Contents Editorial The Party National Affairs The Party's Government International Solidarity ...... 1.. 1 Mashonaland West: The Burning Issues ...... 1 Women's Meeting ...... 4 Party Workshop at the University of : Closing Address by Party Vice President C de . M uzend a ...... 5 Solidarity. Unity. Peace: Zimbabwe Before and After the Discovery of ZAPU's Arms Caches ...... 7 Health Sector Priorities in Zimbabwe and Progress Attained to Date: by Cde. 0. M unyaradzi ...... 13 The Relevance of Education with Production in Zimbabwe by Cde. J. Culverwell ...... 17 The Mass Media and the New Order in Zimbabwe by Cde. N. Shamuyarira ...... 21 Angola and the Undeclared Racist War ...... 25 Atrocities: The Order of the Day in N am ib ia ...... 26 The Origin of the Juche Idea ...... 29 Lenin and the Great October Revolution ...... 32 Zimbabwe News is the official News Organ of the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) component of the Patriotic Front and is produced on the authority of the Central Committee by the Department of Information and Publicity, Jongwe Printing and Publishing, No. 14 Austin Road, Workington, . World Copyright, Central Committee (ZANU-PF). Pictures by National Archives, Ministry of Information, Jongwe Archives J - rmr *,- t: -,.

Zimbabwe, News Vol.15 No 2 March 1984 Editorial The recent impositionof a curfew in some parts of Matabeleland will no doubt be construed as a positive and welcome development by those peaceloving people of Matabeleland. In recent months we have witnessed an increase in the spate of banditry in that part of the country. The people have been subjected to all forms of harassment, torture, rape and murder. Most of the victims have been ZANU (PF) members nd -white farmers who make a significant cont ibution to the national granaries. Everybody needs no telling who is behind this. It is super- ZAPU sponsored by the nefarious and illegal regime to the south of us - apartheid ruled . ZANU (PF), as a self-respecting and responsible party cannot be expected to stand and watch while its supporters are systematically eliminated from Matabeleland. Matabeleland is a part of free and independent Zimbab ve just as Mashonaland, Midlands, and Manicaland. If ZAPU supporters can live in peace in any of these (which, incidentally, are ZANU (PF) strongholds) why can our supporters not live in peace in Matabeleland? That is a very important question which ZAPU should seriously address itself to. As members of ZANU (PF) we have a duty and responsibility towards each other's security. That 'is why we emphasise vigilance in all matters concerning the Party. This noble obligation we have towards each other explains our concern to what is happening to our fellow Party comrades in Matabeleland. In the light of this we should, at this point, be asking what should the response Of'the Party be to this super-ZAPU sponsored menace. As a Party, ZANU (PF) has been patient because it is the Government and because it respects the Government and the rule of law. But patience is not an inexhaustible commodity. The time is fast approaching when the mammoth phenomenon that is ZANU (PF) will crush, and crush hard upon superZAPU. ZANU (PF) members, because of their respect and confidence in the government do not wish to take the law into.their own hands. But we are sure many a ZANU (PF member would like the government to devise a means ot conscripting volunteers to help in the campaign to rout out dissidents. Then whoever wishes can, while operating within the rule of law, put his fang into the dissidents. Apology to Readers, Subscribers and Advertisers Due to reasons beyond our control we were unable to publish the February issue of Zimbabwe News. We would like to apologise to all our readers and at the same time assure them that we will maintain our monthly' rhythm. The editorial board also wishes to advise subscribers that their subscriptions will be advanced by a month. This applies to advertisements as well. Readers will note that the series "The Road to Lancaster" is not included in this issue. It will, however, be continued in future issues. Mashonaland West The Buming Issues by the Chairman, Cde. N. Shamuyarira On Sunday October 2nd 1983 the ZANU (PF) Mashonaland Province held its first political seminar which was very well attended by the local district, and provincial leadership of the party. It was opened by the Vice President of ZANU (PF) Comrade . He outlined the purposes of the seminar, among them, the need to provide good and sound leadership to all the organs of the party from the cell to the Central Committee. The meeting was also addressed by the National Organising Secretary, Comrade , the Secretary for Youth Affairs, Comrade Ernest Kadungure, and the Deputy Secretary for Labour and Manpower Planning, Comrade Robinson Manyika. They outlined the basic principles, programmes, and policies of the party. Their speeches .were most educative to the local leadership of Mashonaland West Province. The speeches have been summarised and published. The m'ain purpose of publishing the document was to make these speeches and comments available to all the members of the party who were not able to be present at the seminar. We hope that the speeches will be studied and discussed at meetings of our members ip each cell, each branch and each district. They are an instrument which we can use to arm our cadres with the necessary political and ideological knowledge and orientation so that they become prepared for, and indeed participate, in the process of social transformation in which both the party and the Government are engaged. The colonial capitalist system that we inherited at the time of independence must gradually and steadily be transformed into a socialist collective system. That is the clear task that has been placed before all our members by the Central Committee and the President of the Party, Comrade . We are required to work tirelessly for the successful achievement of this transformation whose practical and tangible results must be manifested among the broad masses of our people. Mashonaland West Province stretches from to the Mhondoro Communal Area and from Sanyati to Mtorashanga. It covers a very wide geographical area inhabited by 859 000 people. It is one of the most underdeveloped provinces of the state of Zimbabwe, especially in the areas of Urungwe and the Zambezi Valley. Its population comprises commercial and peasant

2 - Vol. farmers, miners, commercial traders and industrialists, workers and fisherman. It produces cotton, maize and tobacco on a major scale as well as coffee and sorghum. The province is therefore a microcosm of Zimbabwe in the variety and diversity of its activities. The Zambezi Valley Tongas One of the major challenges of the party is the social transformation of the Tonga speaking fishermen in the Zambezi Valley. They were movedWrom the River Zambezi when the Lake Kariba was established - and they still require a lot of assistance to acclimatize to a new ecology altogether in the dry and arid mountains in the Zambezi Vailley..Fishing co-operatives are being established to enable them to continue their fish culture as well as to compete effectively with the 36-odd companies that have fishing rights on Lake Kariba. Fishing is now a sophisticated industry on the lake shore. During the colonial period the Tonga villagers were not allowed to catch the fish which were their staple diet and were discriminated against in many ways by the system. A lot of political, administrative and ideological work has got to be done to bring the Tongas into the mordern society of Zimbabwe as full participants and beneficiaries, in the new socio-economic and political order. On the agricultural side tractors have been provided for tilling the land and we hope that production of suitable crops will expand and alleviate the hardships of drought among the Zambezi Valley Tongas. The problem of wild animals and tsetse fly control are being tackled vigorously by the responsible Ministries. Resettlement - a slow start The resettlement exercise has been fairly successful, especially in the Karoi area at Nyamakuti, Kasemure, and Masikati Ranches. A number of people who had moved from the crowded Urungwe Communal Area were finally allowed to resettie in these areas. However the pace of the exercise has been slow and it should be speeded up in order to cope with the inreasing number of persons who want to be resettled; and to establish a pattern of orderly settlement in certain farms that have been vacant for a long time. Unfortunately, some vandalism has occured on some of these properties. The overcrowding which was prevalent at the time of independence in the communal areas of Mhondoro, Zwimba, Chirau, and Sanyati, has not been alleviated. In some instances, the bad situation has been worsened by the entry into the communal areas of large numbers of labourers displaced or evicted from neighbouring commercial farms. Commercial farmers fearing that labourers or tenants settled on their farms may be given certain rights by the Government, Comrade Shamuyarira - Chairman - Mashonaland West have resorted to wholesale evictions, and even destruction of farm villages in order to force the labourers to return to the communal areas. The result is that some communal areas are now bursting at the seams with an ever growing population. Clearly land hunger and the related problem of efficient land utilisation remains the biggest problem facing our Government and our party. All the organs of our party have to work very hard to assist the Ministry of Lands, Resettlement and Rural Development in the momentous task that it is undertaking. Our party organs worked very hard to consolidate the new settlers who went into the Nyamakuti, Kasemura and Musikati areas and even assisted the new settlers with clearing of their lands and the building of new homesteads. The differences were resolved by discussion and in some instances the Minister himself or his deputy, were invited to resol, blems that appeared intractable. Dissidents and Bandits t Large Early in 1983 there were spora cidents of dissident activity espec the Hurungwe Communal areas. ZIPRA elements who had operate area during the war returned %% specific purpose of disturbing th of the province, and also to est route for fairing weapons from M bi Pools in the north to Blnga and in the South. But theii nefariou were thwarted by the intensive a of the loyal members of the Zir National Army and the Ziri Republic Police. These law-er ai-,cies were also greatl'y assiste timouuuw" iveyws Vol 1i t'r 9 general population of Urungwe Communal Areas. Several members of our youth wing took it upon themselves to patrol thp streets, search the buses and trucks for unauthorised travellers who ught have been carrying dangerous weapons, and even apprehend deserters from the . That v nice of the village population made it very difficult for dissidents to operate in Urungwe or even pass through en route 'from -Mushumbi Pools to Bipxga and Ookwe. Several units of dissidents were *rted to the Police and the Army and apprehended before they got very far. I would like to pay tribute to the Zimbabwe, Republic Police in the Province for working in full co-operation with the party. We are glad that the Zimbabwe Natiortal Army has now established a Camp at Sanyati for the training of the first batch of the People's Militia. The first group of 400 trainees started training at the Sanyati Camp last month. More units will be passing through the camp throughout 1984 and hopefully in 1985. The People's Militia training will last for three months. Those who have been trained will 6~e expected to stand up and defend their nation against any internal subversive elements such as dissidents and bandits and any foreign enemies, especially those from the racist Republic of South Africa. Zimbabwe's independence was achieved by the supreme sacrifice of its own sons and daughters and its integrity and peace will be maintained by the same sons and daughters. The Political Front On the political front the restructuring exercise has been more or less completed and the province boasts of nearly 81 main districts. We would like tostrengthen the work in the districts by political education at seminars and rallies where they will be provided with materials for reading and discussions. A Provincial party monthly provides some of the material that is needed for study and discussions. It contains the accumulated wisdom of our leaders in various fields of the .'party's organisation and activities. Our aim is to develop the understanding and raise the level of national consciousness of our cadres and our leaders at local-and district level. We should also promote the ideas and practices of socialism based on our own traditions and cultures. In our society people work together as villages or as social groups in order to achieve dertain common objectives. The Nhimbe or the jangano was a form of collective work on which we can build. Unfortunately we still' have a few misguided followers of ZAPU and the UANC in certain parts of the province. These minority parties have failed to attract enough members to attend their rallies and therefore have, resorted to house-to- house meetings and distribution of highly subversive literature. In some instances they have resorted to violence ba 0A such as stabbing our members with knives in beerhalls and such other places..We have deplored this attempt at using violence and warned the minority parties of the dire consequences that will befall them when we are left with no alternative but to retaliate. At the Seminar on Sunday 3rd October, the participants were asked by the Vice President, Comrade Simon Muzenda, whether they will lose again the two seats that were won by the minority parties in the 1980 General Election. The participants replied with a deafening 'no'. They said that the party was so mobilised that in any future election no minority party would win any seat in Mashonaland West Province. All the districts were united in their determination to win all the seats in the Province in the next General Election. Some Burning Issues In the. discussion that will take place in all the local organs of our party throughout our province we would like to highlight some of the problems facing the people and some of the burning issues. Commercial Farms The Province has areas that have some fertile soil and good rainfall. While several parts of our country face severe drought this last season our Province reaped a fairly good harvest of maize, cotton, tobacco, coffee and sorghum. But the conditions of living of the farm workers, whilst they have improved since - independence, are still not satisfactory. Our party organs should endeavour to improve the social and working conditions of our workers on the farms. For example, the majority of farm workers still live in pole-and-daga huts. Commercial farmers should be urged to provide brick houses for their farm labourers. The Government cannot build houses for farm labourers on private property. It is babwe ivews Vol 15 No 2 KA k 1QQA Zimbabwe's Largest and Longest Established Educational Publishers Longman Zimbabwe (Pvt) Limited Tourle Road, Ardbennle, Harare. P 0 Box ST125, Southerton. Tel: Harare 62711 Regional offices in , , Masvingo and Longmon Bo Longm nNION Bringing Education to the people 3 therefore up to the farmers concerned to improve the housing conditions on their private properties. The commercial farmers should also provide water for their workers and not water from the dams or rivers. The commercial farmers who drill boreholes for iheir own drinking water should do the same for their own farm labourers. It is the cattle that should go to the dam and rivers for drinking water and not human beings. During the war the Smith regime had erected floodlights in African areas such as , and on the farms they forced or induced farmers to erect floodlights in their farm compounds. What the workers in modern Zimbabwe need is lights inside their homes, not outside. The post-independence award of minimum wages of $50 per month was a great step forward for the labourers but some of its value has been eroded by everrising inflation, the removal of subsidies, and the rise in the prices of several basic food items. The farm workers wages therefore need to be reviewed. Some commercial farmers have taken the initiative to build schools and clinics for their workers.' Several of these schools are below the standards accepted by the Ministry of Education and Culture, and some of them are intended merely to catch labour for the particular farms. However, these efforts are still laudable. Those who have not yet done so must be encouraged to emulate their enlightened colleagues and establish good schools and clinics on their farms. In some instances three, four or five farmers can get together to establish one good'school for the children of their labourers instead of having five small and unsuitable ones. We would also urge the Government to establish settlement areas where farm workers can build permanent homes and not remain vulnerable to the vagaries of farm employment. Government should establish central settlements where the workers can have permanent houises, adequate social services, and a local Government system. The Riddell Commission

4 Vol.15 No. 2 March 1984 Zimbabwe News thought such settlement areas could stabilise farm labour and improve their living and social conditions. Mining The Province has a large number of mines especially on the famous Great Dyke. They produce chrome, gold, copper and other minerals. The full potential of the Great Dyke has not even been fully explored. There is enormous scope for development in the area of mining. But the condition of mine workers is again something that has left considerable room for improvement. In some cases the housing of mine workers is even worse than that of farm workers. The large companies such as the Anglo American Corporation and Lonrho are among some of the worst offenders in this regard. These companies can certainly afford better housing for their workers and we hope that-they would do something about this in the immediate future. There is need to provide workers with fresh water from boreholes rather than from dams and rivers. In two cases mineworkers were actually supplied with waste water from the mines. We made strong representations to the Ministry of Mines and this practice was stopped. The Minister of Mines, Comrade Maurice Nyagumbo, visited the province several times during the last year and helped to ameliorate and improve some of the conditions of the workers. Lights should be provided inside the homes of the miners and not as flood lights blazing the outside of compounds. Most companies do pay the minimum wages of $105 per month but they need to be indexed to the rise in the cost of living. Some companies have also increased the length of the working shifts and the number of shifts'to be put in by each worker per month. There is need for vigilance on the part of the cells, branches and districts of our party in order to stop these malpractices. Social amenities are still most inadequate in the mining area, furthermore, we have observed that where they have set up schools and clinics, they reserve them only for their employees and keep farm workers from neighbouring areas out of them.'This is both antisocialist and inhuman. Both the commercial farmers and the mine owners have tended to -victimise workers who are members of the ruling party ZANU (PF) favouring members of minority parties, such as UANC and ZAPU. They also try to influence the composition of the workers committee. The Ministry of Labour and Social Services has made it absolutely clear that the 'workers committees must be elected by the workers themselves at a properly constituted meeting. The kind of practice where employers try to influence the membership of the workers committee or to get their puppets elected to positions of responsibility in the workers committee, must .be stopped for- thwith. In this connection we might add that the labour officers of the Ministry of Labour and Social Services should work closely with the workers committees, and strengthen the hands of these committees in their negotiations with employers. Communal Areas The communal areas are our biggest challenge, for this is where the bulk of our people live. There are some positive developments since independence, but we are not very satisfied with the scope and speed of rural development, and more needs to be done. Resettlement programme is going rather slowly. We do "need an orderly programme of resettlement, but we need 'to put in more urgency into it. Some squatters have been settled, but the squatter problem continues to remain with us because of the slowness of the programme of resettlement. Transport, roads and storage facilities were not adequate to match with the good harvest we had, especially in Urungwe and Sanyati, of maize and other good, crops. The Ministries concerned should help us solve these problems. Road network. We were pleased that Comrade Prime Minister was able to see the condition of the roads in our Province, and brought the attention of the Minister of Roads and Road Traffic to this condition. We need more roads, both main and feeder roads. Schools. The Province needs more secondary schools. We have had no new school since independence, except the one at Murombedzi. Some white farmers in and Karoi have started private The Party President, Comrade Mugabe visited members of the ZANU (PF) Matabeleland Women's League on 17 December, 1983. Here is a report of his visit from the Publicity Secretary, Comrade Miriam McCosh. "In its struggle for power the workingclass has no other weapon but organisation" - Lenin in 1904. We arrived at the Airport at noon taking shelter under a large-leaved indigenous tree whose name nobody knew. It was" very hot. We were mainly Women's League members with a few others from the Youth Wing. schools. We have agreed to this, but on condition that places in these schools are given to black and white children on a 50/50 basis, not only in classes but also in. the dormitories. Fees are still too high and prohibitive. The Government should look into the possibility of introducing a ceiling on fees. Clinics. There is a desperate shortage of clinics. On the other hand, some very positive developments are taking place in the province. Co-operative movement is proceeding very well in the Province. The cooperative at Raffingora promises to be a model of co-operative farming in the area. Women's Organisationshave really. blossomed, and are engaged in several. kinds of productive activities, including making uniforms for school children (like the Women's Club at Mangura); cooking classes, training and imparting of various - skills, and cultural festivals. The role of women in revolutionising social relations of production and in the cultural awakening of our rural people cannot be overemphasised. We need more Women's clubs all over the Province. New electidns have brought in new blood in the leadership of women's organisations and this has envigoiated these organisations. Youth Organisations. It is well known that the youth of our country played a heroic role in the liberation struggle. Now a new generation of youth is coming up who need to be conscientised about the tasks of the new phase of the struggle for economic liberation. Much progress has been- achieved in the area of youth brigades in the Province, and we need to foster more of these. These then, are the problems and prospects in our Province, briefly outlined. At first we sang Chimurenga songs, but as we grew thirsty we sat down on the grass or on the edge of the road, sweating freely but not moving about in order to keep clean. Those of us who were to be presented to the Prime Minister, our Comrade President, waited impatiently for the occasion. I The plane came just after three o'clock. It was dark khaki, curiously oldfashioned, perhaps a relic of the Second World War, one could have imagined. It seemed to be too small to be carrying so many important people. Everyone revived and many danced furiously as the plane toucned down and came to a halt. Matabeleland Women's Meeting by Cde. M. McCosh

Zimbabwe News Vol.15 No. 2 March 1984 9 his personal integrity and exposed him as a dishonest and unreliable person. The Prime Minister Cde. Mugabe has described Mr. Nkomo as a father of mistakes. Throughout his history in Zimbabwe's politics Nkomo has displayed his shortcomings. He tried-to sell Zimbabwe in 1961, at Geneva talks in 1976, and on several occassions with , and at the Lancaster House Conference in 1979. Knowing his failures, ZANU (PF) refused to contest the 1980 elections with him as leader. He himself was greatly disappointed because the ZANU (PF) decision robbed him of the chance to become prime minister. The masses who also knew of his history overwhelmingly rejected him at the polls. He then hatched this plan to stockpile arms in order to teach the masses and ZANU (PF) a lesson. Nkomo is motivated by one dominant passion in everything that he does, fear. Fear of losing leadership, power and influence in Zimbabwe. This is why he has nothing positive to offer or to say. During the liberation struggle ZAPU hatched the plot to overthrow a ZANU (PF) government in . In fact ZAPU had always been afraid of ZANU from the very beginning. Hence in 1963 and 1964 when ZANU was a fledgling party, ZAPU waged war against people who followed ZANU to prevent them from supporting that party. ZANU supporters were beaten, burnt and stoned. But ZAPU failed to destroy ZANU. The launching of the liberation strug-' gle which ZAPU initially opposed made people of Zimbabwe decide to follow ZANU because they saw it as the party which could bring about independence and Zimbabwe. They saw it as a party of action and results in contrast with Nkomo's false promise that independence was around the corner each time he came back from his jet-setting around the world. As more and more people joined ZANU at the height of the liberation struggle Nkomo began to panic, fearing the loss of power and leadership in Zimbabwe. He and his ZIPRA High Command began a massive arms build-up to prepare for a showdown with ZANLA over future control of Zimbabwe. ZIPRA personnel received training in conventional warfare in readiness for a full-scale civil war in the event of ZANLA defeating the Rhodesian forces. As part of its strategy to finally overthrow ZANU, ZAPU withheld its crack forces from fighting in Zimbabwe. Also cadres it sent into Zimbabwe were to do the minimum of fighting. Instead they were to infiltrate ZANLA's-liberated and semi-liberated areas and occupy them. A document prepared by the ZIPRA High Command dated January 20, 1978 had eight instructions to all ZIPRA two of which urged them to ."capture, and'kill ZANLA soldiers and if possible send them back to ; hide as many weapons as possible inside Zimbabwe." ZAPU's strategy to withhold its person- nel from active liberation struggle was concrete proof to the rural masses that this was not a party dedicated to freedom. The masses naturally flocked en masse to ZANU.. Having lost the elections Nkomo was determined that by some process he should reverse the decision and will of the masses of Zimbabwe. He himself 'unashamedly wept when he heard the news of the results of the elections in his home in the suburb of Highfield. Those election results displeased internal and external forces. ZAPU, UANC, the RF, and ZANU-Sithole were unhap,py with ZANU-PF's outright victory. Across the Limpopo, South Africa was unhappy at the outcome of the elections. ZAPU began to buy farms, shops, hotels, and other business enterprises throughout the country with the main aim of concealing caches of arms on these properties. Their plan was that at an opportune moment they would take up arms and wage war against the government, taking it by surprise. They would then take over and instal Nkomo as the new leader. ZAPU also made common cause with the minority parties that had lost the elections. The UANC, R.F. ZANU-Sithole and ZAPU leadership held secret. meetings at which plans to topple the new government were mooted. Nkomo himself went to the extent of requesting the former Lieutenant-General Walls to * arrange for a meeting with South Africans. Two meetings were arranged and at both of these Nkomo asked the South Africans whether in the event of his staging a coup, the South Africans would help him. The South Africans turned down his request on both occasions* after realising that ZANU enjoyed massive support throughout the country and they would be involved in an unstoppable war. One of,Nkomo'g fellow conspirators, Muzorewa had five thousand of his men sent to South Africa to be trained in sabotage activities. South Africa began to infiltrate its own agents into Zimbabwe to destabilize the new political and economic system. South Africa was afraid that the success of the new order across the border would expose its own, apatheid system. And so the new order in Zimbabwe must not be allowed to succeed. Thus from the moment the predominantly ZANU (PF) Government took over,, there were discussions in private, aimed at mobilising support to overthrow it Zimbabwe faced external and internal threats. South Africa had its plans; the RF theirs, General Walls had his; Muzorewa had his, and Nkomo had his. The disgruntled elements and the political malcontents believed that the will of the people as expressed in the 1980 elections must be reversed. They threatened the new order from its inception. Nkomo's failure was just and inevitable. He was never committed to the liberation of Zimbabwe, to the Government of National Unity and to peace. He never had the interests of the people at heart. Instead he used nationalism as a front to amass wealth in Zimbabwe and abroad, his guiding principle being that of Number One. Nkomo is consistent in one thing - his insatiable and gross lust for personal power, pomp and pageantry. He likes being theatrical and ostentatious. But he lacks political vision, tact and insight. Nkomo has been very negative and very destructive in his approach. Where the Government was thinking of uniting Zimbabweans on the basis of ZANU and ,ZAPU as a single political entity, Nkomo has been working for disunity and destruction. Publicly he talked of unity but he acted in ways contrary to unity. He did not help the Government to create a climate conducive to peace and development particularly in Matabeleland. Nkomo's ideas are dangerous; there has been a poor response to resettlement and other rural development plans in certain parts of Matabeleland due to the dangerous preachings of his party. Immediately after the victory of ZANU-PF at the elections, ZAPU officials went about the country telling people that what they were enjoying was not indepen4ence, that real independence would come only when ZAPUwas in power. They said that the ZANU (PF) led government would not last beyond four months. As the Prime Minister said, ZAPU joined the government "just to string along while planning to overthrow it". When Nkomo was invited to join the Government he agreed knowing that he was a junior partner and he had to behave likewise. But instead, from the outset, he began to act like a senior partner. He insisted on controlling one of the levers of power so that he could be on par with the Prime Minister. Nkomo forgot that there cannot be two cocks in one fowl run, that there cannot be two Prime Ministers in one country. He is the leader of a minority party but it is not a tribal party otherwise he would be a tribesman whose role would be that of a tribal chief. Of the farms ZAPU bought, only a few were bought with the very small subscriptions from his ZIPRA guerillas. He himself claimed ZIPRA raised amongst themselves 2,5 million dollars. The question is: where did they get this money? They had been in the bush or in Zambia undergoing training and relying on aid from their allies. The truth is that the majority of the farms were bought with the lots of money Nkomo had stashed away since the early days of the nationalist struggle in Zimbabwe. The question is being asked: Where did ZAPU obtain its vast riches? Even among ZAPU followers there is dissatisfaction with the party's vast riches. Nkomo refused to co-operate with ZAPU commission established to investigate the connection between the party and the numerous private companies of which Nkomo himself and'some party members were directors. ZAPU sources say that Libya donated three million pounds to Vol.15 No. 2 March 1984 Zimbabwe News buy one of Zimbabwe's dailies. "; the deal fell throuigh but there is no trace of the cash. For the 1980 elections, the OAU gave five million pounds each to ZANU-PF and ZAPU. ZANUPF spent its money well. ZAPU spent little but the balance does not show on the party books. It is now clear where the money that cannot be accounted for went. Nkomo and some ZAPU officials created companies of which they themselves were directors. These ZAPU-owned companies bought more than twenty five farms and more than thirty business enterprises throughout the whole country. These were not genuine business enterprises but places to hide weapons to start another war. These properties were strategically situated throughout Zimbabwe so that ZAPU could wage their war in all areas of the country. Although Nkomo agreed to join the Government of National Unity, in his heart he had never accepted the results of the 1980 elections; he never accepted his defeat. He pretended to having done so in order to hoodwink Zimbabwean people. He reciprocated Comrade Mugabe's magnanimity with subversive acts. At present there are isolated dissident activities of a few misguided political malcontents in Matabeleland. Ex-ZIPRA elements are terrorising law-abiding citizens using arms they. hid during the war to shoot at buses and rob shops and innocent people. There is a hidden political hand directing these operations. It is known that within the ZAPU leadership there are elements who have advocated violence by demobilised members of ZIPRA or ZIPRA deserters from the National Army. But the activities of these few agents of lawlessness must be seen against the background of the general peace and calm prevailing in Zimbabwe as a whole. The arms crisis and its aftermath must be 'seen as inevitable adjustments after fifteen years of war and not as a sign of a pending civil war. Some power-hungry and selfish ZAPU leaders having failed to accept the reality of defeat and having failed to accommodate themselves within the new order sought to circumvent the Ballot Box by means of arms. After their dismissal from the Government there were no disturbances and unrest in Matabeleland. This absence of sympathetic reaction in Bulawayo and the rest of Matabeleland indicate that Z PU's rank and file are disenchanted and demoralised with Nkomo's leadership. It is known that young ZAPU followers support a merger of ZANU and ZAPU. As one ZAPU member said: "People in Matabeleland are too great to be turned into political renegades by a few mysteriously rich political demagogues." A ZAPU woman MP wrote to last year but one, "We have finished with war and want no more of it." Two ZAPU deputy ministers (now Cabinet Ministers) Comrades and had opted to remain working with the government after the dismissal of Mr. and three other ZAPU Ministers. Comrade Msipa said he was committed to the task of nation building. All this adds up to this, that Nkomo' is out of touch with mood, feeling and spirit of most of his ZAPU members. He is becoming alienated and irrelevant. Of, course he does continue to exploit the ignorance of some of his followers. Throughout the country ZAPU members are daily defecting in large numbers.to join ZANU-PF. The defectors say they are disenchanted with Nkomo's hiding of arms caches and his leadership. The defections prove that the people of Zimbabwe want peace and unity and they know that ZANU-PF under the able leadership of Comrade Mugabe is the only party that can guarantee these. The Prime Minister, Comrade Mugabe handled the arms crisis with tact, skill and integrity. He judged the issue objectively and rationally. It must be stressed that the possession and hoarding of arms is against the law of Zimbabwe. The Government gave people time to surrender whatever weapons they had. But Nkomo was busy caching arms. There was no reason for him to feel afraid for his people and himself. After the successful integration of ZANLA, ZIPRA and former Rhodesian forces there was no need to keep arms concealed. ZIPRA officers were being put into positions of command. What defence did Nkomo -need? The police mantain law and order and will defend everybody ensuring that side, Nkomo violated the principle of oneness which the Government was trying to establish. "The decision to amass, to cache away arms is political. And so we have had to handle it as a political case, of course with criminal connotations which makes it necessary for thi police to investigate it." In dealing with the crisis then, Comrade Mugabe scientifically and meticulously divided the issue into the political and legal sides. He said that the governwt . took its political action because it pfelt cheated that those it had trusted as partner turned out to be deceitful persons. "As a government we have a political duty which we cannot leave to the police to perform because theirs is a'non-political role; after all government comes about as a result of a political decision by the population. And so as a governiient, we have decided that those we believe are implicated, should cease if they are ministers to be ministers forthwith." The Prime Minister made a clear distinction between the innocent members and the wrong-doers jn ZAPU. "The rest of the people must not be lumped together as offenders if they happen to be ZAPU. The offenders are those in the group of Joshua Nkomo, and those alone must suffer the consequences of their action and not the rest of the people." As for the legal side, Comrade Mugabe said that there was to be no interference with the police investigations. The Government wanted the law to take its course. "If there is evidence produced by the police then certainly Nkomo will be put on trial. No man is above the law." 'yW cd -e their security is guaranteed. The Zimbabwe National Army is there to defend the nation against external as well as internal aggression. Nkomo knew about the arms and their purpose. No war could have been fought by former ZIPRA without his approval. On the political The Prime Minister stressed that ZAPU ministers who had not been named had nothing to fear. "We have nothing against them. Many of.them have performed their duties very 'faithfully and very efficiently -so they are free to continue in Government. But it is entirely up News Vol.15 No. 2 March 1984 nbers of the ZNA showing off to them to take the decision - since in the first instance they came into Government through the sponsorship of the party, they might very well feel it is necessary for them to consult the party if they are to remain in Government. Whichever way the decision they take goes, we will be prepared to accept it. But as far as we are concerned they are free to remain in Government." The Prime Minister said that the same applied to ZAPU Civil Servants and former ZIPRA in the army. They had nothing to fear and they were free to continue working in Government. He added that there was to be no frustration or victimisation. Several people in ZAPU did not know of the plot. Only a clique at the top and some ZIPRA commanders knew about it. To say that everybody in ZAPU was bad was unfair. Those few former commanders who were resportible for the hoarding up of arms had their cases examined by the Government. It is totally, mischievous and unrealistic to suggest that the Prime Minister's actions could have led to a civil war in Zimbabwe. There were spontaneous countrywide demonstrations in support of his sacking of Nkomo and his three officials. The demonstrators carried placards demanding the arrest of Nkomo, his death by a firing squad, the banning of ZAPU and the establishment of a oneparty state. Symbolic coffins of Nkomo were also paraded during the demonstrations. No government would hesitate to take action against anyone illegally hoarding arms for armed insurrection. The Prime -Minister did not take harsh action apart from seizing ZAPU-owned properties, dismissing some ZAPU ministers, and aresting Lieutenant-General Lookout Masuku, Mr. , and Mr. Swazini Ndlovu. In other countries the party would have been banned and its leadership detained and charged with high treason. Comrade Mugabe is in total command of any situation that may arise. "We have taken the necessary precautions that anybody who tries to bring about destabilisation through military action is dealt with very effectively. We have the army, the National Army, and we also have a Special Brigade apart from the Police and The Support Unit." The Prime Minister's dismissal of Nkomo could not have and not create a situation of conflict. No one would support Nkomo in his criminal hoarding of arms. Anybody who supports him in that is supporting crime. And there are not many people who would support Nkomo in that regard. "We have said that we want peace in the country. We have said that we want unity. Having said that, we must watch against those who will go against the policy of reconciliation, who negate peace, who will negate law and order. And this is what we have done; and those who are negating the policy of national reconciliation by resorting to crime, we must arrest. What are we supposed to do? Leave them to continue?" "Peace must be consolidated and aspects or elements that negate it must be removed or destroyed." The Prime Minister stresses that there is unity in Zimbabwe. "Those who remained in government remained as representatives of ZAPU. The government has not acted against ZAPU. It has acted against subversive individuals in ZAPU and Nkomo happens to be one of these individuals. He is not sacrosanct; no one 11 is. When he commits offences there is no special protection that he should enjoy over and above the rest of the people of Zimbabwe. "The people of Matabeleland are happy that these arms have been found. They know that if the war had been fought there, it would have resulted in the deaths of their children and the destruction' of their property. They are, also happy that the Government has not acted against every member of ZAPU, that it has not banned that party." "There can never be a reversal to any situation other than that sanctioned by the majority of the Zimbabweans in the 1980 elections. During that election the people demonstrated to the world that they have no wish whatsoever to have any other party in power except ZANU (PF)." Comrade Mugabe is trying to unify Zimbabwe's political forces for legitimate uses even as units of ZANLA, ZIPRA and the Rhodesian forces have been united into one national army. If Zimbabwe is to remain one country then it must have one focus of loyalty. That focus is lacking at the present moment hence the Prime Minister has been talking of the need for the merger of ZANU (PF) and ZAPU to create one party as a prelude to a one-party state. "It is nO good to perpetuate a division of our people. There is no such thing as the Ndebele or Shona. We are all Zimbabweans and must work together to develop our country." Comrade Mugabe realises that before a one-party state can be established, Zimbabwe's leaders must engender a spirit of oneness that cuts across all tribal and racial barriers. Already his governmentis doing this at the middle level by bringing represettatives of ZAPU and the White community into the Government. On April 16 and 17, 1982, he brought more members of ZAPU and two ex-RF members into the Government in the spirit of reconciliation and national unity. This move will broaden the base of unity in Zimbabwe. "We have had a philosophy for a oneparty state for a very long time. It is an African philosophy.It is a philosophy also in the socialist countries. But we said we didn't have to hurry the question of oneparty state, which we still say. But we must talk about it. We must prepare the minds of the people towards the attainment of a one-party state. We are not going to remain like this hence there is need for the preparation of minds." , "We believe there is no need for us to belong to various parties when we can be under a single umbrella, express the same view points under that umbrella, and get ourselves committed to the goal of consolidating our independence and bringing about socio-economic transformation. We must concern ourselves about things that matter. Little points of difference should not allow us to segment ourselves. Then we also believe that under a oneparty state we are more or less bringing

Vol.15 No. 2 March 1984 Zimbabwe News about the traditional set-up where all people come under one head, whatever that head may be, for the duration of the term of his office. And they differ within the system; they differ within the order; they differ within the single political system and they don't belong to various systems. So you have the chief at the head. You have the sub-chiefs, the village.headman right down to the family head and all of them working towards a single decision. There may be varieties of approaches., There may be differences of view points but these should not make for a difference of a system." We are very much for democracy but democracy under an umbrella which recognises that we are all one. Why shouldn't we have one political umbrella, one party, have our shades of opinions and differences that we must reconcile within the one-party state? But allow for these differences, allow for the discussion of various view points. And at the end of the exercise we must emerge with a single view point which will then become the viewpoint of our society." ."We have begun the process ourselves by including members of ZAPU and members of the White Community in government. The idea is. really the same: have a Government of National Unity. You can also have a Party of National Unity. Why not?" The Prime Minister emphasizes that a one-party state will come about as a result of the expression of the people's will. The government will not impose the system on the people; it will work in a constitutional and legal way. The people must talk about it, debate it. Then they must decide what they want. It is the people who will decide whether Zimbabwe has a one-party state or not. This is a democratic and an honest way. The introduction of a oneparty state will not create disunity in Zimbabwe. Nkomo himself supports the idea of a one-party state. His deputy also supports it saying, "After all during the liberation struggle we operated from countries under a oneparty system. And those countries are doing very well in uniting all their people under that system." Leading figures in the White community such as Senator former Prime Minister of Southern , and Mr. Andre Holland leader of the Democratic Party, have'come out in support of the idea ofa one-party state as enunciated by Coin-' rade Mugabe. It is the conviction of the Prime Minister that there should be more consultation, discussion and debate with all sections of the Zimbabwean society in order to broaden the national political base to create and foster a spirit of national unity. His gestures towards ZAPU and the white sector have set this proces% in motion. Comrade Mugabe %%ants the people of Zimbabwe to be united at the political base. And this is beginning to happen. The local government elections brought ZANU-PF in control of well over ninety per cent of all urban and rural councils in Zimbabwe. The other parties received devastating defeats in those elections. ZANU-PF is riding high as shown, by the massive defections from ZAPU, UANC and ZANU-Sithole. A number of whites are also joining the party in an attempt to forge unity. The Prime Minister has said that all democratic forces, all progressive forces and all well-meaning forces have to be brought together; this ensures a stable and united political order in which to act. Such an order is emergent in Zimbabwe today. In practical terms the successful creation of a single national army with one allegiance and loyalty has not only created peace for the safety of lives and for the growth and development of Zimbabwe's economy, but it has also shown the way forward, the way of unity and solidarity. As one people in one country sharing' the same aspirations and engaged in a common endeavour to achieve the same socio-economic goals, the people of Zimbabwe cannot and will not allow themselves to be divided in their ideas, plans and actions. One important lesson they have learnt from ZAPU's arms hoarding is that peace is a rare and precious gem that they should guqd jealously and vigilantly. Consequently there is a phenomenal closing of ranks among the people of Zimbabwe. The experiences Zimbabweans have had during the fifteen years of the liberation war have instilled into them a great desire for peace. And there is really no one to fight any malcontent's civil war. The people in the armed forces are for peace. Zimbabwe's rural masses and . its workers are better off today than they were prior to independence. The rural masses have benefitted greatly from the creation of peace and, during the first year of independence they -realised a bumper maize and a cotton harvest as also did the commercial farmers. Substantial land ridistribution has been undertaken but more land remains to be allocated. Workers are under the minimum-wage regulations and they are better organised for a more qualitative transformation in discipline, skills and productivity. The industrial and commercial sectors also benefitted from independence; they achieved an unprecedented expansion and general growth. The government's socio-economic direction is one of socialism based on the fact that the natural resources of Zimbabwe are the natural and common heritage of all Zimbabweans and therefore they must be exploited and utilised for all the people. The government is committed to the creation of a socialist, egalitarian, and self- reliant society. To achieve some of its goals the Government evolved a Three Year National Development Plan. The Plan envisages a co-ordinated and meaningfull joint endeavour and partnership by the State, organised collectives, and private enterprises are all pursuing a given set of strategies towards the achievement of cer-tain targets and defined goals. But the successful implementation of the Plan depends on the existence'and -maintenance of peace not only in Zimbabwe but also throughout Southern Africa. Only in an environment of peace and stability can the deelopment policies and programmes of the' Government thrive. Having concretely tasted the fruits 'of independence, the government and the people of Zimbabwe. are more than ever committed to the existence of peace and a one and indivisible Zimbabwe'. A As the Prime Minister, Comrade Mugabe has said, all Zimbabweans have a legal, social, and moral duty to reconcile themselves wholly to the consolidation of their independence and to the upholding and maintenance of peace, law and order. They also have a duty to be reconciled to one another, seeing themselves as allies in the same national camp and fighting hand-in-hand for the achievement of common national goals. The people of Zimbabwe have neither the heart nor the will nor the mind to plunge into another violent conflict for the sake of a few reactionary and antirevolutionary political outcasts like Joshua Nkomo and his cohorts. They know that the way ahead should be one of intense vigilance and greater political and social unity in the spirit of national reconciliation. The government and the people of Zimbabwe are determined to consolidate peace and to defend the democratic system and their sovereignty against both the internal forces of subversion and external forces of aggression. They will strongly resist and repulse any attempts at overthrowing the new order. And they have the full weight of all the military forces behind them. The Prime Minister has said it: "It will take a very foolish man after this event to organis&the overthrow of my government. We are a government that' has emerged out of wa'. And even if they had tried really to work towards the coup and staged an attempt. I can assure you they ould have been repulsed, and repulsed very vigorously with losses, tremendous losses on their part. We have fought the war together and our performance'is known; that performance is an experience to us.". "Certainly there can never be a defeat of the ZANU Government by force of arms." His words sum up the mood of all the heroic and patriotic Zimbabweans today. Pamberi neZANU (PF)! Pamberi naCde. President R.G. Mugabe! Pamberi neKubatana!' Pasi neDzakutsaku! Pasi neSuper ZAPU! 1 abwe News Vol.15 No. 2 March 1984 13 ealth Sector Priorities in Zimbabwe, d Progress Attained to Date Cde. Oliver Munyaradzi, former Minister of Health Introduction The Ministry of Health has committed itself to the global goal as defined by WHO, viz "Heilth for all by the Year 2 00'. To achieve this goal, we require to extend our health care facilities to over 75 per cent of our rural population, who previously have had insignificant or no health care facilities at all. The health care delivery system that existed in this country prior to independence was urban' biased and curative heavy. Curative services consumed over 80 per, cent of the health budget, whilst only about ten per cent was apportioned to preventive services. The big hospitals were to be found in the Urban areas, whilst in the rural areas, what hospitals there were, were drab and neglected. One only needs to compare the grandeur of some of the Central Hospitals for example P~arirenyatwa Hospital, with the drabness of any of the district hospitals, for example Murewa, Mberengwa, to verify this. In summary the Rhodesian Health Service, provided mainly a capital intensive curative health service for the Urban elite, leaving the rural masses poorly provided or largely unprovided for. The task the Ministry of Health of Zimbabwe faced at indepenidence was to transform the formerly largely urban and curative biased health service into anunbiased service. A service that would ensure there is equitable access for all to some form of basic health care. To extend health care coverage to over 75per cent of our population, who were previously underserved, given our limited resources, requires that we use every cent available to the Ministry of Health, in the most cost effective, and cost beneficial manner. This entailed a review of the health service delivery system we inherited, adjusting and overhauling it where necessary, so that in the end we have a service that is appropriate for our problems, given our resources. Comrade Dr. Oliver Munyaradzi - the former Minister of Health

Vog.15 No. 2 M~mh 19554 II Out-patients being handed cards at a Harare Clinic It is indesputably established that up to 80 to 90 per cent of health problems in the developing world, Zimbabwe included, are preventable. Most of the causes of illness and deaths amongst our people can be obviated through preventive and health promotive interventions for example sanitation, immunisations, nutrition education, etc. These are all interventions which are neither very capital intensive, nor professional expertise dependent. Organisation of the Health Service In mapping the course for the extension of health service to our rural populations therefore, we found it necessary to move away from the health care delivery strategy that emphasizes the building of large highly capital intensive hospitals, to one that emphasizes the setting up of many smaller but more evenly distributed low cost units countrywide. These low cost units are manned by paramedicals, who work in conjunction with as. well as supervise our frontline grassroots workers, the village health Workers (VHW) who are deployed to provide comprehensive primary health care at village level. Primary health care (PHC) entails the provision of a comprehensive effective health care service, scientifically valid, acceptable to the community, given at as peripheral a level as possible, at a cost the community can afford. To establish an effective PHC programme in Zimbabwe we have had to: train and deploy a sound frontline grassroots worker (the VHW); strengthen backup and supervisory support for the grassroots worker and to ensure a sound referral chain. Backup and supervisory su vided directly by the param man the rural health cent Medical Assistants and Healt as well as health teams fron and provincial health centri The referral chain is diagramatically bellow: STAFF CENT id I At F ,4 Vol.15 No 2 March 1984

News Vol15 N. 2March 1984 VHW in the diagram above is ightly as part of the CommuniVHW refers patients from the nity to the Health Centre, from lth Centre they can be referred to Hospital, and so on, right up to itral Hospital. ties in the Health Ith service system the Zimbabwe y of Health has inherited, is fairst at central hospital and provinpital level, both in terms of staff lities. Below these levels however, tremely weak and needs to be iened for the PHC strategy to rengthen the bottom rungs of the in order to make our PHC a reality, therefore, we have seen 0rities as follows:tin many frontline workers }Ultimately we aim to have about [W/l 000 population build health centres in the rural lere none exist, in order to ensure referral chain. We have estimated need to build at least 316 rural -entres within the period of the anal three year Development Plan. mate that by December 1983 over 100 Rural Health Centres will have been built. 3. To train Medical Assistants and other paramedicals to staff the clinics to be built. We have identified that we require to build eight training centres for paramedicals, one for each province over the next three years. 4. We further need to strengthen our district and provincial hospitals staff wise and facility wise, so that they can cope with many anticipated referrals from the rural health centres, This entails renovation of buildings and theatres, replacement of lost or old equipment. This is particularly important with regards to our district hospitals which have been gi ossly neglected over the years. 5. To ensure a functional referral chain we need ambulances to transport referred patients from one level of care to the other. This need is becoming increasingly apparent as more and more rural clinics start to be functional, and require to refer patients. 6. Health Education materials. We require books and health education materials for the VHW's use in the rural areas. We are currently in the process of creating new- and updating some old health education materials. Health Education posters and materials for the public are also being produced. Progress Report on the Implemantation of the PHC Strategy in Zimbabwe Health Education The Ministry of Health's Health Education Committee has continued to produce materials, aimed at educating the majority of the population on priority Public Health Programmes. An opportunity was taken on the occassion of World Health Day 1983, to launch a poster that emphasized the importance of breast feeding, good nutrition, clean water, good sanitation, and the Community Health Worker. All Health Workers, Schools and the Mass Media are now being mobilised to give health education messages. Nutrition The Ministry has identified locally available foods which if utilised optimally would combat malnutrition. The Ministry is now popularising the utilisation of these foods through Health Education Programmes. There have however been setbacks in this programme due to the drought experienced in 1982 whose effects affected 1983. However in those areas hardest hit by the drought where the Government has to assist with supplemen- :se Clinic in Harare. Thousands of people go through the clinic's doors every day News Vo1.15 No. 2 March 1984

Vol.15 No' 2 March 1984 The Spilhaus Child Spacing Centre in Harare. Women are given advice on all aspects of child spacing at the centre tary.foods, only the locally produced foods which make a balanced diet, as recommended by the Nutrition Department of the Ministry are being distributed. Breastfeeding continues to be promoted vigorously, and a Bill to amend the Public Health Act, so that it inco-operates the International Code of Marketing Qf Breast Milk substitutes as adapted to the Zimbabwe situation is now being drafted. Maternal and Child Health The Ministry is in the process of doing away with separate clinics for mothers and children. A comprehensive Maternal & Child Health Service approach is being adopted. To facilitate this, a National MCH Workshop was held in Zimbabwe during the last two weeks of June this year, to familiarise health workers with this approach. This was arranged with financial and manpower assistance from WHO, Some participants from the Subregion were also invited to this Workshop. The Promotion of Safe Water Supplies and Good Sanitation Zimbabwe has committed itself to the objectives and goals of The International Drinking Water Supply pand Sanitation Decade Programme. The programme was officially launched by the Prime Minister on 10th November, 1982, and saw formalisation of a multisectoral approach aimed at providing safe water and sanitation for the Nation in the formation of an Interministerial IDWSSD Action Committee which is commissioned to steering the programme, under the direction of the Ministry of Health in collaboration with the Ministry of Water Resources and Development. The programme for the decade has since been written and the initial plan of work is currently being implemented. The Expanded Programme on Immunisation This programme which was launched after a National Workshop in November. 1981 is proceeding extremely well. Our Health Teams countrywide have managed to extend their immunisations to the people according to schedule. Our projections are that each year we should be able to extend our coverage by 10076. Our figures indicate that by the end of December 1982 we approximated this figure very closely. Immunisation For All by the Year 1990 is therefore a very feasible goal if we maintain our present momentum. Communicable Disease Control The first half of the last year 1982, was spent in evolving national strategies for the control of locally endemic communicable diseases. Malaria - A viable national control strategy for Malaria has been worked out. This will see decentralisation of this programme, and a necessary increase in spraying frequency that will reduce the possibility of epedemics of unstable malaria as has occurred in previous years. Schistosomiasis - A national Schistosomiasis Prevalence Survey is now nearing completion. This will help us identify areas of highest priority for institutionalisation of appropriate control measures. Leprosy - An Expanded National Leprosy Control Strategy has recently been worked out. This will see the documentation, validificatinof nosis, standardisation of treat follow up of all cases of Lepro originally were on the Leprosy Te Register, who got lost during the] tion war years. It will also ensure tive case finding and treatment c cases. Drug Supplies The Ministry now has a fomal bc detailing Essential Drugs that are used in Government Health Fac This ensures. routine prescriptioi written utilising generic names c down on the numbers of differei often costly varieties of one drug th be used at any one time. The Ministry's Drugs Control C( is also currently working on produc up-to-date Register of approved within the country. This will ensu deregistration of obsolete and n, ficacious drugs that have been iml into the country over the years at cost in both foreign and local cur The Provision of Health Facilities and Health Ma power Rural Health Centres at the Pi Level continue to be constructed in ty areas. In the first half of 1983, 51 new Health Centres had been built trywide. It is hoped a similar numb be completed by December 1983. are underway to strengthen referr vices at the District (Secondary)aan vincial (Tertiary Level) Facility Staffwise and Equipment wise. Conclusion However our biggest ach been in the training of Pi Care Workers (Village Hea These workers whose train) started in October 1980, most popular and effectii health to the people, espe the most disadvantaged ar ing capacity is over 900 pe to date we have traino countrywide. It is our intention to tra until we roughly have him/ of one per 1000 population grammes for Paramed Assistants, Health Assist man Primary Health Care Health Centres) are also bi Currently financial andr straints are many in Ziml have decided to make littl *plan for maximum utili resources. We have set o goal, Health For All The are ready for the countdo) fident for Zimbabwe thi goal. 16

Education Corner 1 7 'The Relevance of Education with Production in Zimbabwe by Cde. Joseph Cul'erwell, the DeputY Hini'ter of Education The Colonial Educational System Under the colonial regime in Rhodesia, not only was education restricted to a minority but the type of education was thoroughly foreign and divorced from both the reality and the needs of the country. Those who managed to go to school began to question this staite of affairs in which the majority were kept in ignorance and the priviledged few were trained to accept the status quo and to adopt foreign values and attitudes. As opposition to the regime grew and the armecq struggle escalated, our Party, ZANU set up its own Department of Education and Culture to analyse the faults of the colonial education system and to set up an alternative revolutionary system of education. This was when we adopted the concept of education with production which thus dates back to the days of the liberation struggle. We realised that Education was a very important tool used by the colonialists to dominate the various aspects of our lives. It was used as a criterion to determine whether you a quired a certain social status or not; to determine the level at which you were allowed or recognised as being capable of participating in the politics of the then Rhodesia; to determine the level and scale of remuneration one was going to earn. Invariably this criterion always found the African disadvantaged. To begin with the African had neither the political power nor the economic power with which he/she could choose for himself/herself and his/her child what type of education to get and financethe acquisition of that knowledge. The colonial regime held the reins of power and they wanted to keep them away from the reach of the African. Towards this objective they created an Senator . the Deputy Minister of Education

18 Education system whereby the African got just that kind of Education which made him "usable" in the white dominated modern sector of the economy. Besides that Education would also have to be just enough to pluck him off his "roots" that is after attaining that "determined" level of education more often than not, that "educated" African was taught that he no longer belong to the rural areas from which he came - his roots. Thus the education system was a double edged knife in this respect. It provided the "usable" African to the colonialists and at the same time uprooted such Africans from their roots - in this regard acculturation and alienation of the so called "Educated African" was achieved. It was very easy for the colonialists to control such an African therefore one who regarded the whites as superior, was very grateful for the benefits, albeit small, he was accorded for joining and supporting the system. In the end what came out of the whole process of Education was a people with a "new" culture of subservience. Putting that aside, on the economic participation in the white dominated modern sector of the economy, the education system was used as a criterion, as mentioned earlier, not to compete on an equal footing with his white counterpart but just to be more "efficiently usable" to the capitalist industrialists. After getting just elementary literacy and some basic industrial education, or none at all, some Africans were taken into the employment of these industrialists to work as unskilled workers. With ex- Vol.15 No. 2 March 1984 perience on their jobs, the same people became skilled but these skills were never recognised though it was common knowledge that these so called unskilled persons very often performed journeymen's duties. This was not reflected on their salaries. This type of person grouped together, with the products from the F2 school system established during the time of the racist illegal regime of Ian Smith. It is important to examine this school system as it was a very direct reflection of what the then education system was supposed to do - to determine the rate of and level at which African participation in the economy was to be taken. There couldin't be anything more diabolical in this regard. If a student didn't perform well at grade 7 (and there were bound to be many such students because of the educational examination system which worked as an efficient funnel/bottleneck to ensure that the various categories of Africans wanted came out in the right quantities) he was regarded as academic reject. God knows how justifiable this was, but such students were put into this F2 system. In it, they were to acquire practical skills for they were regarded as incapable of acquiring and applying mental skills. Since when did the.hand start working on its own without the, brain commanding it through the nervous system? Biology will say what it will but these students were required to use just their muscle and hand - not theirhead. The whole purpose of adopting such a philosophy was to ensure that there was a supply of labour with basic industrial skills and to proceed to use the benefit of the capita dustrialist and at the end of i the African a recognition of quired, by regarding him thus giving him a pittance f( tion. In this case also, he ha over his production through ti6n of the products of his was exploitation. Education of Libera Against 'this background, tl liberation movements r( recognised the vital role th would provide in the total Zimliabwe. But what Educa the sane old system be able t eradicate the value system culcated into the Zimbabw culate new revolutionary vall change to take place, the ver on which the education syst ed had to change. So an ( liberation was essentially v quired to replace the colonial education for liberation was tion with production. The behind this was not merely t processes of the colonia system, but to eradicate the alien value systems inculca people and develop new one, such a high level of cons would enable the people's g( mobilize forces of society ment. So the first aim of Ed Production is to effect ment tion of the people that is t, 'dignity of our national cultu Apples at tRe Harare Polytech. They find some of the productive skills they acquired at scho useful in their apprenticeship training we Jvews Vol.15 No. 2 March 1984 ol children learning to be productive members of society thesis' of one race being superior to other thus creating confidence and de in Zimbabwean minds. This would troy the culture of subservience that I been taught the educated few blacks. d Zimbabwe needs that. Secondly the establishment of a cialist society that was envisaged in nbabwe demanded cadres with a high el of political consciousness and this s one aspect of the Education with Proction programme. This meant that the ucation system would develop this conousness in students from an early stage. the manner in which say school work organised - and production activities e.g. the emphasis on group work will ulcate a cooperative spirit into the Liths. By encouraging meaningful proction activities the school would stroy the sacrilege of manual labour bei reserved for the academically weak. .n any socialist society, the centrality production must be recognised -- thus s important point of socialist dogma I be imparted to the students. It will an that by the time the child goes into the working world out of the school system, the human product in him will be of such a quality that he knows and understands society; knows the meaning of this participation in whatever activities are going on in society and he/she is of such a consciousness' that, given the material product in him i.e. the skills and all other related abilities to produce physical goods in production, he will be a total human being capable of managing and controlling his own production and, of course, controlling the distribution of the benefits. This is the philosophical rationale of Education with Production and this is of great relevance to Zimbabwe given the Socialist policies the country has adopted. On the material pronuct, as explained above, it has often been felt that the meaning of Education with Production is to, have a school garden and a plot where some agricultural acti ities take place. We accept these are necessary components but not the be all and end all of the concept. We nowN proceed to look at the materials output of Education \%ith Production. 19 Material Products Education with production links academic studies with technical training, overcoming~the division between mental and labour, theory and practice, learning and life. It means that learning is linked to productive labour and all labour can be a form of learning. The students graduating from such a system of education are equiped with skills which will help them and the community as a whole. To find out how (productive material) this system of Education with Production is, we have to look at what is being done at the Zimfep pilot. The Zimfep (Zimbabwe Foundation for Education with Production) schools were established for ex-refugee students from the school camps in Mozambique, 'Zambia and . These students and their teachers who pioneered Education with Production during the struggle and they are now experimenting on the practicality of this system in Zimbabwe. At these schools the students have building, agriculture, wood-work and matal \N ork as some of their practical subjects. But the learning of these subjects does not end on the theoretical level. Material products are produced from the skills the students get from the theory. It is not surprising then to know that the eight Zimfep pilot schools actually built their schools, with financial support from donor organisations. In agriculture the student are producing vegetables, chickens, maize, for their consumption with surplus to sell. The agriculture is done on an extensive basis and this is possible because all the schools were established on farms. These students made window frames for their building as well as benches with the skills they learnt during metal work and wood work lessons. After the schools were completed the students continued making window frames and benches for local resettlement areas. The students who have graduated from the Zimfep pilot schools have either proceeded to specialize in the practical subjects in which they found themselves more interested in at school or formed cooperatives, These include farming coopratives like the one set up at Chindunduma school called Uhuru naKazi. At Nkululeko in Kw-ekwe and Majoda in West Nicholson some students are specializing in cattle ranching. With the help of Zimfep they have set up model ranches with hybrid breeds of cattle best suited for the area. This enables the local peasants to improve their own heads. Nkululeko school is hoping to have an abattoir in the near future. Such a school can have a canning factory to preserve the meat and a tanner with a related shoemaking industry. In all these and other education projects beinig carried out at the 8 Zimfep pilot schools, students also learn finance and management in practice. Budgeting,

20 planning, marketing, quality control, and distribution are also going to ue included in the syllabus. Such practical skills do not reduce the quality of the education as is feared by some. In actual fact they make the learning more useful than merely memorizing facts and parroting theories as was done so often in the rest. Practical Relevance of Education- with Production Education with Production is relevant for the process of transformation taking place in Zimbabwe as it gives people control over their environment and reduces their dependency. By-the time education with production is adopted by all schools in Zimbabwe, it will mean that the government will only be giving supplementary food to the schools, that is, that which the schools will not be able to produce. It also means that schools will be helping in the economic development of the country as a whole by the products from their projects. It must be remembered that Education with Production does not place more emphasis on practical subjects at the expense of academic subjects. The same weight is placed on both these subjects with the only difference being that the curriculum for Education and Production links theory and practice. Instead of memorising abstract principles in maths for instance, the students learn maths in relation to their agricultural production. They learn to calculate how much land, seed and fertilizer is needed to grow a certain crop to feed a specific number of people, how much profit it makes. In chemistry, they learn for example, the different soil types, the composition of fertilisers and can even learn how to make heir own fertilizers. In physics they can develop water systems and solar heating systems. In fact there is no end to the practical applications which canbe made from this kind of learning, which is not divorced from life. The human product which is developed by this system of education creates material products which are better and more helpful to the society. This is so because the students know why they are doing the productive projects and they will no longer be alienated from their products as happened in the, past. These students indentify themselves with their products and are proud of their work. Aims of the Policy Education with Production is thus aimed at training students to be productive instruments of development. It is related to our economic and social requirements as a nation. It aims at imparting techinical skills as well as an attitude of respect for manual labour. But this will not happen of its own accord. It is imperative that the Ministry of Education, being the implementing organ of government education policy, should seriously address itself to providing the missing link. This refers Vo115 'No. 2 March 1984 "Education with Production" -' policy applies to every school child regardless of colour to the huge gap that exists between what Education with Production is, and what is done by many schools in the name of Education with Production. They engage in productive activities such as a flourishing school garden, a small plot Where other agricultural activities take place even to a scale where a school can supply itself with enough vegetable and other food supplies and call this Education with Production. We wish to emphasise that we are not saying this is wrong, but that this should only be the stage at which the teacher and students of agriculture translate what they would have .learnt into reality. This definitely gives more meaning to what the child would have learnt in class and it is bound to stick more into the pupils' mind. This connection is what is missing and the crucial factor here is the teacher. It is only the teacher who (develops a certain perception) put the subject into this kind of perspective. Thus to get the id, across wNe have to start with the teacher We are not saying that they are inad quate in any way. Its only that this is a new concept at we have to help each other out in getti to the rock bottom of the concept. The and only then, can we hope to achie success in changing our education syste in favour of Education with Productio Therefore, although the task may' daunting, it is not impossible to inculca these attitudes into our dedicated teachil force. The challenge is there for teacher training colleges and institutio and any other related organisatior United we will hammer out a solutio Pantberi negore rechitatu rekushandtu zvinhu! Pdmberi nekushanda nesimba! Paniberi nechikoro!

!we News Vol.15 No, 2 March 1984 The Mass' Media d The New Order 'in Zimbabwe .he attainment of Independence a great deal of tion has been focused on the Mass Media. We messed some negative reporting which harmed tage of the country. The new order of the day Ils for a more positive attitude from reporters, ocal ds well as foreign. In the following article Comrade the Minister of rmation, Posts and Telecommunications spells ut the changes that have had to be made since Independence. The today mirortheactivities ofthe Zimbabwean people as a whole and concern themselves withthe development of the country-and t people. They serve national interests projcting the national image and the i revolutionary ethics of the new order. This was not the cause in the past. The Pre-independence Period Prior to independence the mass media here were owned and controlled by South African Companies whose interests they served and backed. The news coming from the Rhodesian press, radio and television was gathered, prepared and doctored by South African news agencies to support apartheid and to present a racist South African point of view. Secondly the mass media then, catered for and served the interests of the white minority in Rhodesia especially the entrenchment and consolidation of settler rule, power and privilege. Thirdly the politics, culture and history of the majority African population were totally ignored thus denying them a channel of expression and silencing them. Our just struggle for our legitimate right to self-determination and independence was described in the Rhodesian press, radio and television as the onslaught of godless communism against Christian Civilisation. At no time in the history of the struggle did the media support our just cause. They had become the instruments of Rhodesia Front propaganda waging a political, ideological and psychological campaign against our liberation movements in order to serve the interests of the Smith regime. News media with this kind of orientation could not be accomodated in nor serve a free, democratic and independent Zimbabwe whose goal is the establishment of an egalitarian socialist society. Post Independent Changes Soon after the coming into power, weembarked dn the task of re-structuring and re-orienting the mass media so that they could serve as the mouth-piece of the Zimbabwean society as a whole and promote the interests of the masses. In the field. of the newspapers we assisted in the creation of the Zimbabwe Mass Media' Trust, an outonomous body of distinguished Zimbab% eans, to purchase the South African Argus Group Shareholding in Zimbabwe Newspapers Iimited together %%ith the shares of other South African interests. The aim was to make the press a part of the new political order. The Mass Media Trust was also charged with the task of purchasing all the shares of the International Africa News Agency Limited (whose main contract for all outside news was with'the South African Press Association) and reconstitute it into ZimbAbwe Inter-Africa News Agency, ZIANA. Thirdly the Trust established the Institute of Mass Communications responsible for the professional training of all media personnel with a new progressive outlook and orientation. The Trust successfully carried out its duties and set the press house in order. On the broadcasting front, we had a television system designed to achieve maximum coverage in the major urban areas only. Of the programmes shown only a small percentage was produced locally. Most of the programmes catered for minority or foreign interests. Radio broadcasting however had developed into a network with full national coverage and unlike television the amount of local material was much higher. But the Rhodesia Front regime was trying to use radio broadcasting services to divide the Africans in Zimbabwe with the establishment of such stations as Radio Mthwakazi based in Bulawayo. Besides, the broadcasting services as a whole were being used as instruments for cultural imperialism. In the new Zimbabwe this could not be allowed to continue. We set about re-structuring and streamlining the broadcasting services in order to achieve their maximum use. As a result of this exercise we now have four radio channels catering for all the sectors of our society. In television we introduced colour television for technological reasons and for the purpose of enhancing and achieving better reception. Generally we have launched television and radio transmitter development projects designed to extend both networks into rural areas especially the remotest parts such as Rutenga, Kariba and Rushinga. We have also increased the number of local programmes that cater for our needs. New Media Policy Our policy is to bring the news media to the masses thereby democratising them. The Government's first priority is the opening up of the long neglected rural areas so that they can be brought into the mainstream of social and economic life. Firstly we intend to establish 51 district newspapers in order to have a rural press which provides education, an indispensable element in speeding up rural development. At the moment four such papers exist, the Mutoko News, and News, and the Binga Newsiet-

22 ter. These papers carry news and information on local activities and development projects such as construction of schools, bridges, co-operatives, youth brigades and so on. Secondly the Government will in the next five years construct Communication Centres at all growth points and business centres in the rural areas throughout the country. Each cefntre will have a radio, television, telephone facilities, a post office and a bookshop. Construction of the first centre is underway at Murombedzi Township in Zvimba communal lands. People can gather at such centres to listen to and watch radio broadcasts and television programmes. We are working on an experiment to provide solar-powered television sets which have been successfully used in Upper Volta. At the moment one such set has been installed at Murombedzi and it has been so successful that it attracts hundreds of the local people daily who flock to watch television programmes. However, the main means of communicating with our rural population is the radio. We are designing a smaller and cheap radio that operates on one battery. It will cost about $30 only. Such a radio can be afforded by peasants, farm workers, mineworkers et cetera The measures we are taking are designed to redress imbalances in the mass media field so that it can have a wider base and serve the interests of the fnajority. Imbalances still exist in our societq especially in the development between the urban and the rural areas. It is for this factor that we want to bring mass media facilities to our broad masses who live in the latter. In broader terms the mass media in Zimbabwe today attempt to provide information, news and education in order to motivate and mobilise the nation in development. However there is ample room for improvement in the discharge of their duties. Ideally the mass media should effect the transition from a capitalist system to a socialist one, based on new norms, practices, Isocial and Vo1.15 No. 2 March 1984 A Radio announcer inside one of economic relations. They must endeavour to create an environment for change by making the peasants, the workers and the women aware and conscious of their role in the new order and by making them understand and appreciate the socialist goals spelled out for Zimbabwe. The masses of bur people should be made to understand the need to strive towards the achievement of these goals. To do this the Mass Media ought to have bold and effective programmes designed to educate the masses and imbue them with the correct attitudes and values so that they are conscientised and they can identify themselves with and implement the Government's socialist policies. Role of Mass Media The mass media in Zimbabwe sl serve as a link between the massesai Government by effecting meaningft effective dialogue of the -two sides masses must know the activities Government and the Government be informed of the needs of its peop: their views so tliat its programme relevant. This two-way communical essential if the nation is to develo In short the major aims of our media should be to promote ecpnomic and cultural transformati, BROWN'S WHOLESALE (Pvt) Ltd. Trading as Brown's, Books and Stationery, Box 93, Bulawayo. Phone 67831. Call at our Warehouse at 8, Walsall Rd., Thorngrove, Bulawayo, Where we stock all your Educational Requirements Our Exercise Books are the best value in the Country For Friendly Service see our Miss Rhona Mlotshwa at 928 Grey St. (Tel. 77980) Where she will offer you expert advice We also have an Office in Harare on the corner of Sinola and Albion Streets Phone 27321 Harare For quick and efficient service * Contact * BROWN'S for all your Stationery Requirements

NeWs Vol.15 No. 2 March 1984' Rhodesian Broadcasting Corporation played an important in churning out counter-revolutionary propaganda during the spearhead a socialist ideological revoluJon; to foster national unity and social integration; and to defend the gains of ur revolution. One otber function of the mass media is to entertain the people. At the moment the quality of entertainment offered leaves much to be desired. There is a high dosage of American and British music and western comedies provided by the local media and this perpetuates a deca- dent, elitist and bourgeoisie culture and mentality among our people. This is a major contradiction in our mass media which ought to be resolved. We cannot allow the mass media to uphold and promote cultural imperialism. To correct this distortion it is incumbent that all mass media personnel should be properly trained and oriented. They must have the necessary socialist political education and a knowledge of our history and culture. ,if it's fashion news I you are looking for.... Keep ahead with ERO & SENORITA 23 They must be thoroughly conversant with Government policies, programmes and goals so that they endeavour to actively project the new image in the papers and the broadcasting services. Their work must always enhance the dignity of Zimbabwe's people and show support for the Government's aims and objectives. More importantly,' the Government should allocate an increasing amount of money to the mass media institutions so that they may reduce or remove reliance on the advertising emanating from the programmes which extol western culture and values. The Kadoma Declaration Restructuring and improving our mass media is an on-going exercise, and there are a lot of problems encountered especially the dominance of the West in the training of staff, in the exporting of films and television programmes and in the collection, preparation and dissemination of world news where there is a bias againA Third World Countries. Our people must have an accurate picture of the activities and concerns of other people in the progressive countries of the world. In this context the Kadoma Declaration of August last year should be seen as a milestone in the development of mass media infrastracture in Southern Africa because its main thrust was that the Frontline States should facilitate the flow of information amongst themselves and co-ordinate the development of their mass media infrastracture for maximum regional utilisation. The initiatives we agreed upon at Kadoma, go a long way to reinforce the New International Information Order in the sense that we also agreed to re-direct and control the activities of the international news organisations within our borders and boundaries. Lastly the mass media must regard it as their international duty to give active support and maximum coverage to all the liberation struggles of the peoples of the countries under colonialist and imperialist shackles. They must resolutely fight against imperialism in support of liberation movements of SWAPO, ANC and PAC in Southern Africa, POLISARIO in North Africa, PLO in the Middle East and other movements in East Asia and Central America. In Africa especially within the SADCC region the press, radio and television should vigorously fight against neocolonialism in all its political, economic and cultural manifestations and thoroughly expose and frustrate it. They must play a militant role representing the interests of the peasants and workers, infusing these classes with revolutionary consciousness and enlightening them with progressive ideas so that they can build a new society. Only when the media carry out these tasks can they contribute to social progress, peace and democracy within and outside Zimbabwe.

30 Their role is different according to how much they represent the aspirations and interests of the popular masses and how correctly they show the path which must be followed in the struggle. There were ideas which reflected the aspirations of progressive classes of society even before the emergence of the working class. But due to their historical and class limitations the trends of thought in the past age could not but be hampered in the role they played in soiial development. The revolutionary ideas of the working class alone can correctly reflect the demands of the time and the aspirations of the popular masses and give a powerful stimulus to socio-historical development by inspiring the people to wage the revolutionary struggle. The revolutionary ideas of the working class are originated by distinguished leaders. It can be said that the history of the Communist Movement spanning a hundred and scores of years is a history of working-class leaders creating and developing revolutionary ideas, a history in which these ideas have been applied to transform the world. In the mid-19th century Marx and Engels propounded Marxism. Thus they highlighted the historical mission and a path of liberation that had to be followed by the working class that appeared on the arena of struggle and stimulated the fight against capital, ushering in the rise of the international communist movement. Lenin developed Marxism and advanced Leninism in accordance with the new historical conditions whereby capitalism bad entered the phase of imperialism, with the result that he inspired the working class and the rest of the people to struggle so as to destroy imperialist strongholds and to achieve freedom and liberation. This marked the beginning of the transition from capitalism to socialism. Our leader created the great Juche idea after acquiring a deep insight into the requirements of a new era when the oppressed and humiliated masses of the people became masters of their own destiny. Thus developed their struggle for Chajusong onto a higher plane and opened up the age of Juche, a new era in the development of human history. The revolutionary idea of the working class emerges as the reflection of the mature demand of history and the revolution in their development. When the leader embarked on the road of revolution, a new development was taking place in the struggle of the working class and the popular masses against exploitation and oppression. On the world arena, the influence of socialism, which had won its first victory, grew strong, and the revolutionary struggle of the working class and the liberation struggle of the peoples in colonies and semicolonies were intensified sharply. In an attempt to stop the revolutionary advance of the masses and weather the serious political and economic crises they were Vol.15 No. 2 March 1984 The Dear Leader Comrade Kim Jong IL, Member of the Presidium of the Political Bureau, and Secretary of the Central "Committee passing through, the imperialists further increased their plunder and oppression of people. In many countries contradictions and antagonism between revolution and counter-revolution were intensified, an'd the masses of the people whose sovereign rights had been trampled down for a long time rose up in a struggle for their class and national liberation. A new age was approaching, in which the revolutionary movement made progress in a broad and diversified way on a world scale. In order to advance the revolution under the new historical conditions, the working class and the people of every country, conscious of being the masters, had to solve all problems in accordance with their actual situation. In our country, this was a particularly important matter because of the peculiarlities of historical development and the complexity and arduosness of the revolution. The Korean revolution demanded more urgently that popular masses hew out the path of revolution in an independent and creative manner. The Juche idea was created on the basis of such a practical requirement of the Korean revolution. The revolution is a struggle to meet the masses' desire for independence by enlisting their strength. It is a struggle of the masses to free themselves. When they are armed with the revolutionary idea and united into an organized political force, the masses can emerge victorious in the revolution. The duty of revolutionaries is to go among the popular masses, masters of the revolution, to educate, organize, and inspire them to a struggle. The revolutionary forces, too, should be trained from among the masses, and all problems arising in the revolutionary struggle should likewise be resolved in reliance on their wisdom and strength. However, the communists and nationalists who were allegedly engaged in the national-liberation movement in our country in the 1920's gave no thought to the need to go among the masses to educate, organize, and arou t waging a revolutionary strgle.D ed from the masses, they were engrosed in the scramble for hege and empty talks. They did not unite masses but divided them by facti, strife. In the first years of his revolutiot struggle, the leader saw through t tury Marx and Engels propounded M ism. Thus they highlighted the histoi mission and a path of liberation that to be followed by the working class appeared on the arena of struggle stimulated the fight against capital, us ing -in the rise of the international c, munist movement. Lenin develo Marxism and advanced Leninism in cordance with the new historical co tions whereby capitalism had entered phase of imperialism, with the result i he inspired the working.class and the of the people to struggle so as to des! imperialist strongholds and to achi freedom and liberation. This marked beginning of the transition fr capitalism to sdcialism. Our leader created the great Juche i after acquiring a deep insight into the quirements of a new era when the pressed and humiliated masses of the I pie became masters of their own desti Thus developed their struggle for C jusong onto a higher plane and ope up the age of Juche, a new era in development of human history. The revolutionary idea of the worl class emerges as the reflection of mistakes and took a road different ft theirs, the genuine revolutionary r which led him to be among the ma and to rely on them in the struggle. elucidated the truth that the master! the revolution are the masses of the f pie and that one goes among therT educate and mobilize them one will able to register victory in the revoluti This is one of the starting points of Juche idea. The revolution in each country shc be carried out responsibly by its own i pl, the masters, in an independent rr ner, and in a creative way suitable tC specific conditions. Chajusog creativeness are the inherent req.uirem of a revolutionary movement, the co munist movement. The Korean revolution which ope the age of Juche could not advance c a step forward unless it was conducte an independent and creative way from start. It was a difficult and coml revolution which had to deal with tasks of the anti-imperialist, natih revolution, with formidable Japanese perialism as the target, and those-of anti-feudal, democratic revolul simultaneously. It was an arduous rev tion which had to hew out an untrod path. What is worse, a strong tei towards flunkeyism appeared i days within our anti- Japanese ai liberation movement and corni timoaowe News Vol.15 No. 2 movement to hamper the advance of the revolution. The nationalists and selfstyled Marxists followed the evil practices of flunkeyism and factional strife which had resulted in the country's ruin in the past. They did not try to carry out the revolution by their own initiative but dreamed of achieving independence by depending on foreign forces. At that time, those who were allegedly engaged in the communist movement formed their own party groups and called freluently at the Comintern to gain its recognition. They endeavoured to imitate mechanically established theories and experiences of others, without taking into consideration the historical conditions and specific realities in our country where a colonial and semi-feudal society was in existence. In'this way, flunkeyism and dogmatism were very serious obstacles in the way of revolution. Drawing on serious lessons derived from such flunkeyism and dogmatism, the leader clarified the truth that a revolution should be carried out not by anyone's approval or instruction but by one's own conviction and on one's own responsibility and that all problems apsing in the revolution should be solved in an independent and creative way. This is another starting point of the Juche idea. As stated previously, the Juche idea, a new revolutionary idea, on the basis of -practical experiences and lessons gained in the revolutionary struggle. The Leader has conducted ideological and theoratical activities invarfably based on the revolutionary practice, and developed and enriched the revolutionary idea and theories in the course of giving answers to problems arising in the revolutionary practice. Only on the basis of revolutionary practice can one apply existing theories in accordance with thl in. terests of the revolution and actual conditions in one's own country and search for new truths and create new ideas and theories. In his early years of revolutionary activities, the leader was well versed in Marxism-Leninism. But he did not confine himself to applying MarxismLeninism to the Korean revolution but pioneered a new phase of revolutionary theory from a steadfast Juche-based standpoint and resolved the problems arising in the revolutionary practice from a unique angle. The leader discovered the truth of Juche idea in the course of the struggle against bigoted nationalist and bogus Marxist, flunkeyists and dogmatists, while hewing out a' new path for the revolution. Finally, he explained the principles of Juche idea at the Meeting of Leading Personnel of the Young Com-. munist League and the Anti-imperialist Youth League held at Kalun in June 1930 and put forward a Juche oriented line for the Korean revolution. This was a historical event which heralded the creation of the Juche idea and the birth of the Juche-oriented revolutionary line. SANDERS of Bulawayo P.O. BOX 590 Phone 68431 TRY OUR MAIL ORDER SERVICE for your Clothing, Drapery and FootwearRequirements etc. REMEMBER'WE SPECIALISE IN SCHOOL CLOTHING 94 Fife Street. MATCO Phone 64641 Bulawayo * INCUBATORS * INCUBATORS * MANUAL OR ELECTRIC 1,000 Pullets every 3 weeks using this wonderful & easy to operate Zimbabwe product. Free instruction booklet supplied. Made from Zimbabwean material. 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32 At the time of disorder when national reformism, "Left" and Right opportunism and all other unsound ideas were prevailing, the leader, still in his teens, gained an insight into the trend of the times, the desire of the people and the law of historical development and he expounded the truth of Juche and thus opened the road of independent development for our revolution. The Juche idea has been perfected as the guiding idea of revolution in our age in' the practice of the Korean revolution The guiding idea of revolution cannot be made perfect by one effort It emerges through the gen experiences in the revolutio on the basis of the condition and history.'It becomes per tegrated ideological and system when its truthfulne and its content is'enriched d tracted struggle. The leader led to victor tionary struggles at differe the work in all fields of polit culture and military affa course, he himself gained precious experience and gen Vol.15 No. 2 March 1984 Zimbabwe News' i 40 at a moment, steadily develop the Juche idea in a pro. eralization of found manner. The history of the leader nary struggle who has led the arduous Korean revoluns of the times tion for more than 50 years is i history rfect as an in- in which he created the Juche idea and theoretical perfected it as a unique ideological and ss is verified theoretical system in the great revohi. uring the pro- tionary practice. I As stated previously, the Juche idea y the revolu- emerged on the basis of the requirements nt stages and of a new age when the masses of the peoics, economy, pie appeared as the masters of history and irs. In this of a rich experience gained in the revolua wealth of tionary struggle. It has become the great neralized it to idea of revolution in our age. Lenin and The, Great October Revolution By a Correspondent The October revolution is a story of a history, of an ideology, a nation and a man by the name of Aladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, better known as Lenin. It is a story no magazine write-up can do justice to. For it is a story of life itselI'and started unfolding long before Lenin was born on April 22, 1870. In some ways, the Russian revolution is a story of personal tragedies for Lenin, a son of progressive democrat parents and whose brother, Alexandei\ then a student at St. Petersburg University, was executed for his part in an attempt on the Tsar's life. St. Petersburg was then the capital of the Russian Empire and wits renamed Petrograd in 1914 and Leningrad in 1924. The man who was to become leader of the Revolution believed his brother's line of action, terrorism against individuals, was the wrong one. Alexander's secret revolutionary society, Narodnaya Volya (People's Will) was peasant based and saw no role for the working class in the struggle. Their idea was to assassinate the Tsar and his ministers, the action which forced Lenin to comment to his mother following the execution of Alexander: "No, we won't take that path." His ideas were to fuse the two into a powerful worker-peasant mass movement against the empire. Several years later he was to be proved right. Thus four months after joining as a student, the law department of Kazan University, Lenin was imprisoned for organising a student disturbance. His first banishment immediately followed his expulsion from the university. And at a village of Kokushkino where he was expelled, Lenin was effectively placed The Zimbabwean revolutionary struggle can easily quote similarities from the Russian revolution: the persecution of the people by the ruling class, the jailing of entire leaderships, detention camps and ideas being hatched from bases outside. The "Emancipation of Labour" was a .Russian emigre group in Switzerland led by Georgi Plekhanov. In 1895 Lenin and Plekhanov agreed to co-ordinate their activities. He did the same with leaders of other groups in France and Germany. under the surveillance of the secret police. He returned after a year but was refus-" ed re-entry into the university. Instead he joined Marxist group and studied Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, the two revolutionaries who were to transform his political understanding. After gaining his law degree through private studies Lenin returned to St. Petersburg where he practised law by day and orgasised by night. The idea was to overthrow the Tsarist autocracy and establish a sdcialist society. By autumn the League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class had been established and it immediately began to link the workers' demands with their political struggle against capitalist exploitation. More persecutions followed. Arrests were followed by jailings and executions. Lenin was among the luckier ones who were sent into exile in Siberia. It was while in exile that he met Nadezhda Krupskaya who had been sentenced to three years in exile and were married. Lenin became Lenin in 1901. He had been using the pen-name in the magazine Zarya. tt was not until 1905 that the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) led by Lenin decided at its third congress upon armed struggle. In December of that year some workers took up arms against the Tsarist regime. It was almost a fiasco. The poorly-coordinated up-rising lasted two years. It failed because of three things: 1) the army was not won over 2) there were no sufficient Vle of guerrilla warfare methods and 3) the up-rising used defencive tactics. Lenin slipped out of Russia in 1906 to escape arrest and travelled to Finland. He was to call the two-year up-rising the dress rehearsal for the October Revolution. The practical task of preparing for an armed up-rising started in September 1917. The plan called for joint action by detachments of workers, soldiers and sailors occupying ,certain points in the capital. Lenin, who had spent some time organising from a hiding, surfaced on October 24 and moved into the city to take direct 'control of the armed up-rising. The better co-ordinated plan worked perfectly. A force consisting of workers, soldiers and sailors captured bridges spanning the River Neva. They took railway stations, the wireless station and the power station. The state bank followed. And so did other important places. Counter-revolutionary military units dug. in. at the Winter Palace, the Tsar's former residence, where the government ministers and their deputies hadtaken refuge. By the next day the revolutionaries had taken over. And thus begun the story of the Great '.October Revolution:

Zimbabwe News Official Organ of ZANU(PF) US FIGHT AND UILD MMABWE Department of Information and Publicity, 14 Austin Road, WAintn, Harare onthly Magazine Volume 15 Registered at the G.P.O. as a Newspapey/V .-r- - ,ZIMBABWE NEWS is the official news organ of ZANU (PF). It contains all authentic, ,speeches and articles by members of the ZANU (PF) Central Committee, important government pronouncements and the views of the general public. Many articles, written by Comrade Robert Mugabe and other members of the Central Committee which outlined the way the liberation movement had to go were published in this magazine during the liberation war. The implementation of the guidelines given in these articles has changed the face of Zimbabwe since. By reading ZIMBABWE NEWS you will be enlightened on the course our leadership intends to take in our movement towards a fullyfledged socialist state. Reports on the international struggles for freedom are among the regular features of the magazine. O0c hie subscription rates for Zimbabwe ews are: For twelve issues (one year) S 8,40, for six issues (six months) S 4,20 and the Zimbabwe Newspport-price for twelve issues (one 'ar) is Z$ 15. rease indicate which of the above rates w want. erates include postage and handling. If you wish to subscribe to Zimbabwe News write to: The Advertising/Sales Officer, Zimbabwe News, Jongwe Printing and Publishing Co., 14 Austin Road, Workington, Harare, Zimbabwe. Do not forget to enclose a cheque or a postal money order for your4 subscription.