙葉聖多) 88 Buddha 12, 211, 216 Castiglione, Giuseppe (郎世寧) 169, 90n 170, Buddhist nun temple (尼寺) 19 172-73, 203 Buglio, Ludovico (利類思) 171-72, 195, 198-99, Catholic 222, 251, 265 art 182-223. See also specific art form. Xifang yaoji (西方要紀) 118n 248 music 225-56. See also under music. Bureau of Calendars 275 painting 189, 192-93, 198, 201, 211-16 Bureau of Clockmaking (做鐘處) 271, 273 Catholicism Bureau of Striking Clocks (自鳴鐘處) 269-71 banned in China 87 banned in Japan 95 Ç’ien Cum-yn 179 Chinese converts to 165, 168, 180, 223 Ç’ien Erguan (崔二官) 201 churches in Macau for 23, 49-50, 64, 76, Caballero y Esquivel, Juan (單若蘭) 87 185-86, 192 Caballero, Antonio de Santa María (利安當) clocks in China and 257 18, 20, 37, 155, 165, 187, 213 counties in China with largest converts to Caballero, Francisco (單若古) 87 74 Cai Ruxian (蔡汝賢) Fujian persecution of 86-88, 101, 148 Painting of India (天竺圖) 218 golden age in China of 5, 24, 59, 134 Portraits of Eastern Foreigners (東夷圖像) in Historical Records of Emperor Jiaqing 78 164n 218 in Hainan 85, 129-50 Cai Shanji (蔡善繼) 121 introduction to China of 36, 47, 257 Ten Articles on Controlling Macau (制澳十 introduction to Macau of 185 Kangxi emperor and 22-23, 28-29, 37-40, 則) 122 44, 32n 45, 46, 55, 64, 66, 86, 114, 143-44, Cai Xianyuan (蔡顯原) 231 146-48, 150, 152, 169-72, 176, 179, 198, 200, Mingxinshuwushichao (銘心書屋詩鈔) 203, 208, 226-27, 237-40, 243-44, 246, 34n 231 250, 1n 258, 266-71, 63n 272, 278 Cai, Pedro (蔡伯多祿) 86 Nanjing persecution of 86 Calmes, Joachim (金玉敬) 166n 81, 1n 129, painting and 185-86, 193, 195, 197-221, 223. 145, 147 payments to Chinese converting to 50 Canevari, Pierre 32 private practice of 78, 80 Cantero, Francisco (方濟國) 87 prohibition in Guangdong of 84 Canton. See Guangzhou Qingzhou persecution 102-06 Cao mon (曹門) 149 成方濟 suppression and persecution of 83 Capacci, Pietro Francesco ( ) 145 types of Chinese converts to 74 嘉爾定 Cardim, António Francisco ( ) 133 Yongzheng emperor and 45-46, 148-50, 152, Batalhas da Companhia de Jesus 25n 230 156, 160, 166, 170, 172-73, 176, 180, 222, 271 Carletti, Francesco 93 Cattaneo, Lazzaro (郭居靜) 62, 101n 63, 82, Ragionamenti del mio viaggio intorno al 106-08, 134, 242, 275 mondo (1594–1606) 17n 93 Cayosso, Francisco (洪度亮) 38, 166n 81 Carneiro, Melchior Leitäo (bishop) 11, 29n Cerqueira, Luís de (bishop) 92 13-14, 35n 14, 73, 83 Chabriè, Robert 139 羅斐理 Carrocci, Filippo-Felice ( ) 82, 145 Biography of Boym 139, 45n 141 Carvalho, Diogo de 97 Chacun Village (岔村) 177 伽爾范 Carvalho, Verissimo de ( ) 62 Chalier, Valentin (沙如玉) 172, 271-72 302 Index

Cham Ku-min (常酷明) 201 clocks and 274 Champeville, Jean-Baptiste de (蔣若翰) 40 missionaries and 58, 101n 63, 64, 66, 68, 79, Changping Prefecture (昌平州) 177 134-35 Changshu (常熟) 75, 167, 176, 199, 201 music and 243-44, 247, 256 Chanseaume, Jean-Gaspard (尚若翰) 166n Chinese music 227, 235, 243-44, 247, 249-50, 81, 153 253-55 Chaozhou (潮州) 175 Chinese rites controversy 148, 208 Chavagnac, Émeric de (沙守信) 40 Chinese Temple (Macau) 74, 76 Chavez, Manuel 40 Chinese time system 260, 262 Chen Jichun 14n 186, 23n 188, 191 Chongming (崇明) 167 Chen Rui (陳瑞) 208, 259 Chongqing (重慶) 167 Chen Ruowang (陳若望) 77 Chongzhen 崇禎 (emperor) 25, 27-28, 37, Chen Shengbo (陳聲伯) 76 197-98, 205, 243, 249, 264, 275 Chen Xichang (陳熙昌) 73, 139n 74 Choson dynasty 108 Cheng Dayue (程大約) 110n 204 Christiani pueri institutio adolescentiaeque Chengshi moyuan 203 perfugium 天主教儿童教育 Chengdu (成都) 167 (Bonifacio) 186 Chenggu, Shaanxi 52, 158 Church of Our Lady 12, 23, 144, 146 Chengguandong (城關東) 260 Cibot, Pierre-Martial (韓國英) 252 Cheu Nienven (崔寧文) 167 Civitates orbis terrarum世界的都市 (Braun Chicuan, Pedro (奇川佩德羅) 97, 11n 126, 190 and Hogenberg) 197 Chijiwa, Miguel (千千石米開羅) 95 Clement VIII (pope) 40 China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journal of Clet, Jean-François Régis (劉克來莱) 72, 151 Matthew Ricci 利瑪竇中國劄記 (Ricci clocks 43, 240, 257-81 and Trigault) 17n 10, 36n 15, 26n 42, 13n astronomical clock 265-66 93, 8n 131, 13n 154, 163, 32n 189, 201, 231, Babel clock (Ji) 276 5n 259 Chinese imitation 280-81 China mission diplomacy and 257-59, 261, 264, 266, 280 Currency and materials awarded to 171 Guangdong-style 278-79 donations to 20, 22, 99, 154, 163-68, 173, 178, production in imperial court of 268, 280 180 Suzhou-style 277, 280 economic difficulties of 164 Western influence and 280 expenses of 154, 159, 173, 178 Coastal Defense Circuit 8, 104 grants from Chinese government to 168 Cocchi, Angelo (高琦) 21, 37 Holy See’s financing of 173, 175, 180 Cochinchina (Vietnam) 60, 134, 235 land and houses granted by the emperor Coelho, Gaspar 科埃略 (bishop) 189, 196 for 170 Coimbra (Portugal) 232 maritime trade and 173 Collection of Historical Works by Father Matteo Nanjing persecution in 86 Ricci (利瑪竇神父著作集) 259 Philippine contributions to 34, 37-38, 50, Collection of Violin Sonatas (Pedrini) 245 155 Collections of Paintings of Cheng Dayue 程氏 Qingzhou persecution and 102-06 墨苑 (Cheng) 203, 110n 204, rental properties as financial support for Colombel, Auguste M.(高龍鞶) 132, 134, 140, 171, 173, 175-78 210, 220 salaries from Imperial government to Histoire de la mission du Kiang-nan 82n 25, 168-70, 181 101n 63, 132-33, 139, 30n 189, 220, 25n Chinese Catholics/Christians 2, 13, 26-29, 263 74,77,85, 54n 163, 255, 278 Compilation of Archives and Historical Chinese diocese 18, 33, 119n 67, 137, 175 Documents of Macau (明清時期澳門 Chinese language 2, 206-09, 243, 274 問題文獻彙編) 127n 34, 29n 43, 36n Index 303

46, 38n 47, 40n 47, 47n 49, 50, 58n 53, Histoire religieuse, politique et littéraire de 60n 53, 63n 54, 65n 54, 68n 55, 103n 64, la Compagnie de Jésus 147n 179 109n 65, 116n 66, 154n 78, 172n-173n 83, Cronologia da história de Macau (Silva) 15n 194n 86, 197n 87, 205n-206n 88, 208n 186, 235, 18n 10, 37n 47, 56, 66-67, 43n 88, 57n 143, 60n 144, 79n 147, 82n 148, 161 90n 150, 6n 152, 20n 155, 27n 157, 34n Cróquer, Tomás (萬多默) 87 159, 54n 163, 148n 179, 151n 180, 78n 198, Cruz, Dionisio da 20 90 n 200, 176 n 222, 181n 223, 35n 266, Cruz, Estevão da Vera 19 48n 268, 62n 272, 90n 278 Cruz, Gaspar de la 10 Complete Works of Matteo Ricci 228 Cruz, PedroTomás da (龔尚實) 62, 75 Concepción, Francisco Peris de la (卞芳世 ) Cuiwei village (翠微村) 117-18 18, 83, 210, 267, 278 Confession of Chinese Priest Xie Yu (謝玉) 79 Dadiaohuan (大調環) 123 Confidential Manchu Documents of the Dagu, Tianjin (大沽天津) 43-44 Cabinet, The (內閣滿文密本檔) 79 daimyo/daimyos 93, 95, 97, 109 Conforti, Emmanuel (高臨淵) 272 Dan Qiyuan (但啓元) 114, 117 Confucianism 221, 243 Dansiluo (嘽施囉) 93 Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith Dantas, Antão (恩安當) 62 53-54, 162, 169, 244, 252, 271 Danzhou (儋州) 140 Congregation of the Mission 54, 68, 72, 82, 151 Daoguang 道光 (emperor) 247 Constantin, Antoine 138 Daoyuan Jingcui: Xiangji (道原精萃·像記) Constantin, Cyrile (龔當信) 40 205 copper drum 230 Dayu 183-84 copperplate etchings 12n 186, 195-97, 201-05 de’Alcalá, Pedro (希氏) 38 Cordas, Francisco de (方玉章) 87 de Alfaro, Pedro 16, 192 Cordeiro, Jorge Miguel 164 Dehergne, Joseph (榮振華) 191, 56, 67-68, 84, Coronado, Domingo (郭多敏) 37 129, 133, 138, 144, 149 Corpus Christi Chapel (Beijing) 252 Biography of Manuel Pinto 67 Correa, Martin (安瑪爾) 86 “La Chine..” 67n 145, 72n-75n 146, 77n 147, Correa, Matias (閔瑪弟) 62 86n 149 Correa, Sebastião (郭巴相) 61 Les origines du Christianisme dans l’île de Corrupt City is Destroyed by Celestial Fire, A Hainan 1n 129, 14n 133, 32n 138 淫色穢氣自速天火 (Passe) 203 Répertoire des Jésuites de Chine de Costa, Cristóvão da 13, 57 1552–1800 9n 8, 11n 8, 63n 54, 74n 56, Costa, Francisco da (郭方濟) 86 100n 62, 101n 63, 122n 68, 146n 75, 167n Costa, Giovanni-Giuseppe da (羅懷忠) 169, 82, 198n-199n 87, 205n 88, 116n 126, 38n 172, 176 139, 44n 141, 52n-53n 142, 54n 143, 59n Costa, Girolamo 194 144, 61n 144, 63n-64n 145, 67n 145, Costa, Manuel da (郭瑪諾) 61 69n-70n 145, 72n-75n 146, 87n 149, 14n Cotolendi, Ignace 41 186, 37n 190, 44n 191, 46n 191, 48n 235, Couceiro, Gonçalo 99, 41n 100, 188, 24n 188, 72n 239, 134n 251 36n 232 Delgado, Alonso 20 Couplet, Philippe (柏應理) 159, 166, 78n 166, della Torre, Francesco 43, 54 167, 143n 212, 214-18 Delpon, Joseph (吧地哩呋哂) 47 Biography of Xu Gandida, a Chinese Dennett, Tyler 184n 85 Catholic Wife (一位中國奉教太太) d’Entrecolles, François Xavier (殷弘緒) 40, 166, 217 253 Covenant on the Maritime Ban (Yu 俞安性) Description of the Empire of China中華帝國 122-23, 125 全誌 (Du Halde) 244, f2 302 Crétineau-Joly, Jacques Augustin Marie, 179 Dianbai (電白) 40 304 Index

Díaz, Antonio (利明遠) 87 Ecus 153 Díaz, Francisco (施黃正國) 37, 156 Edo Period 229 Díaz, Manuel (李瑪諾) 48, 85-86, 164, 195-96, Elements of Music: Expanded Edition, The 律 204, 221, 262 呂正義•續編 (Pedrini) 244 Ding, Honglong (丁龍泓) 279 Elements of Music音樂要素 (Marques) 235 Dingan County (定安縣) 130-31, 133, 135, 138, Elements of Music, The 律吕纂要 (Pereira) 142, 144, 146-50 244 Dinwiddie, James 268 England 67-68, 80, 200, 244, 267-68, 53n 270, “Discussion on the Rights that the Society of 280 Jesus Holds for Qingzhou” (Vagnoni) Erbozi (二撥子) 177 103 Essays of Nagasaki長崎逸事 (Hayashi) 229 Document of the Relationship between Kangxi Essence of Catholicism (教要) 222-23 Emperor and Papal Legate, The 243 Ethiopia 58 Dominican church (多明我堂) 20-21, 34, European prints 196 49-50, 176, 189 Explanations for Mapping the Earth 坤輿圖 Dominicans 21, 25, 209 說 (Verbiest) 198, 205 Fuan 福安 church incident and 33-34 in Fujian 37-38, 42, 65 Faber, Étienne 32 in Macau 20, 33, 46, 49, 64, 91 Fang Hao (方豪) 113n 32, 6n 38, 52n 162, 1n in Malacca 33 182, 200, 94n 201, 217-18, 220, 1n 224, 71n missionary architecture of 189 238, 150 n255, 1n 257 missionary funding of 49-50, 53, 156-57, 174 Fangdong (方洞) 75 Iberian union and 21 Faria, Antonio de 224 social services provided by 64-66 Favier, Pierre Marie Alphonse (樊國樑) 151, Tokyo mission of 21, 36 1n 152, 111n 172, 113n 172 view by Lu Xiyan of 22-23 Fay, Peter Ward 53-54 Dongguan (東莞) 74, 100 Fei Jinwu (費金吾) 176 Dongpo/Dang fo (東坡) 146-47, 150 Feilai Temple (飛來寺) 24. See also Long Du Halde, Jean-Baptiste (杜赫德) 246, 96n Song Temple (龍鬆寺) 280, 2f 302, 4, Feng Conglong 105 Description of the Empire of China 244 Ferdinand of Bavaria 264 Lettres édifiantes et curieuses 77n 24, 81n Fernandes, António (蔡安多) 32, 61 148, 87n 200, 109n 203, 177n 222, 137n Fernandes, João (鐘鳴禮) 32, 58, 73, 82 252, 143n 253, 155n 256, 39n 266 Fernandes, Pascoal (范有行) 61, 145 Du Yonghe (杜永和) 139 Fernandes, Sebastião (鐘鳴仁) 32, 58, 73 Du Zhen (杜臻) 187 Ferreira, Álvaro 8 Brief Records of the Visit to Fujian and Ferreira, António (安道義) 62, 87 Guangdong (閩粵巡視紀略) 19n 187, Ferreira, António Fialho 18 226, 8n 226, 229, 267, 41n 267 Ferreira, Denis (費德尼) 69, 88 Duanning Hall (端凝殿) 269 Ferreira, Gaspar de (費奇規) 62, 101n 63, 113n Duarte, João (聶若望) 166 204 Dufresse, Jean-Gabriel-Taurin (李多林) 88 Ferreria, Francisco (費藏裕) 61 Dugad, Louis-Marie (嘉類思) 252 Figueiredo, Luis de (費藏玉) 61 Duimianshan (Beishan Island in Zhuhai) 25 Fiori, Cristoforo 191 Dutch 1, 38, 62, 101, 110, 119-20, 164, 191, 237, 267 Five Suggestions on Maritime Defense 防海五 Dynasty Astronomical Bureau (欽天監)170 議 (Zhang Minggang 張鳴岡) 113 Florence, Italy 74 East Church (東堂) 160, 166, 171, 176, 251, 254 Flower Temple 217 Index 305 flute 224, 230, 238-39, 241, 250, 253, 256 Furtado, Francisco (傅汎濟) 101n 63, 85 Folun (佛倫) 200 Fuzhou (福州) 85, 130, 136, Fontaney, Jean de (洪若翰) 39 Forget, Jean (傅滄溟) 1n 129, 142-43 Gabet, Joseph (秦噶嗶) 72 Fortress Hill (Macao) 13 Gabiani, Giandomenico (畢嘉) 172 進 Forty-Eight Woodcuts in Catholic Portraits Gago, Baltasar 130 呈聖像 (Schall von Bell) 205 Gangding (崗頂) 19 Foshan 145-46 Gansu (China) 223 傅聖澤 Foucquet, Jean François ( ) 40, 162 Ganzhou (贛州) 51, 157, 165 France 43n 16, 1n 36, 42, 134n 72, 166n 81, 142, Gao Yu (高玉) 245 161, 116n 247, 252, 58n 271, 272 Gaozhou 138, 149 Franciscan church (方濟覺堂) 17, 34, 49-51, García, Blas (艾腦爵) 18, 83 53, 83, 127 Gargas, Ursola de 98 Franciscans 1n 2, 16-18, 22, 119n 33, 42, 46, 49, 王若含 52, 54, 65, 88, 91, 155, 158, 192, 209, 219 Garretto, Francesco (Wang Ruohan ) expulsion and confiscation of properties 180 噶斯蘭廟 in Macau of, 30 Gasilan Temple ( ) 17 宋君榮 hospitals and medical facilities estab- Gaubil, Antoine ( ) 148 龔德賢 lished 18, 65, 83 Geng Dexian ( ) 55 in Macau 16-17, 51 Geng Jimao (耿繼茂) 141 monastery in Macau of 65, 83 Geng Xianglin (龔翔麟) missionaries to China 47, 52, 65-66, 82, 88, Record of My Visit to Zhujiang as an Envoy 130, 150, 155, 157-59, 165-66, 174, 176, 180, 珠江奉使記 227 192, 209, 219 Geografia dei paesi stranieri alla Cina 職方外 view by Lu Xiyan of 22 紀 (Aleni) 247 Francisco (弗蘭哂嘶噶) 47 Gerbillon, Jean-François (張誠) 39, 15n 40, Frapperie, Pierre (樊繼訓) 40, 166n 81 77n 166, 167, 171, 175 French 1, 3, 36, 39-41, 53-55, 99n 61, 66, 68, German 145, 207, 245, 268 134n 72, 166n 81, 82, 85-87, 132, 143, 148, Gernet, Jacques (謝和耐) 1, 48 45n 49, 9n 153 150, 161-62, 165-67, 170-71, 174-75, 177-79, Gherardini, Giovanni (聶雲龍) 203, 235, 238 200, 240-41, 246, 251-54, 268, 272 ghost island. See Qingzhou Island (青洲) French horn 241 Girão, João Rodrigues 60 French Revolution 161 glass painting 195 French Scientific Missionary Delegation 53 Goa, India 5, 14, 54, 59-60, 91, 160, 277 費隱 Fridelli, Ehrenbert Xaver ( ) 172 Goa, College of 58 Friendship Academy (尚友書院) 131 Golvers, Noël (高華士) 159, 82n 168, 124n 175, Fróis, Luís 10 136n 176, 149n 179, 199, 201, 151n 214, Fu Heng (傅恒) 55, 97n 281 154n 216, 219, 66n 238, 240, 87n 241, 99n Fuan (福安) 33-34, 37-38, 46, 47, 87, 156, 222 243, 147n 254, 1n 258, 48n 268, 50n 269, Fuan 福安 Church Incident 121n 33 54n 270, 87n 278 Fucheng Gate (阜城門外) 171 Fuchengmen 222 Gonçalves, Gregório 9-11, 25-26, 91, 184, 225 江沙維 Fujian (福建) 18, 21, 27, 33-34, 37-39, 42, 44-47, Gonçalves, Joaquim Afonso ( ) 72, 235 49, 51, 65, 76-77, 79-80, 88, 101, 116, 130, Gonçalves, Sebastião 135, 148, 151, 157, 159, 165, 175, 19n 187, History of the Jesuit Missions 59, 92n 60 198, 205, 208, 226, 229, 249, 41n 267, 275, Gong Xianglin (龔翔麟) 277-78 Record of My Visit to Zhujiang as an Envoy Funeral of Spanish King Philip II in 1598 (西班 (珠江奉使記) 227 牙國王菲利普二世殯葬圖) 195 Gongbu (工部侍郎) 169 Furong (芙蓉山) 261 Gongzhongzhupizouzhe 43 306 Index

Gonzague, Léon (李良) 62 Gu Dianyuan (谷殿元) 177 González, Gregório 14n 9, 21n 11, 21n 11, 85n 25, Guerreiro, Fernão 31 6n 91, 5n 183, 4n 225 Relação anual das coisas...102n 30 , 108n 31, Gouvea, Alexandre de 湯士選 (bishop) 99n 29n 97 61, 68, 161 Guéty, Gaspard-François (方舟) 270 Gouvea, António de (何大化 ) 62, 175, 202, Guilin 222 208, 214, guitar 225, 18n 229, 239 Asia Extrema: primera Parte 101n 63, 132, Guizhou (貴州) 149 27n 263 Guo Shangbin (郭尚賓) 100, 112 Cartas ânuas da China 169n 82, 41n 190, Guo Yingpin (郭應聘) 208 108n 213, 150n 214 Guo Yongliang, Bishop of Beijing 12 Goville, Pierre de (戈維里) 40 Guochao Gongshi (國朝宮史) 269 Grain distribution temple (支糧廟) 13, 23 Guochao Gongshi Xubian (國朝宮史續編) 甘若 Grammont, Jean-Baptiste-Joseph de ( 271 翰 ) 151, 246 Guzidu (谷字都) 113-14 Grassetti, Tranquille 32 Great Wall of China 222 Haicheng (海澄) 275, 278 Greek 207 Haidao jinyue wukuan (海道禁約五款). See Gregory XIII (pope) 14, 40-41, 91 Five Articles of Maritime Ban Gregory XVI (pope) 42 Haidaozunfeng Liangyuan yuxuwoshibei (海 Greslon, Adrien (聶仲遷) 142-43 道遵奉兩院諭蓄倭石碑) 115 Grigulevich, Joseph Romualdovich 168 Haifang wuyi (防海五議). See Five Sugges- Grimaldi, Claudio Filippo (閔明我) 62, 172, tions on Maritime Defense 238, 266, 270 Haikang (海康) 145 Gu Qiyuan (顧起元), 335, 460 Haikou 130, 39n 140, 50n 53n 142, 145, 162 Gu’an County (固安縣), 301 Hainan (海南) 85, 129-150 Guanbao (關保) 197, 75n 198, 274 廣東 Hallerstein, Avguštin Haller von (劉松齡) 251 Guangdong ( ) 5-6, 8-10, 23, 27, 42-46, 杭州 50-54, 64, 66, 73, 75-79, 83-88, 90, 93, Hangzhou ( ) 75, 82, 129, 165, 167, 172, 178, 100-02, 104-07, 110-17, 119, 121-22, 126, 190, 199, 208, 274, 276-77, 280 漢口 129-30, 135, 137-40, 142-45, 150, 156-58, Hankou ( ) 167, 174 韓霖 174-75, 185, 192-92, 207, 218, 226, 229, Han Lin ( ) 1n 90, 165 231, 235, 259, 266, 276-79, 99n 281 Han music 240 韓納慶 Guangfong zhensu shi (觀風整俗使) 75 Hanna, Robert ( ) 43 韓琦 Guanghai 8 Han Qi ( ) 167n 82, 26n 156, 134n 210, 179n Guangdongtongzhi 雍正 (Hao Yulin 郝玉麟 222 or Yongzheng) 11n 227, 22n 230 Hanyang City (漢陽府) 203 Guangxi 42, 44, 64, 72, 83, 100, 113, 115, 117, Han Yu 220 121-22, 139, 150, 185, 193, 259 Han Yun (韓雲) 165 Guangyang Zaji 廣陽雜記 (Liu) 6-8, 10, 17-18, Hanzhong (漢中) 88, 253-54 24, 39-40, 42, 44-45, 47, 54, 64, 66, Haocheng 25 86-87, 103, 105-07, 111, 117, 120, 124-25, Hao Yulin (郝玉麟). See also Yongzheng 139-40, 143-46, 148, 150, 156, 161-62, 164, Guangdongtongzhi 雍正 11n 227, 22n 230 166, 174, 178, 183, 191-93, 197, 202, 206, Haoge (豪格). See Su (肅親王), Prince 208-10, 248, 258, 275, 76n 276-80 harpsichords (羽管鍵琴) 240 Guangzhou (廣州) 259-60, 266, 53n 270 Hayashi Kenzo (林謙三) 229 Guangzhou, port of (廣州港) 45 Hayashi Razan (林羅山), 229 Guanyin Buddha (觀音菩薩) 216. See also Essays of Nagasaki (長崎逸事) 229 Virgin Mary Head of St. Ursula, The 聖烏拉蘇頭像 (Niva) Gubeikou (古北口) 222, 253 188 Index 307

Hearing a Foreign Woman ...夷樓聽番女彈 Hokkien 208 洋琴 (Huang) 228 Holy See 41, 153, 160, 162-63, 173, 175, 180 Heaven-Flower Church (仙花寺) 199 Holy Soul Society 161 Heavenly Crafts Revealing the Uses of Things Hong Kong 184 天工開物 (Song) 205 Hong Tianzhuo (洪天擢) 138 Helashu (呵喇束) 156 Hong Tae-yong (洪大容) 251 He Lord (和王) 55 Hongguang 弘光 (emperor) 237, 265 Henan 129 Hospital of Populace (醫人寺) 23 Hengshan County (衡山縣) 166 hospital temple (醫人廟) 13, 23, 83, Henrique of Portugal (1512–80) Hou (侯) 166 Henriques, António José (王安多尼) 174 Hu Shijie (胡世傑) 245 Herdtricht, Christian (恩理格) 238 Huang (黃), from Fujian 79 Hervé, Pierre (赫宣) 87 Huang Fuchu (黃復初) 274 Hervieu, Julien-Placide (赫苍碧) 40 Huang Hongzhao 54n 18, 111n 32, 30n 97, 37n He Shen (和珅) 162 98 He Shijin (何士晉) 121-22 Huang, Pedro 91n-92n 170, 96n 171, 104n 172, He Yaba 90 114n 173, 74n 197, 51n 269 Hideyoshi, Toyotomi (豐臣秀吉) 93 Huang Peifang Histoire de la mission du Kiang-nan (Colom- Hearing a Foreign Woman ... (夷樓聽番女 bel) 82n 25, 101n 63, 132-33, 139, 30n 189, 彈洋琴) 228, 17n 229 220, 25n 263 Huang Qichen 1n 56, 99n 61, 101n 63 Histoire religieuse, politique et littéraire de la Huang Qinghua 1n 36, 47n 161 Compagnie de Jésus (Crétineau-Joly) Huang Ruixing (黃瑞興) 278 47n 179 Huangting 75 Historia Tartaro-Sinica nova (Rougemont) 30, Huang Yingjia (黃應甲) 259 139 Huang Yiren (黃異人) 63n 272 Historical Records of Emperor Jiaqing, The (仁 Hubei (湖北) 174, 200 宗睿皇帝實錄) 43, 78, 84 Huc, Évariste-Régis (古伯察) 72 Historical Records of Emperor Qianlong, The ( Huguang 75, 149, 175 高宗純皇帝實錄) 38, 10n 39, 42, 27n Huizhou (徽州) 203 43, 45-46 Hunan 85 Historical Records of Emperor Tianqi (明熹宗 Huo Yuxia (霍與暇) 90, 100 實錄) 55n 103, 105, 88n 114, 121, 107n 122 Mianzhaiji (勉齋集) 2n 90 Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements Huozhou (霍州) 180 in China, An (Ljungstedt 龍思泰) 79n Hutoumen (虎頭門) 113 24, 18n 41, 80, 11n 154 History of Missionary Work in Beijing Ibáñez, Buenaventura (文度辣) 18, 278 (Thomas) 177 Ignacio (Mandarin in Hainan). See Wang History of that Great and Renowned Monarchy Rulong of China, The (Semedo) 71n 56, 134 Il Gesù 190, 202 History of the Conquest of China by the Tartars Illustrated Explanations of Strange Western (Palafox y Mendoza) 35 Machines奇器圖說 (Wang) 72n 197, History of the Jesuit Missions (Gonçalves) 59, 205, 274 92n 60 Illustrated Notes on Canons 出像經解 Hoam Nham Nham (郝娘娘) 168 (Aleni) 205 Hoam Ye Kim (郝業金) 168 illustrations 185, 193, 196-97, 203-05, 213, 241, Hogenberg, Franz 274 Civitates orbis terrarum 世界的都市 197 “Illustrations of Wheels” (輪壺圖說) 274 308 Index

India (印度) churches built in Macau by 9, 11-12, 14, 16, Catholicism in 95n 28, 218 21-24, 28, 34-35, 49-50, 53, 64 clock making and 259-60 clock diplomacy of 257-59, 261, 264, 266, Hainan and 135 280 Jesuit missions and 5, 17, 19-21, 153-54, 159, Japan mission of. See under Japan 161, 173, 176, 179, 183 finance and 151-80 Macau and 9, 15, 95n 28, 58-59, 64, 66 French mission of 39, 162, 175, 177, 252 Indochina 17, 36, 60, 138 French missionaries in 82, 161, 177 Indonesia (印度尼西亞) 173 hospitals built in Macau by 7, 9 Innocent XII (pope) 42, 150 Imperial patronage of 168-73 Interpretations on the Descent of God (天主降 maritime trade and 173-74 生出像經解) 198 missionary work in Hainan 144-46 Intorcetta, Prospero (殷鐸澤) 67, 199 music and 224, 227-53, 256 Introduction to Catholic Portraits 天主聖像略 painting in Macau and 43, 99, 184, 186, 說 (Rocha) 204-05 188-91, 194-96, 198-99, 201-05, 207, Introduction to Catholicism 天主聖教啓蒙 209-21, 223 (Rocha) 204 Portuguese padroado and 39-42 iron flute 230 schools in Macau built by 31, 56-57, 6n 59, Italian 1, 10, 17, 21, 37, 52, 62, 166n 81, 82, 87, 93, 61, 190 129, 138, 142-45, 169, 176, 185, 12n 186, 191 seminary in Macau established by 60, 197, 200, 241, 245 67-68, 72, 95, 97, 164, 191, 196 Italy 52, 158, 193-95, 247 suppression of 53, 84, 135. See also Paris Itō, Mansho (伊東滿所) 95 Foreign Missions Society Jesus Christ the Savior (救世基督像) 202, 210 Japan 5, 10, 14, 22 Jesus, Montalto de (徐薩斯) 54n 18, 99 Christianity and 32, 56, 91, 95, 97-98, 126, Ji Tanran (吉坦然) 276 189 Ji’an (吉安) 165 hygiene in 95 Ji’nan (濟南) 54, 129, 155, 252, 254, 256 Jesuit mission to 5, 10, 22, 33-34, 59-60, 101n Jiading (嘉定) 101n 63, 165 63-64, 91, 94-97, 130, 153 Jiajing 嘉靖 (emperor) 9, 32n 45, 90, 94, 100, Korea and 93, 97 111, 184, 225, 258 Macau mission and 5, 30-31, 35-36, 47, Jianchang (建昌) 75, 165 58-60, 97, 106, 108-10, 126, 138, 163, Jiang Dejing (蔣德璟) 186-87, 190-92, 196 Poxie ji xu 破邪集序 221 maritime trade and 163, 173-74 Jiangnan (江南) 149, 16, 1n 182 slavery and 92-93, 114-15, 118 Jiangsu 129, 175 Valignano’s guide regarding students from Jiangxi (江西) 47, 51, 55, 66, 75, 77, 80, 88, 129, 95-96 149, 157, 165, 175, 200, 202, 271 Jartoux, Pierre (杜德美) 40, 270 Jiangzhou (絳州) 165, 203, 220 Jesuits Jianwenlu 見聞錄 (Xu) 277 architecture in China and 15, 187, 189, 197 Jiao Qinian (焦祈年) 75-76, 227, 230 arrival in Macau of 13 Record of the Inspection of Macau (巡視澳 awards given by emperors to 171-73, 181 門記) 227 Catholic art in China and 182-223 Jiao Zhen’gang (焦振綱) 52 Chinese language and 58, 101n 63, 64-66, Jiaqing 嘉慶 (emperor) 43, 5, 78-80, 84, 68, 79, 134-35, 206-09, 243-44, 247, 256 177-78, 1n 182, 1n 224, 247, 273 Chinese missionaries trained by 66-68 Jiasilan Temple (家私蘭廟). See Maijiasi churches built for Chinese by 24, 87, 91 Temple (賣家私寺) Index 309

Jing-hoang (Dingan 定安) 130-31, 133, 135, 138, Lament That We Do Not Speak the Chinese 142, 144, 146-50 Language Well 歎唐話未正 (Almeida) Jinjiao Temple (進教寺) 28. See also Church 207 of Saint Amparo 唐人寺 Lamiot, Louis-François-Marie (南彌德) 44, Jinling (金陵) 274 177 Jinling Suoshi 金陵瑣事 (Li) 274 Lampacau 9 Joanne (ship) 40 Lang Tingji (郎廷極) 271 João V (king) 160 Lao Wan 90 Johann Adam Schall von Bell, S.J.:Missionar in Laowanshan (老萬山) 112 China (Väth)91n 59, 5n 152, 64n 165, 85n Laozi 184 169, 80n 198, 61n 237, 30n 264 Latin Joniquini wood 187 Dominicans and 21, 64 Jorge, Manuel (張瑪諾) 165 book published in Macau 186 Jurian, Nakaura 32 in Mass 254 use at St. Paul College 15, 60, 68, 232-33 Kaerjishan (喀爾吉善) 38, 46 Laufer, Berthold 218 Kaifeng (開封) 129, 167 Lavilla, José (潘若色) 88 Kaiping (開平) 79 Lavretsky. See Romualdovich, Joseph Kangxi 康熙 (emperor) 22-23, 74n 24, 28-29, Lazarist 134n 72, 169, 240 37-40, 44, 32n 45-46, 55, 64, 66, 86, 113, Le Breton, François (董莫教) 87 143-44, 146-48, 150, 152, 169-72, 176, 179, Le Comte, Louis (李明) 39, 142n 253, 254 198, 200, 208, 226, 236-40, 243-44, 246, Le Faure, Jacques (劉迪我) 159, 165 250, 1n 258, 266-71, 278, Lei Zhou 75 Kangxi Xiangshan Xianzhi (康熙香山縣誌) Leitão, Ana Maria 118n 174 72n 23, 113, 89n 114, 115, 104n 121 Leitão, António (徐必登) 32, 58, 73 karma 12 Leitão, Melchior Carneiro (bishop) 11, 29n Keelung (雞籠) 111 13-14, 35n 14, 73, 83 Kim, Chang Op (金昌業) 250 Leizhou (雷州) 138, 145-47, 149 Kirwitzer, Wenceslas Pantaleon (祁維材) 62, Leo X (pope) 40 101n 63, 166n 81 leprosy 23 Korea 14, 30, 93-94, 107-08, 265. See also under Leshiheng (勒什亨) 166, 200 Japan Les origines du Christianisme dans l’île de Korean Catholics 93 Hainan (Dehergne) 1n 129, 14n 133, 32n Korean music 251 138 Kou, Mathieu (顧士傚) 52, 158 Li Bingzhong (李秉忠) 278 Kouduo Richao口鐸日抄 (Aleni and Li Chengdong (李成棟) 138 Rudomina) 198, 212, 144n 213, 127n 249 Li Dakuan (李大寬) 177 Krones 13 Li Feng (李鳳) 110 Kyushu (九州大名) 95 Li Ma Zhuan (Liu) 2 Li Paulus (李保祿) 201 L’Amphitrite (ship) 40 Li Rihua (李日華) 195 La buona figliuola 241 Li Shaowen (李紹文) La Motte, Pierre Lambert de (郎伯爾) 41 Yunjian Zazhi (雲間雜誌) 275 Labbe, Joseph (胥蒙德) 40, 82 Li Sunchen (李孫宸) 114, 91n 115, 98n 119 Lagea, Francisco de (石宏基) 31, 190-91, 202, Li Tiangang (李天綱) 44, 64n 237, 55n 270 213 Li Xialing (李遐齡) Lagot, Ignace 191 Miscellaneous Poem in Macau (澳門雜詩) Lam Ka-tseung (林家駿) 27, 68 229-30 310 Index

Li Zhi (李智) 177, 213 Long Song Temple/Long Song Miu (龍鬆廟) Li Zhizao (李之藻) 24 Jinling Suoshi (金陵瑣事) 274 Longmen County (龍門縣) 122 Li, André (李安德) 66 Longmen Town (龍門鎮) 146 Li, André (from Shaanxi) 75 Long-mō (Longmen 龍門) 135 Li, Mathieu Xavier (李瑪竇) 75, 149 Longobardi, Niccoló (龍華民) 159, 190, Liampo. See Ningbo 194-95, 210, 249 Liampós (雙嶼) 183 Longqing 隆慶 (emperor) 32n 45, 91, 100 隆武 Liang Di (梁迪) Longwu (emperor) 265 龍溪縣 Western Organ (西洋風琴) 227 Longxi county ( ) 38 羅安當 Liang Peilan (梁佩蘭) Lopes, António ( ) 62, 144-45 Poem on the Sea for Envoy Geng Hengfu (觀 Lopes, Bartolomeu 20 陸希言海篇贈龔蘅圃榷使) 228 Lou, Domingues (Lu, Xiyan ) 16, 61, 75. Lianhuajing (蓮花莖). See Tangjiwan (塘基 Louis XIV (king) 39, 161, 240 灣)/Tangjihuan (塘基環) Loyola, Ignatius of 5, 3f 303 連江縣 Loyola, Martín Ignacio de 17 Lianjiang County ( ) 203 盧廷龍 Lianzhou 138 Lu Tinglong ( ) 102 Lu Xiyan (陸希言) 16, 61, 75. Lieou, Blaise Verbiest (劉蘊德) 61, 75 Aomen ji (澳門記 ) 16, 23 Lin Jifeijichao (林咭吠嘰吵) 75 Lu Zhaolong (盧兆龍) 27 Lin, Juan (林若翰) 200 Lubelli, Andrea-Giovanni (陸泰然) 138-39, Lingao (臨高) 142 142-43 Lingshui County (陵水縣) 146-47 Lucarelli, Giovanni Battista (da Pesaro) 17 Lingxi Circuit 121 Luhualou Hall (陸花樓) 245 Linjiang (臨江) 175 Luís, Anselmo (昂沙盧歪) 79 Linqing (臨清) 176 Luke, Saint (聖路伽) 196, 199, 210, 217 Lionne, Artus de (梁宏仁) 66, 87 Luling (廬陵) 200 Lisam (林桑) 149 “Lun Aomen Xiongshi Zhuang” 論澳門形勢 Lisbon 2, 5, 33, 41-42, 55, 78-79, 160, 175, 177, 狀. See Memo on the Situation in 189, 264 Macau Liu Biyue (劉必約) 51-52, 158 Luo Wenzao (羅文藻) 37, 85 Liu Chengfan (劉承范) 262 Luoding (羅定) 116 “Biography of Matteo Ricci” (利瑪傳) 16n Lushu 露書 (Yao) 275 261 Luzon 38-39, 46, 49-50 Li Ma Zhuan 2 Liu Chengzhou (劉承諏) 104 Ma Tang (馬堂) 220, 263 Liu, Domingos (劉多明我) 65, 77, 158 Macartney, George 43, 268 Liu Dongxing (劉東星) 213 Macau Liu Qi (劉奇) 242, 96n 243 archdiocese of 41, 138 Liu Shizhong 16 Beijing missionaries support from 31 Liu Simão (Liu Ximan 劉西滿 ) 51-52, 158 劉獻廷 Catholic churches built in 34-35, 49 Liu Xianting ( ) Catholic conversions in 29, 73, 152 廣陽雜記 Guangyang Zaji ( ) 275, 76n 276 Catholicism after a hundred years in 5 Livro das cidades e fortalezas 26 Catholicism’s introduction to 36 龍思泰 Ljungstedt, Anders ( ) Catholicism’s status during reign of Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Kangxi in 39-40, 44, 46, 55, 64, 66, 86, Settlements in China, An 79n 24, 18n 41, 144, 146 80, 11n 154 China bound missionaries from 225 Long Essay on the Local Customs ...游澳門同 Chinese Christians in 13, 26-29, 74, 54n 163 人詢土風以長歌述之 (Wu) 230 Chinese fear of Japanese in 94, 111 Index 311

Christianity in China and Far East and, 51 Madre de Dios, Francisco de la (馬方濟) 37, city walls of 101-02, 119-22 219 decline of immigrants in 29 Maersaigong (馬爾賽公) 200 diocese of 5, 14, 21, 30, 50, 91, 137, 150 Mafeiyuluo (嗎吠籲囉) 93-94 education and missionary training in Mafeizhiluo (嗎吠吱囉) 93 30-33, 96, 57-58, 60, 67-68, 73, 82 Magalhães, António de (張安多) 62 expenses of the mission in 153-53, 159-61 Magalhães, Domingos de (馬安能), 105 expulsion of Japanese from 112, 116-20, 124, Magalhães, Gabriel de (安文思) 171, 195, 198, 126 217, 254, 265-66, 268-70 funding of missionaries in China from. See Magalhães, José de (楊若瑟) 85, 144, 172 under Jesuits: China Mission Magni, Francesco (呢嗎·方濟各) 52, 65, 158, Japan and 163, 173, 186, 189, 190 200 Japanese Christians in 60, 90-92, 94, 100 Maia, Matias de (傅滄溟) 142-43, 147 Japanese culture in 111 Maigrot, Charles (顏璫) 38, 208 Japanese district in 231 Maijiasi Temple (賣家私寺) 24 Japanese martyrs in 91, 118n 126, 127 Maillard de Tournon, Charles-Thomas 162 Japanese slaves in 92-95, 98, 100-02, 111-12, Makassar (望加錫) 173 114-19, 122-24 Malacca 5, 7, 9-11, 17, 21, 33, 57-58, 65, 106, 153 Japanese students in 32, 95-97, 189 Malaysia (馬來西亞) 173 Japanese Tenshō embassy in 32 Maliuzhou (馬騮洲) 123 law against keeping of Japanese slaves in Man Bao (滿保) 148 115, 118-19, 123 Manchu 28, 46, 101n 64, 1n 182, 240 logistical support for missions in China Mandarin Chinese 206 from 47, 50 mandolins 239 missionary haven of 84 Mundy, Peter 187, 233, 41n 234 missionary importance of 3 Manila 17-19, 37-38, 44-46, 70, 97, 134, 174 missionary impoverishment in 47, 163 Manrique, Francisco 49n 17, 19 missionary training in 30-33, 96, 57-58, 60, mantuolin (曼佗林) 230 67-68, 73, 82 Manuel (馬諾) 77, 200 missionary work in Asia and 29-30, 33 Manyou jilue 漫遊紀 (Wang) 276, 81n 277 monasteries established by missionaries Maqi (馬齊) 200 in 33, 65-66 Maria I (queen) 161 music at Christmas in 230 Maria Anna of Austria 160 pilgrimage to 79 Marie de Prémare, Joseph Henry 24 piracy and 90, 107 Marín, Jerónimo 19 Spanish missionaries in 17-21 Marques, José Marinho (瑪姬士) 235 trade in 9-10, 18, 22, 29, 37, 49, 59, 90. See Elements of Music (音樂要素) 235 also Japanese slaves under Macau Marques, Manuel (唐瑪諾) 62 union of Spain and Portugal and 18, 58-59, Marques, Pedro (馬多祿) 82, 132-35, 137 153 Martí, Juan 31n 14, 18 Western arts in China through 183, 190, 193 Martillat, Joachim E. de 马青山 (bishop) 88 Western drama in 233 Martínez , Francisco (黃明沙) 32, 58, 82, 107 Western painting in 184 Martini, Martino (衛匡國) 195, 199, 277 Macau (澳門圖) 189 Novus atlas Sinensis 277, 87n 278 Macau County Gazetteer. See Aomen Xianzhi Martyrdom of 11,000 Sisters, The (一萬一千修 Macau seminary 48, 59, 61, 95 女殉教圖) 188 Macedo, Gaspar de 21, 192 Martyrs of Nagasaki, Japan, The 日本長崎殉 Macret, Germain (方瑪諾) 85 道者 (Van) 191-92 312 Index

Mascarenhas, Francisco 19, 120 Mingxizong shilu (明熹宗實錄) 121 Mata, Manuel da (瞿良士) 87 Ministry of Engineering 222, 263 Matheu, Pablo (韓保祿) 38 Ministry of Revenue ( 戶部) 132, 171, 187 Matos, Bento de (林本篤) 85, 135-42, 147 Ministry of Rites (禮部) 27, 130, 212, 220, 222 Matta, Jeronimo-José da (馬塔) 235 Miscellaneous Poem in Macau 澳門雜詩 (Li) Maximilian I, Elector-Duke of Bavaria 237 229-30 May Pin (麥坪) 149 Missionar in China (Väth) 61n 237, 30n 264, McGregor, Charles 279 91n 59, 5n 152, 80n 198 Medici, Cosimo de’ 264 Missionaries in Hainan Island (Wang Yu) 129 medicine 43, 59 Mo Xiaoye (莫小也) 77n 198, 204, 163n 218 Medina, Sebastián (安當呢都) 65 Monastery of Our Lady 19, 64, 65 Mercurian, Everard 185 Mongolian music 250 Melle, António de (德梅洛) 82 Montah (Jesuit priest), 22 Melo, António de 149 Montaigu, Roches Memo on the Situation in Macau (Zhang) 152 Biography of Jean-Joseph Marie Amiot 177 Mémoire sur la musique des Chinois 中國古 Montanha, José 11, 22n 12, 23n 95, 28n 97, 227 今音樂記 (Amiot) 248 Monte, Giovanni Battista de 10 Memorial about the Suspected Criminals (Tian Monteiro, José (穆若瑟) 166n 81, 82, 170, 176, Shengjin 田生金). See Bianwen jinyi 178 zuiqiu shu Montigny, François de (孟尼) 86 Memorial on Stopping the Foreigners in Macau Morabito, Antonio Saverio (林安多) 87 from Paying Tribute 議阻澳夷進貢疏 Morales, Juan Bautista de (黎玉范) 21, 37 (Wu Guifang) 12, 5n 91, 8n 185 Morocco 58 Mendes, Manuel (孟由義) 86 Motel, Jacques (穆迪我) 167 Méndez, Domingos (丘良稟) 32, 58, 132 Mouly, Joseph-Martial (孟振生) 72 Méndez, Pascal (邱良厚) 32, 61 Mourao, João (穆敬遠) 62 Menezes, Eduardo de, 259 Moÿe, Jean Martin (梅耶神父) 163 Mericourt, Hubert Cousin de (李俊賢) 166n Müllener, Johann (穆天尺牟天池) 87 81, 272 Mungello, David E. (孟德衛) 57n 52, 171n 82, Mexia, Lourenço 57 174, 213, 141n 253, 146n 254, 154n 25 Mexico 20 Muñoz, Pedro (郭多祿) 156 Mezzabarba, Jean Ambrose Charles (嘉樂) music 160 Chinese music 1n 224, 227, 235, 90n 241, Miao Shangyu 49 243-44, 247, 249-50, 253-55 Michel (明額見) 54 Chinese musical instruments 236, 242, Milescu, Nicolae Spataru 278 249, 252 Min (minjiang), River 44 mantuolin (曼佗林) 230 Min Xiaoji 閩小記 (Zhou) 277 suona (music instrument) 229 Ming shilu (明實錄). See Record of the Ming tartar pipe 229 Dynasty Chinese preference for their own 246-47 Ming, Chang (常明) 54 contemporary music (ca. 1712) 250, 255 Ming dynasty 6, 25, 27-29, 32, 36-37, 42, 32n Han 240 45, 85, 90-91, 101-02, 113, 120-21, 125, 130, in imperial court brought by missionaries 135, 137-41, 144, 165, 182, 199, 202, 204-05, 246-47, 256 221, 224-25, 228, 237, 242, 248, 255, 258, Korean type of 251 265, 268, 274-75, 277, 280 manufacturing in China of Western Ming Shi; Fulangji Zhuan (明史佛郎機傳 ) musical instruments 240 103 Mongolian music 250 Index 313

organ music 248 Niccolò, Giovanni (尼閣老) 97, 99, 185-86, Qianlong emperor and European 227, 239, 188-91,196, 234, 249 241, 245-47, 250-52, 1n 258, Japanese artists and 99 Western musical instruments Savior 186 bass 224, 238 Ningbo (寧波) 39-40, 183-84, 224-25 bassoon 238, 241 Niva, Jacques (倪雅谷) 188, 190, 192, 202 cello 239, 245 Ascension of Our Lady (聖母瑪莉亞升天 clarinet 239, 241 圖)188 clavichord 228, 236, 239, 242 Head of St. Ursula, The (聖烏拉蘇頭像) drum 224, 230, 247, 251, 274 188 flute 224, 230, 238-39, 241, 250, 253, 256, Our Lady with Child (送子聖母像) 188 French horn 241 St. Michael, Portrait of 192 mandolins 239 No Alternatives 不得已 (Yang) 198, 117n 206, oboe 253, 256 221 organs 225-30, 234, 238-41, 247-49, Noëlas, Jean François (聶若翰) 40, 166n 81 251-52 Nogueira, Valentim 138 piano 228, 230, 236-40, 242-44, 248-49, North Church (北堂) 160, 177, 200, 251-53 254 North Zhili province 34, 49 timpani (定音鼓) 224, 240 Nossa Senhora do Amparo, Street 28 trumpet marine 239 Notes on Portraits of Descending God 天主降 violas 239 生圖像經解 (Aleni) 213 violin 238-39, 241, 245-46 Notices biographiques et bibliographiques... western religious (church music) 206, (Pfister) 8n 11n 8, 16n 10, 38n 15, 1n 36, 224-25, 96n 243, 250, 256 84, 7n 38, 12n 39, 15n 40, 72n 56, 100n music theory 237, 242, 251 62, 101n 63, 125n 68, 135n 73, 146n 75, 166n 81, 167n 82, 180n 84, 185n 188n 85, Nadal, Jerónimo 194, 196, 204-05 195n 86, 198n 87, 207n 88, 5n 130, 131, 11n Nagasaki (長崎) 58, 60, 93, 95, 97-98, 109, 20n 132, 18n 134, 23n 135, 26n 136, 30n 138, 134, 173, 191-92, 229 37n 139, 40n 140, 43n 47n 141, 51n 53n Nanchang (南昌) 48, 129, 167, 190, 195-96, 202, 142, 55n 143, 62n 144, 63n 67n-69n 145, 220, 262 3n 151, 7n 185, 74n 239, 111n 113n 246, Nanchang residence 196 36n 266, 50n 269, 55n 270, 62n 272 Nanhai County (南海) 43, 74 Novus atlas Sinensis (Martini) 277, 87n 278 Nanjing (南京) 34, 41, 101 n 64, 75, 82, 86, Nuange Hall (暖閣) 238 129-30, 134, 150, 152, 160, 163, 165, 175, Nunes Barreto, Melchior 10 178, 190, 194, 202, 204, 207-08, 211-14, Nunes de Figueira, Diogo 14 242, 262-63, 276-78, 280 Nunes, João (努若翰) 138 Nanjing persecution 86 Nantou naval base 90 oboe 253, 256 Nanxiong (南雄) 135 oil paintings 195, 200, 202, 210, 219 National Library of China 197, 245, 66n 273 Oliva, Giovanni Paolo 67 Navarrete, Domingo Fernández (閔明我) 21, Oliver, Miguel Fernández (南懷德) 176 128n 208 On Clocks (Bassi) 274 Neuvialle, Jean Sylvain de (紐若翰) 82, 86 Opium War 36, 42, 45 New Essays of Guangdong 廣東新語 (Qu) Oratorio of St. Martin (Macau) 15, 231 226, 231, 277 Oratorio Society 252-53 Ngan-li-dong (南黎洞) 144-45, 147 Orazi di Castorano, Carlo (康和之) 176 Ni Weizhi (倪維智) 174 organs 225-30, 234, 238-41, 247-49, 251-52 314 Index

Oropesa, Diego de 130 Pantoja, Diego de (龐迪我) 48, 62, 101n 63, 86, Orsini, Flavio 259 19n 155, 63n 195, 196, 208, 235, 242-43 Ortelius, Abraham Panyu (番禺) 74, 100, 230 Theatrum orbis terrarum (世界概觀) 196 Paris Foreign Missions Society 38, 46-47, 53, Our Lady of Guidance (Eastern Wangyang 66, 88, 150, 159, 161, 175, 208 church) 23 Paris, Charles (巴茂正) 240 Our Lady of the Rosary (Macau) 20 Paris, Edmond 179 Our Lady with Child 送子聖母像 (Niva) 188 Parrenin, Dominique (巴多明) 75n 166, 172, Overall Map of Macau (濠鏡澳全圖) 113 235, 239, 253 Ozorio, Manuel (李國正) 62 Pasio, Francesco (巴範濟) 60, 93, 209 Passe, Crispijn de Paats, Vincent (賓先吧芝) 267 A Corrupt City is Destroyed by Celestial Fire Pacheco de Sampaio, Francisco de Assis (巴 (淫色移氣,自速天火) 203 哲格) 239 Passeri, Bernardino Pacheco, Francisco de 98 Two Disciples Abandoned Vanity after 二徒聞實即捨空虛 Pacheco, João (郭天龐) 61 Hearing Truth ( ) Painting of Court Trial, The (審判圖) 198 203 Painting of India 天竺圖 (Cai) 218 Paul (buddhist baptized in Macau) 73 王汝龍王汝龍 painting Paulo ( ). See Wang Rulong ( ) anti-Catholicism and 220-23 Pearl, River 44 勞宏納 Catholic creed and 212-13 Pececco, Antonio ( ) 87 德理格 Catholic painting 189, 192-93, 198, 201, Pedrini, Teodorico ( ) 169, 172, 235, 211-16 239-40, 243-44, 252 Elements of Music, The Expanded Edition ( Chinese painters imitating western 201 律呂正義•續編 cultural differences and 216-18, 220-21 ) 244 Collection of Violin Sonatas 245 missionary work and 190-91, 193-96, 209-10, Pedro II (king) 41, 67 219, 223 Pélisson, Jean-François (宋若翰) 40 missionary expenditures on 215 Pengshan Miji (蓬山密記) 240 oil paintings 195, 200, 202, 210, 219 Penha church (Western Wangyang church) 19, reception in China of western 211 24 Virgin Mary in 202-04, 212, 216-18 Pepo (北坡) 149 Wanli emperor and western 211 Perboyre, Jean-Gabriel (董文學) 72 Palace Memorials and Vermilion Rescripts (宮 Peregrinação (Pinto) 3n 183, 3n 225 中硃批奏摺). See Gongzhong zhupi Pereira, André (徐懋德) 173 zouzhe 故宮博物院 Pereira, Diogo 6-7 Palace Museum ( ) 279 Pereira, João de (李若望) 61-62, 145 Palafox y Mendoza, Juan de Pereira, José (李若瑟) 87 History of the Conquest of China by the Pereira, Manuel (游文輝) 32, 190, 202 Tartars 35 Pereira, Tomás (徐日昇) 62, 170, 172, 234-35, Palladio, Andrea 238, 240-41, 243-44, 250, 54n 270 古羅馬遺蹟 Relics of Ancient Rome ( ) 197 The Elements of Music (律吕纂要) 244 郭伯爾納篤 Pallas, Francisco ( ) 51, 88, 156-57 Pérez, Francisco 10, 12, 56, 185 陸方濟 Pallu, François (bishop) 38, 41 Pérez, Joaquín Royo (華敬) 38, 156 班安德 Palmeiro, André ( ) 28, 74, 131-33 Peris de la Concepción, Francisco (卞芳世) 潘淳 Pan Chun ( ) 278 18, 267 潘思榘 Pan Siju ( ) 76 Pernon, Louis (南光國) 166n 81, 238, 240, 243 本涅拉 Panela, Matias ( ) 260 Perry, Joseph (蘇神父) 72 Index 315

Pessoa, André 109-10 Portrait of Pope and Three Emperors and Kings Pestana, Adriano 62 of Rome (三王來朝圖) 195 Petitpierre, Charles-Henri 268 Portrait of St. Michael (Niva) 192 Petris, Francesco de (石方西), 98, 357 portraits 54-55, 184-85, 189, 192-95, 198-205, Pfister, Louis (費賴之) 56, 68, 82, 132 209-15, 217-23 Notices biographiques et bibliographiques Portugal sur les Jésuites 8n 11n 8, 16n 10, 38n 15, Dutch Republic and 101, 110, 119-20 1n 36, 84, 7n 38, 12n 39, 15n 40, 72n 56, France and 43n 16, 1n 36, 42, 134n 72, 166n 100n 62, 101n 63, 125n 68, 135n 73, 146n 81, 142, 161, 116n 247, 252, 58n 271, 272 75, 166n 81, 167n 82, 180n 84, 185n 188n as protectorate of missions 39-42, 196n 86, 85, 195n 86, 198n 87, 207n 88, 5n 130, 131, 153, 160-63, 180 11n 132, 18n 134, 23n 135, 26n 136, 30n slavery and 92-93, 114-15, 118 138, 37n 139, 40n 140, 43n 47n 141, 51n Spain and. See Phillip II 53n 142, 55n 143, 62n 144, 63n 67n-69n trade of 6, 18, 22, 29, 37, 59, 94, 99, 116, 173 145, 3n 151, 7n 185, 74n 239, 111n 113n 246, Portuguese padroado 39-42, 196n 86, 153, 36n 266, 50n 269, 55n 270, 62n 272 160-63, 180 Philip II (King of Spain) 18, 58, 153 abolishment of 42 Philip III (King of Spain) 154 French challenges to 39 Philippine style 189 Rome’s challenge to 41 Philippines 17-19, 34, 37-39, 50, 83, 130, 155, 174, Spain and 42 196, 200 Portuguese-Dutch War 120 piano 228, 230, 236-40, 242-44, 248-49, 254 Poxan 146 破邪集序 Piedade, João Pinto da, (bishop) 21, 110 Poxie ji xu (Jiang) 221 Pimentel, Francisco 62 printing 193-94, 201, 204-05, 215, 222, 259 printmaking 186, 205, 219 Pingyang (平陽) 165 Privas, André-Vincent (吳神父) 72 Pinhal Island 183 protectorate of missions. See Portuguese Pinto, André 10, 183 padroado Pinto, Fernão Mendes (平托) 183, 224 Purificação, Tomás da 21, 192, Peregrinação (遠遊記) 3n 183, 3n 225 Pusan (Korea) 93-94 Pinto, Manuel 67 Putian (莆田) 277 pipa 229-30 piracy 6, 90, 100-02, 107, 111, 119, 20n 134, 140 Qianlong (emperor) 23-24, 28, 34, 37-38, Pires, António (畢安多) 88 42-43, 45-47, 49, 51-52, 54-55, 65-66, 74, Pires, Benjamim Videira (潘日明) 22n 12, 76-77, 79, 83, 87, 149-51, 157-58, 162, 102n 30, 33, 95n 60, 106n 65, 118n 66, 169-70, 172-74, 176, 222, 227, 239, 241, 119n 67, 141n 74, 51n 235 245-47, 250-52, 271-73, 279 板樟廟 Plank church ( ) 175-76, 189 Qianshan (前山村) 104, 114 plank hall. See Dominican monastery Qin, Pedro (秦伯多祿) 52, 158 板樟廟 plank temple ( ). See Our Lady of the Qinding Rixia Jiuwenkao (欽定日下舊聞考) Rosary 269 觀海 Poem on the Sea for Envoy Geng Hengfu QindingXuWenxianTongkao (欽定續文獻通篇贈龔蘅圃榷使 (Liang) 228 考) 236 三巴集 Poems on St. Paul’s Cathedral (Wu) Qing dynasty 16, 29, 37, 44, 50, 55, 74-75, 179n 230 84, 85, 2n 129, 137-42, 147, 150-52, 166, Pollio, Marcus Vitruvius 169-70, 1n 182, 189, 205, 221, 228, 237, 建築十書 Ten Letters on Architecture ( ) 197 239, 241, 245-46, 249, 255, 265, 268, 273, Porquet, Louis (卜文氣) 40, 82, 266 276-77, 280-81 316 Index

Qing Gaozong shilu (The Historical Records of 82, 198n-199n 87, 205n 88, 116n 126, 38n Emperor Qianlong) 38 139, 44n 141, 52n-53n 142, 54n 143, 59n QingFeng tangrensi zouji 請封唐人寺奏記 144, 61n 144, 63n-64n 145, 67n 145, (Zhang) 74 69n-70n 145, 72n-75n 146, 87n 149, 14n Qingzhou (青洲) 24-25, 96, 102-06, 189 186, 37n 190, 44n 191, 46n 191, 48n 235, Qingzhou Persecution (青洲) 102 72n 239, 134n 251 Qiongshan (瓊山) 138-39, 142, 146-50 Report by the Japanese Diocese in 1664, A Qiongzhou (瓊州) 75, 130, 135-47, 150 (Cardim) 133 Qiongzhou Prefecture (瓊州府) 130 Resende, Carlos de (高尚德) 176 Qiusan (球三) 75, 8 Rhodes, Bernard (羅德先) 40, 171, 179 Qu Dajun (屈大均) Ribeiro, Pedro ( 黎甯石) 62 New Essays of Guangdong (廣東新語 Ribeiro, Manuel (陸瑪諾) 62, 146-47, 149 Guangdong Xinyu) 226, 231, 277 Ricci, Matteo (利瑪竇) 2, 8, 14, 32, 37, 42, 48, Quintero, Pedro 164 58, 62, 101n 63, 82, 85, 92, 102, 129-30, Quongzhou 135 133, 154, 159, 163, 165, 168, 171, 175, 183-86, 189-90, 192-99, 201-04, 207, 209-14, Rameau, Jean-Philippe 248 216-20, 223, 228, 231, 235-37, 242-43, Raozhou (饒州) 203, 253, 256 248-49, 259-64, 274-75, 4f 304 Ratio Studiorum 206 adaptation strategy and 8 Record for Dispelling the Japanese from Macau Catholic art in China before 175 (香山墺散倭記事) 116 clock made by 275 Record of Inspection in Guangdong and Fujian clocks diplomacy and 262-64 粵閩巡視紀略 (Du) 226 copperplate etchings given to Cheng Record of Macau. See Aomen jilue 澳門記略 Dayue by 203 Record of My Visit to Zhujiang as an Envoy 珠 death of 202 江奉使記 (Geng) 227 grants and salary from Chinese emperor Record of the Establishment and Prosperity of 168 Macau, The (Rego) 40n 15, 69n 22, 59 music compositions translated by 242-43 Record of the Inspection of Macau 巡視澳門 musical instruments brought as gifts by 記 (Jiao) 227 228, 236, 242 Records of Words and Deeds of the Descending Nanchang residence establishment by 196 God 天主降生言行記錄 (Aleni) 205 Regni Chinensis descriptio 42, 47, 130, 207 Reda, Martín de 19 tomb of 171 Régis, Jean-Baptiste (雷孝思) 172 Wang Zhongming family and 133 Régis, Jean-François (陳聖修) 72, 74, 149 Wang Honghui 王宏誨 and 130-31 Regni Chinensis descriptio (Ricci) 42, 47, 130, Xiqin qu yi 西琴曲意 242-43 207 Ricci, Vittorio (利畸) 37 Rego, Diogo Caldeira 15, 21, 59, 65, 83, 120 Ripa, Matteo (馬國賢) 239 Record of the Establishment and Prosperity Rites controversy 148, 208 of Macau, The 40n 15, 69n 22, 59 Rocca, Carlo della (石嘉樂) 144 Reis, Manuel Dos 62 Rocha, Baltasar Diego da (羅迪我) 85 Relação anual das coisas…(Guerreiro) 102n 30, Rocha, Joaquim Leonardo (戴國恩) 161 108n 31, 29n 97 Rocha, João da (羅如望) 34, 48, 101n 63, 155, Relics of Ancient Rome古羅馬遺蹟 (Palladio) 195 197 Rules on Reciting Catholic Texts (誦念珠規 Répertoire des Jésuites de Chine de 1552–1800 程) 204 (Dehergne) 9n 8, 11n 8, 63n 54, 74n 56, Introduction to Catholic Portraits (天主聖 100n 62, 101n 63, 122n 68, 146n 75, 167n 像略說) 204-05 Index 317

Introduction to Catholicism (天主聖教啓 Sambiasi, Francesco (畢方濟) 16, 25, 63, 蒙 ) 204 190-91, 213, 237, 265 Rodrigues, André (安國寧) 43 Sanba Temple 16, 23 Rodrigues, Francisco (1873–1956) 56 Sánchez, Alonso (桑切斯) 260 Rodrigues, Jerónimo (駱入祿) 81n 57, 82 Sancio, Joseph (申希奧) 88 Rodrigues, João (陸若漢) 25, 99, 265 Sancto Paschale, Agustín a (利安定) 155, 159 Rodrigues, Manuel 馬瑪諾 (Maca- Sande, Duarte de (孟三德) 109n 31, 58, 101n nese,1557–1636) 62 63, 12n 92, 59n 164, 209 Rodrigues, Manuel 馬瑪諾 (Maca- San Estêvão, Lucas de 66 nese,1659–1703) 234, 251 San José, Diego de (丁迪我) 51, 157 Rodrigues, Manuel 馬瑪諾 (Portu- San José, Estevão de (石若瑟) 157 guese,1638–9) 62 San Lorenzo Chapel 185 Rodrigues, Matias (羅瑪弟) 62 San Lorenzo Palace in Spain (西班牙聖勞倫 Rodríguez, Diego (丁迪我) 37 索宮), 331 Romain, Pierre (羅滿) 52-53, 66, 158-59 San Marco Church in Venice (威尼斯聖馬可 Rome 13, 41, 53-54, 67, 95, 99, 162, 190, 194-97, 教堂), 332 199, 202, 218, 259, 271 San Pedro’s church (伯多祿堂), 58 Rome Academy 259 San Pedro, Francisco González de (羅森多) Rosario, Francisco Xavier A. (何天章) 61 87 Rose Church. See Plank Church Sans y Jordá, San Pedro 白多祿 (bishop) 21, Rougemont, François de (魯日滿) 30, 139, 34, 38, 46, 49, 65, 151, 156 159, 167-68, 179, 199, 201, 214-16, 219, 254 Santa Casa da Misericórdia 22 Historia Tartaro-Sinica nova 30, 139 Sant’Anna, Arcangelo-Maria di (李蘅良) 272 Rua do Campo (水坑尾門) 79 Santa Maria (Macau) 14 Ruan Jiayou (阮嘉猷) 278 Santa Maria, António de 利安當 18, 20, 37, Rudomina, Andrzej (盧安德) 166n 81, 82, 198, 155, 165, 187, 213 212 Santa Teresa, Giuseppe Maria A. (那永福) Kouduo Richao (口鐸日抄) 198, 212, 144n 245-46 213, 127n 249 Santos, (Cristovão) Paulo dos 60, 98 Ruggieri, Michele (羅明堅) 32, 47-48, 56, 58, São Martinho, Chapel of 59 62, 101n 63, 129, 163, 185, 193-94, 199, Savior (Nicolò) 186 206-07, 209-11, 216, 248, 258-62 Sawamura, Sentaro (澤村專太郎) 12n 186, Rui Yi (芮伊) 276 195 Rules on Reciting Catholic Texts 誦念珠規程 Schall von Bell, Johann Adam (湯若望) 16, (Rocha) 204 101n 63, 143, 169, 194, 198, 221-22, 235, Rusconi, Giovanni Antonio 237, 265, 5f 305 Architecture (論建築) 197 Catholic music in China and 235 Russia 267 clock diplomacy and 265 Ruyi Hall (如意館) 271 Forty-Eight Woodcuts in Catholic Portraits ( Ryukyu (琉球) 111 進呈聖像) 205 sculptures 182-84, 188-89, 195, 197 Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of Sebastian I (king) 92 the Faith 53-54, 162, 169, 244, 252, 271 Semedo, Álvaro (曾德昭) 13, 56, 95n 60, 101n Saint-Martin, Jean de (馮若望) 88 63, 82, 84, 86, 1f 301 Saint Nicolas, Sigismond de (席澄源) 240, 271 Atlas of Great China 276 Sá, João de (楊若望) 67, 87 History of that Great and Renowned Sá, Leonardo de (bishop) 14 Monarchy of China, The 71n 56, 134 Salvetti, Joachim (若亞敬) 47 Sequeira, Luís de (紀類斯) 33, 62 318 Index

Sequeira, Manuel de (鄭瑪諾) 67 Society of doctrine 167 Serrano, Francisco (德黃正國) 151 Society of Jesus. See Jesuits Shaanxi (陝西) 52, 62n 54, 65-66, 75, 77, 79, Society of Literati 167 129, 149, 158, 200, 253-54 Society of Our Lady 167 Shandong (山東) 52, 62n 54, 82, 129, 172, 176, Society of Passion 167 202, 213, 252, 256 Society of the Heavenly God 167 Shang Zhixin (尚之信) 266 Soeiro, Paulo (崔保祿) 75 Shangchuan (上川島) 5-8, 10 Soerio, João (蘇如望) 101n 63, Shanghai (上海) 45, 86, 122, 129, 159, 167, 176, Song dynasty 224, 275 178, 201, 212, 275-80 Song Yingxiang (宋應星) Shangrao (上饒) 175 Heavenly Crafts Revealing the Uses of Shangyang (上洋) 175 Things (天工開物) 205 Shanxi (山西) 42, 52, 65, 79, 88, 149, 158, 165, Songcun Village (宋村) 177 180 Songjiang (松江) 167, 178 Shaoguang/Shaoguan (韶關) 75, 129 Sotomaior, Diego de (羅閣伯) 85 Shaoxing (紹興) 129, 207 Sousa Enes, Manuel Bernardo de (bishop) 29 Shaozhou (韶州) 2, 101n 63, 130-31, 135, 175, Sousa, Hilário de 234 190, 195, 199, 235, 261-62 Sousa, Leonel de 8, 192 Shashi (沙市) 174 Sousa, Manuel de (索諾) 87 Shen (沈) 79 South Church (南堂). See Xuanwumen Shengchao poxie ji (聖朝破邪集) 126n 34, Souza, Manuel de (索瑪諾) 62 43n 48, 196n 86, 7n 152, 9n 153, 19n 155, Spain 18, 41-42, 45, 48, 58, 154-56, 189, 195-96, 221 199-200, 247 Shengtu Sanxiang shuo Guanyinzhe zhi (聖圖 Spanish 1, 3, 16-21, 37-38, 53, 62, 64-66, 80, 三像說觀音者知\) 211 82-83, 87, 153-56, 159-60, 183, 189, 195, Shexian County (歙縣) 276 200, 219, 233, 260, 266 Shicheng 212 Spinola, Carlos 187 Shixing Xianzhi (始興縣誌) 74, 144n 75 Spread of Christianity in Hainan, The (Wei shogun 98, 126 Jingzhao) 129 Shuangyu 183-84, 224-25 SS. Sacramento, Manuel A. (李瑪諾) 200 Shunde (順德), 126, 169 St. Anthony Church 12 Shunde Xianzhi (順德縣誌) 76 St. Augustine Church 聖奧斯定堂 (Macau) Shunzhi 順治 (emperor) 37, 137-39, 141, 147, 34 170-72, 198, 206, 237, 249, 265-66, 268-70 St. Clare Church 23 Siam 7-8, 33, 39, 97, 110, 167, 193 St. Clare, Order of 18 Siamese 7-8, 17, 65, 111, 225, 259 St. Dominic (Macau) 23 Sichuan (四川) 149, 161 St. Francis (賣家私寺), Chapel of 23 Silom (painter) 204 St. Ignatius Seminary, 101 Silva, Beatriz Basto da St. Joseph Church (聖若色堂) 34, 49, 68, Cronologia da história de Macau 18n 10, 79-80, 146, 164 37n 47, 56, 43n 161, 15n 186, 235 St. Joseph Seminary 54, 61, 67-68, 72, 160, 164, Silva, Felicia da (林斐理) 82 235 Silva, José da (林若瑟) 88 St. Lawrence (Macau) 23, 34 Simonelli, João (艾若望) 75, 88 St. Lazarus (Macau) 11-12, 23, 79-80, 83 slavery 92-93, 114-15, 118 St. Martin, Biblical School 58 Slavíček, Karel (嚴嘉樂) 208, 239-40, 270 St. Paul, Cathedral of (三巴堂) 25, 28, 34, 68, Smogulecki, Jan Mikołaj (穆尼閣) 166n 81, 79, 125, 174, 186 142 architecture of 187-88 Index 319

Chinese suspicions on building of 106-07, Tang Yan (唐寅), 371 125 Ta Nham 167 clock of 267 Tangjiwan (塘基灣) 113-14, 116 description of 15-16, 187-88 Tan Qian (談遷) 249 donations for building of 164 Tarín, Jaime 18 Japanese christians and 99, 107, 126-27, Tartar/s 30, 35, 214, 220, 229, 237, 243 Jesuits of 174 Tartre, Pierre Vincent de (湯尚賢) 40 Jesuit suppression and 53 Ta Siam Kum (大相公) 167 Jinjiao Temple 進教寺 and 28 Tch’en, Paulo (陳保祿) 77 music at 227-28, 230-32 Tch’en, Pierre (陳多祿) 75 paintings inside 188 Tchao, Justa (趙尤斯妲) 166 theater at 232-34 Tedeschi, Bartolomeo (杜祿茂) 62, 166n 81 St. Paul, College of 3, 15-16, 24, 31-32, 57-65, Teixeira, António Manuel, 14 67-68, 95-97, 102, 107-08, 132-33, 14n Teixeira, Léonard (瞿良道) 62 186, 191-92, 230-34, 256 Teixeira, Manuel 文德泉 (1912–2003) 1n 5, St. Paul, fortress of 19 39n 15, 48n 17, 50n 18, 55n 58n 19, 63n St. Penha (Macau) 19, 24 20, 66n 68n 21, 75n 24, 27, 95n 28, 98n St. Rose of Lima School 235 29, 120n 33, 125n 34, 57, 94n 60, 119n 67, 林濟各 Stadlin, Franz ( ) 173, 270, 272 68, 145n 75, 91, 24n 95, 31n 33n 97, 98, Standaert, Nicolas 1, 253 110, 117n-119n 126, 119n-120n 127, 60n 164, 斯當東 Staunton, George Thomas ( ) 241, 279 14n 186, 17n 187, 33n 190, 47n 192, 30n 肅親王豪格 Su ( ), Prince 166 231, 46n 234 Su Chaoyuan (蘇超元) 175 Teixeira, Manuel 泰瑪諾 (1536–90) 7, 10-12, Su Uln-te 179 16n 93, 183 Subrahmanyam, Sanjay 27 temple for madmen (發瘋寺) 14 Sué, Matthieu (薛瑪竇) 72 Ten Articles on Controlling Macau 制澳十則 Sullivan, Michael (蘇立文) 202 (Cai Shanji 蔡善繼) 122 Sun Changzuo 105-06 Ten Letters on Architecture 建築十書 (Pollio) Sun Chaqi (孫查齊) 200 197 Sun Ruli (孫孺理) 277 Tenorio, Manuel (謝德明) 156 Sun Xiniang (孫細娘) 277 Tenshō embassy 32, 92 Sun Yuanhua (孫元化) 165 Thailand 118n 33, 144 suona (music instrument) 229 世界概觀 Suzhou (蘇州) 75, 79, 167, 176, 277, 280 Theatrum orbis terrarum (Ortelius) 196 楊自新 Taichiku, Mancio (大竹奧西曼) 97, 117n 126, Thébault, Gilles ( ) 272 189 Thibault, Victor 268 Taihe zhengyin pu [Taihe Music Scores] (Zhu) Thomas, Alfred Hugh 255 History of Missionary Work in Beijing 177 安多 Taiko. See Hideyoshi, Toyotomi (豐臣秀吉) Thomas, Antoine ( ) 170 田大 Taiwan 3, 37-38, 267 Tian Da ( ) 177 田生金 Taiyuan (太原) 165 Tian Shengjin ( ) 93, 112 Tamsui (淡水) 111 Memorial about the Suspected Criminals 93 天津衛 Tang, 17, 309, 371, 375, 381, 390 Tianjinwei ( ) 263 天寧寺 Tang, Antoine (黨懷仁), 112, 128 Tianning Temple ( ) 260 Tang Dynasty, 375 Tianqi 天啟 (emperor) 73, 104-05, 120-22, 249, Tang Mingyuan (唐明遠), 478 274 Tangxi (湯溪) 168 Tianxue Zhuangai (天學傳概) 222 320 Index

Tianyue zhengyin pu天樂正音譜 (Wu) Vietnamese Martyr Saint André (越南殉 254-55 道聖人安德列) 191 Timor 21, 33, 65 The Martyrs of Nagasaki, Japan (日本長 timpani (定音鼓) 224, 240 崎殉道者) 191-92 Titsingh, Isaac 268 Varo, Francisco (萬濟國) 21 Tokugawa Ieyasu (德川家康) 97 Väth, Alfons (魏特) 59, 169 Tokugawa Shogunate 99 Johann Adam Schall von Bell, S.J.: Tokyo 21, 36 Missionar in China 91n 59, 5n 152, 64n Toledo 18 165, 85n 169, 80n 198, 61n 237, 30n 264 Tong Ao (童鼇) 54 Vaz, António 57 Tong Guoqi (佟國器) 165 Vaz, Mateus (魏瑪竇) 62, 191-92 Tong Yangjia (佟養甲) 138 The Martyrs of Nagasaki, Japan (日本長 Tordesillas, Agustín de 17 崎殉道者) 192 Torre do Tombo 55, 78-79, 175, 177 Vaz de Aragão, Diogo 7 Torrente, Stanislao (瞿篤德) 143, 145 Vaz da Veiga, Tristão 101 Toyotomi Hideyoshi (豐臣秀吉) 93 Veiga, Francisco da (范方濟) 144, 147 Trigault, Michel 32 Venice 194-95, 276 Trigault, Nicolas (金尼閣) 101n 63, 195-97, Ventavon, Jean-Matthieu de (汪達洪) 272 237, 264 Vera Cruz, Estevão da 19 trumpet marine 239 Verbiest, Ferdinand (南懷仁) 16, 169-70, 173, Tsan tsao Town 146 200, 243, 251, 48n 268, 2f 302 Tsien tsai 146 death of 251 Tsing-sing Wei, Louis (衛青心) 36 Explanations for Mapping the Earth (坤輿 Tsushima Island 94 圖說) 198, 205 Turcotti, Carlo Giovanni (杜加祿) 155, 170, funeral of, 339 176 viceroy 17, 19-21, 41, 59, 64, 66, 153-55 Tuscany 264 Viegas, Gaspar 164 Two Disciples Abandoned Vanity after Hearing Viegas, Manuel de (劉瑪諾) 51, 88, 157 二徒聞實，即舍空虛 Truth (Vos and Vietnam (越南) 22, 30, 33, 130, 134, 139, 144, Passeri) 203 173 Vietnamese Martyr Saint André 越南殉道聖 U Yuen ngao (吳月高) 201 人安德列 (Van) 191 Union of Spain and Portugal 18, 58, 153 Urban VIII (pope) 41 violas 239 Ursis, Sabatino de (熊三拔) 101n 63, 166n 81, violin 238-39, 241, 245-46 86 Virgin Mary 192-93, 196, 198-99, 203-04, 210-12, 214, 216-18, 222, 254 Vagnoni, Alfonso (王豐肅) 48, 101n 63, 86, Guanyin Buddha and 218 103, 104, 152, 19n 155, 203 Virgin Mary and her Son Jesus, Chinese Valat, Jean (汪儒望) 252 Portrait of (中國聖母子圖) 218 Valente, Manuel Correia (瓦倫特) 68 Virgin Mary holding Jesus Christ in her Arms Valignano, Alessandro (范禮安) 8, 30, 107n 31, and John the Baptist (聖母抱耶穌和 56, 58, 60-61, 95-96, 154, 175, 195-96, 206, 施洗者約翰像) 202 258, 262, 7f 307 Virgin Mary Hugging Little Jesus Christ (聖母 Valle, Raimundo del (賴蒙篤) 37 懷抱小耶穌像) 202 Vam Yao-sien 179 Virgin Mary, Portrait of (聖母瑪利亞像) 202 Van Spiere (de Spira), Pieter (史惟貞) 63 Visdelou, Claude de (劉應) 39, 171 Van, Mateus (馬刁士雲) Vos, Martin de Index 321

Two Disciples Abandoned Vanity after Western musical instruments. See specific Hearing Truth 二徒聞實，即舍空虛 musical instruments 203 Western opera 241 Walk on the Sea with Faith... 信而步海， Western Organ 西洋風琴 (Liang) 227 疑而即沉 203 Western painting. See painting Walk on the Sea with Faith and Sinking with Western Techniques of Hydraulics 泰西水法 Suspicion 信而步海，疑而即沉 (Xu) 205 (Vos) 203 Western time system 260 Walter, Jean (魯仲賢) 239 woodcuts 195, 202, 204-05 Wan, Paulo Banhes (萬其淵) 61, 75 Wu Guifang (吳桂芳) 12, 91, 185 Wang Bo (汪柏) 192 Wu Li (吳歷) 33, 57, 61, 75, 254 Wang Dahong (汪大黌) 276 Tianyue zhengyin pu (天樂正音譜) Wang Dongzhi (王動之) 55 254-55 吳錪 Wang Honghui (王宏誨) 130, 132 Wu Tian ( ) 游澳 Wang Linheng (王臨亨) 226, 258 Long Essay on the Local Customs... ( 門同人詢土風以長歌述之 Yuejian Pian (粵劍篇) 226 ) 230 吳甜廣 Wang Pan (王泮) 260 Wu Tianguang ( ) 77 吳永隆 Wang Qinyi (汪欽一) 51, 157 Wu Yonglong ( ) 51, 157 武昌 Wang Rulong (王汝龍) 132, 134 Wuchang ( ) 167 烏爾陳 Wang Yining (王以寧) 92, 94, 100, 111, Wuerchen ( ), 279 Wang Yu Wuluoni (Saint Veronica) 198 Missionaries on Hainan Island (傳教士在海南島) 2n 129 Xavier, Francis 6f 306 Wang Yun (王澐) 277 adaptation strategy of 8 death of 8 Manyou jilue (漫遊紀) 276, 81n 277 in Japan 5 Wang Zheng (王徵) 5n 152, 165 in Guangdong, 12 Illustrated Explanations of Strange Western missionary work in Shangchuan Island of Machines (奇器圖說) 72n 197, 205, 274 6-7 Wang Zhi (王制) 122 plans to enter China by 7 Wang Zhongming (王忠銘) 132-33 Xavier, Henri 191 Wang, Paulo (Wang Rulong 王汝龍) 132-35 Xi’an (西安) 51-52, 129, 158, 165, 171, 218 Wangyang temples 23 西安門望雲樓稿徐如 Xi’an Gate ( ) 171 Wangyunlou Gao (Xu Ruke 廈門珂 Xiamen ( ) 37-40, 90, 173 ) 106 仙溝鎮萬曆 Xian’gou town ( ) 130, 146 Wanli (emperor) 14, 73, 92, 94, 100-03, Xiangshan County (香山縣) 74, 76-78, 90, 106, 110-16, 118-19, 121-22, 125, 130, 183, 93-94, 102, 105, 113-14, 117, 121-22, 152, 174, 195, 210-12, 218, 226, 228, 236, 242-43, 177 246, 258, 263, 274-75 Xiangshan Xianzhi 香山縣志 (Lu) 23-24, 114 萬曆野獲編 Wanli yehuobian ( ) 102 Xichao Chongzheng ji (熙朝崇正集) 210 宛平縣 Wanping County ( ) 177 Xie, Simão (謝西滿) 51, 157 watchmaking 271-72, 275, 277, 279 Xie Yu (謝玉) 79 葦甸村 Weidian village ( ) 177 Xiejiao santu Shuoping 邪教三圖說評渭南縣 Weinan County ( ) 200 (Yang) 221 文昌縣 Wenchang County ( ) 146-47, 149-50 Xifang Yaoji (西方要紀) 248 西堂 West Church (Beijing) 169, 252 Xim xam çum (上村) 149 West Church (Ji’nan) 256 Xincheng County (新城縣) 177 Western drama 233 Xinhui (新會) 73-74, 77, 79, 145 322 Index

Xinxing 52, 66, 77 Lushu (露書) 275 Xinxiu Xiangshanxian zhi (新修香山縣誌) Ye Quan (葉權) 12, 184, 258 230 Ye Tingxun (葉廷勳) Xiqin qu yi 西琴曲意 (Ricci) 242-43 Yu Yi Aomen Jishi (於役澳門紀事) 230 Xuanchengxian Zhi (宣城縣誌) 276 Yin Guangren (印光任) Xuantong (emperor) 218 Aomen jilue (澳門記略) 227 Xuanwu Gate (玄武門內天主堂) 171, 240 Ying’Erpu (鷹兒浦) 113 Xuanwumen (宣武门) 198-99, 241, 249 Yingtai 246 Xuejian, Zhou (周學健) 49 Yingtian (應天) 211 Xuejiazui Songqianhexiang (薛家嘴松謙和 Yingyupu (鷹魚浦). See Ying’Erpu (鷹兒浦) 巷) 174 Yinkeng 25 Xu Fuyuan (徐復元) 237 Yinreng, Prince-Imperial (胤礽) 266 Xu Gandida (許甘地大) 166-67, 212, 214 Yongli 永曆 (emperor) 25, 140-41, 199 Xu Guangqi (徐光啟) 165-66, 178, 205, 212, Yongmo Village (雍陌村) 114 268, 275 Yongzheng 雍正 (emperor) 45-46, 75-76, 87, Western Techniques of Hydraulics (泰西水 148-50, 152, 156, 160, 166, 170, 172-73, 176, 法) 205 180, 222, 227, 230, 271 Xu Ji (徐驥) 167 Guangdongtongzhi 雍正 11n 227, 22n 230 Xu Ruke (徐如珂) 106 Youdu (幼度). See Wang Zhi (王制) Wangyunlou gao (望雲樓稿) 106 Yrigoyen, Juan de (魯日孟) 38 Xu Shijin (徐時進) 248, 262 Yu Anxing (俞安性) 104, 114-16 Xu Yuandu (許遠度) 166 Covenant on the Maritime Ban 122-23, 125 Xu Yue (徐岳) Yu Yi Aomen Jishi 於役澳門紀事 (Ye) 230 Jianwenlu (見聞錄) 277 Yuan dynasty 182, 224 Xuzhou (徐州) 166 Yuanjianzhai Hall (淵鑒齋) 238 Xu Zongze (徐宗澤) 133 Yuejian Pian 粵劍篇 (Wang) 226 Yuen Xicheu (袁西萃) 167 Ya De (雅德) 46 Yunjian Zazhi 雲間雜誌 (Li) 275 Yalu 146, 150 Yunnan (雲南) 88, 149, 175 Yam (楊) 167 Yunyang (鄖陽) 200 Yam, Philippe (楊菲利普) 168 Yan Benming 80 Zanye (吧地哩占也) 79 Yan Deng (嚴登) 38 Zarelli, Mariano (梅神甫) 52 Yan Keyi (閻可義) 138 Zeng Yiben 90 Yang Dewang (楊德望) 161 Zhang Dayou (張大猷) 103 Yang Guangxian (楊光先) 143, 198, 175n 221 Zhang Minggang (張鳴岡) 100, 117-18, 122 No Alternatives (不得已) 198, 117n 206, 221 Zhang Pengjiu (張鵬九) 177 Xiejiao santu Shuoping (邪教三圖說評) Zhang Qilin (張起麟) 244 221 Zhang Rulin (張汝霖) 28, 74, 76, Yang Tingjun (楊廷筠) 168 Aomen jilue (澳門記略 ) 13-15, 41n 16, 46n Yang Tingzhang 42 17, 56n 19, 20, 149n 76, 152n 77, 83, 113, Yang, Francisco Vincent (楊方濟) 75 94n 116, 121, 109n 122, 111n 123, 175, 192, Yangtze, River 44 227, 230, 267 Yangzhou (揚州) 166, 277 Qingfeng tangrensi zouji (請封唐人寺奏 Yangzhou HuafangLu (揚州畫舫錄) 276 記) 74 Yao (姚) 166-67 Zhang Sixun (張思訓) 275 Yao Chaoshi (姚朝士) 277 Zhang Ze (張澤) 148 Yao Lü (姚旅) Zhang Zhentao (張甄陶) 24, 74, 77, 152 Index 323

Lun Aomen Xiongshi Zhuang (論澳門形 Zhenhai Building (鎮海樓) 279 勢狀) 152 Zhenjiang 238 Zhiyu aoyi lun (制馭澳夷論) 74 Zhi (zhijiang), River 44 Zhangnan (漳南) 277 Zhili (直隸) 34, 49, 52, 79, 149 Zhangzhou Prefecture (漳州府) 38 Zhiyu aoyi lun 制馭澳夷論 (Zhang Zhentao Zhao Gongchun (趙功純) 55 張甄陶) 74 Zhao Hongcan (趙弘燦) 64 Zhong Nianshan (鍾念山) 32, 73 Zhao Huaiyu (趙懷玉) 252 Zhou Gongliang (周亮工) Zhao Kehuai (趙可懷) 211 Min Xiaoji (閩小記) 277 Zhao Yi (趙翼) 250 Zhou Shilian (周世廉) 75 Zhaocheng (趙城) 65 Zhou Xuejian 49 Zhaoqing (肇慶) 33, 42, 75, 79, 129, 135, 192-93, Zhu Quan (朱權) 196, 207, 211, 216, 235, 248, 260-62, 277 Taihe zhengyin pu (Taihe Music Scores) Zhejiang (浙江) 38, 45, 101, 129, 132, 148, 165, 255 175, 183, 224 Zhulin (豬林) 177 Zheng Chenggong (穆尼閣) 140, 144 Zini (紫泥) 74 Zheng Douyuan (鄭斗源) 264 Zuozhongchu Zhongbiao XishuQingce (做鐘 Zhengde (emperor) 258 處鐘錶細數清冊) 273 Zheng Zhilong (鄭芝龍) 73, 98, 140 324 Index FiguresFigures 325 Figures

Figure 1 Portrait of Álvaro Semedo from Relatione della grande monarchia della Cina by Álvaro Semedo, printed by Hermann Scheus, Rome, 1643, from the Jesuitica Collection, John J. Burns Library, Boston College.

Figure 2 Portrait of Ferdinand Verbiest from A Description of the Empire of China and Chinese-Tartary by Jean-Baptiste du Halde, translated by Emanuel Bowen, printed by T. Gardner, London, 1738, Jesuitica Collection, John J. Burns Library, Boston College. Available online at http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1846. Figures 327

Figure 3 Portrait of St. Ignatius of Loyola from vol. 5 of Galerie illustree de la Compagnie de Jesus by Alfred Hamy, Paris, 1893, Jesuitica Collection, John J. Burns Library, Boston College. 328 Figures

Figure 4 Portrait of Matteo Ricci from vol. 7 of Galerie illustree de la Compagnie de Jesus by Alfred Hamy, Paris, 1893, Jesuitica Collection, John J. Burns Library, Boston College. Figures 329

Figure 5 Johann Adam Schall von Bell from China illustrata by Athanasius Kircher, Amster- dam, 1667, Jesuitica Collection, John J. Burns Library, Boston College. Available online at http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1847. 330 Figures

Figure 6 Death of St. Francis Xavier, from Cultus Sancti Francisci Xaverii Soc. Jesu., printed by Gregor Kurzbock, Vienna, 1600, Jesuitica Collection, John J. Burns Library, Boston College. Figures 331

Figure 7 Portrait of Alessandro Valignano, from Galerie illustree de la Compagnie de Jesus by Alfred Hamy, Paris, 1893, Jesuitica Collection, John J. Burns Library, Boston College.