Chapter 20 the AGE of NAPOLEON and the TRIUMPH of ROMANTICISM
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Treaty of Lunéville J. David Markham When Napoleon Became
The Treaty of Lunéville J. David Markham When Napoleon became First Consul in 1799, his first order of business was to defend France against the so-called Second Coalition. This coalition was made up of a number of smaller countries led by Austria, Russia and Britain. The Austrians had armies in Germany and in Piedmont, Italy. Napoleon sent General Jean Moreau to Germany while he, Napoleon, marched through Switzerland to Milan and then further south, toward Alessandria. As Napoleon, as First Consul, was not technically able to lead an army, the French were technically under the command of General Louis Alexandre Berthier. There, on 14 June 1800, the French defeated the Austrian army led by General Michael von Melas. This victory, coupled with Moreau’s success in Germany, lead to a general peace negotiation resulting in the Treaty of Lunéville (named after the town in France where the treaty was signed by Count Ludwig von Cobenzl for Austria and Joseph Bonaparte for Austria. The treaty secured France’s borders on the left bank of the Rhine River and the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. France ceded territory and fortresses on the right bank, and various republics were guaranteed their independence. This translation is taken from the website of the Fondation Napoléon and can be found at the following URL: https://www.napoleon.org/en/history-of-the- two-empires/articles/treaty-of-luneville/. I am deeply grateful for the permission granted to use it by Dr. Peter Hicks of the Fondation. That French organization does an outstanding job of promoting Napoleonic history throughout the world. -
Athenaeum Fragments 18 Ideas 94 Index 111
This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Fri, 05 Jun 2020 21:35:30 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Philosophical Fragments Friedrich Schlegel Translated by Peter Firchow Foreword by Rodolphe Gasche University of Minnesota Press Minneapolis London This content downloaded from 165.123.34.86 on Fri, 05 Jun 2020 21:35:30 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Copyright © 1991 by the Regents of the University of Minnesota Philosophical Fragments originally appeared in Friedrich Schlegel's Lucinde and the Fragments. Copyright © 1971 by the University of Minnesota. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Published by the University of Minnesota Press 111 Third Avenue South, Suite 290, Minnesota, MN 55401-2520 http://www.upress.umn.edu Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper Third printing 1998 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Schlegel, Friedrich von, 1772-1829. [Aphorisms. English] Philosophical fragments / Friedrich Schlegel ; translated by Peter Firchow : foreword by Rodolphe Gasche. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8166-1901-8 1. Philosophy—Quotations, maxims, etc. I. Title. B3086.S53A6413 1991 193—dc20 90-19957 A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the British Library The University of Minnesota is an equal-opportunity -
A. W. Schlegel and the Nineteenth-Century Damnatio of Euripides Ernst Behler
BEHLER, ERNST, A. W. Schlegel and the Nineteenth-Century "Damnatio" of Euripides , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:4 (1986:Winter) p.335 A. W. Schlegel and the Nineteenth-Century Damnatio of Euripides Ernst Behler N HIS 1802-04 Berlin lectures on aesthetics, August Wilhelm Schle I gel claimed that his younger brother Friedrich (in his essay On the Study of Greek Poetry U795]), had been the first in the modern age to discern the "immeasurable gulf" separating Euripides from Aeschylus and Sophocles, thereby reviving an attitude the Greeks themselves had assumed towards the poet. The elder Schlegel noted that certain contemporaries of Euripides felt the "deep decline" both in his tragic art and in the music of the time: Aristophanes, with his unrelenting satire, had been assigned by God as Euripides' "eternal scourge"; 1 Plato, in reproaching the poets for fostering the passionate state of mind through excessive emotionalism, actually pointed to Euripides (SK I 40). Schlegel believed that his younger brother's observation of the profound difference between Euripides and the two other Greek tragedians was an important intuition that required detailed critical and comparative analysis for sufficient development (SK II 359). By appropriating this task as his own, August Wilhelm Schlegel inaugurated a phenomenon that we may describe as the nineteenth-century damnatio of Euripides. The condemnation of Euripides by these early German romantics was no extravagant and isolated moment in their critical activity: it constituted a central event in the progressive formation of a new literary theory. Their pronouncements must be seen in the context of a larger movement, towards the end of the eighteenth century, that transformed the critical scene in Europe: the fall of the classicist doctrine and the rise of the new literary theory of romanticism. -
INTRODUCTION 1. Charles Esdaile, the Wars of Napoleon (New York, 1995), Ix; Philip Dwyer, “Preface,” Napoleon and Europe, E
Notes INTRODUCTION 1. Charles Esdaile, The Wars of Napoleon (New York, 1995), ix; Philip Dwyer, “Preface,” Napoleon and Europe, ed. Philip Dwyer (London, 2001), ix. 2. Michael Broers, Europe under Napoleon, 1799–1815 (London, 1996), 3. 3. An exception to the Franco-centric bibliography in English prior to the last decade is Owen Connelly, Napoleon’s Satellite Kingdoms (New York, 1965). Connelly discusses the developments in five satellite kingdoms: Italy, Naples, Holland, Westphalia, and Spain. Two other important works that appeared before 1990, which explore the internal developments in two countries during the Napoleonic period, are Gabriel Lovett, Napoleon and the Birth of Modern Spain (New York, 1965) and Simon Schama, Patriots and Liberators: Revolution in the Netherlands, 1780–1813 (London, 1977). 4. Stuart Woolf, Napoleon’s Integration of Europe (London and New York, 1991), 8–13. 5. Geoffrey Ellis, “The Nature of Napoleonic Imperialism,” Napoleon and Europe, ed. Philip Dwyer (London, 2001), 102–5; Broers, Europe under Napoleon, passim. 1 THE FORMATION OF THE NAPOLEONIC EMPIRE 1. Geoffrey Ellis, “The Nature of Napoleonic Imperialism,” Napoleon and Europe, ed. Philip Dwyer (London, 2001), 105. 2. Martyn Lyons, Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution (New York, 1994), 43. 3. Ellis, “The Nature,” 104–5. 4. On the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars and international relations, see Tim Blanning, The French Revolutionary Wars, 1787–1802 (London, 1996); David Chandler, The Campaigns of Napoleon: the Mind and Method of History’s Greatest Soldier (London, 1966); Owen Connelly, Blundering to Glory: Napoleon’s Military 212 Notes 213 Campaigns (Wilmington, DE, 1987); J. -
The Concept of Bildung in Early German Romanticism
CHAPTER 6 The Concept of Bildung in Early German Romanticism 1. Social and Political Context In 1799 Friedrich Schlegel, the ringleader of the early romantic circle, stated, with uncommon and uncharacteristic clarity, his view of the summum bonum, the supreme value in life: “The highest good, and [the source of] ev- erything that is useful, is culture (Bildung).”1 Since the German word Bildung is virtually synonymous with education, Schlegel might as well have said that the highest good is education. That aphorism, and others like it, leave no doubt about the importance of education for the early German romantics. It is no exaggeration to say that Bildung, the education of humanity, was the central goal, the highest aspiration, of the early romantics. All the leading figures of that charmed circle—Friedrich and August Wilhelm Schlegel, W. D. Wackenroder, Friedrich von Hardenberg (Novalis), F. W. J. Schelling, Ludwig Tieck, and F. D. Schleiermacher—saw in education their hope for the redemption of humanity. The aim of their common journal, the Athenäum, was to unite all their efforts for the sake of one single overriding goal: Bildung.2 The importance, and indeed urgency, of Bildung in the early romantic agenda is comprehensible only in its social and political context. The young romantics were writing in the 1790s, the decade of the cataclysmic changes wrought by the Revolution in France. Like so many of their generation, the romantics were initially very enthusiastic about the Revolution. Tieck, Novalis, Schleiermacher, Schelling, Hölderlin, and Friedrich Schlegel cele- brated the storming of the Bastille as the dawn of a new age. -
Friedrich Schlegel Und Das Hermeneutik-Konzept
Seminararbeit im Rahmen des Seminars Interkulturelle Philosophie (Hermeneutik) im SS 2005 bei a.o. Univ.-Prof. Dr. Franz Martin Wimmer Klaus Buschmann Friedrich Schlegel und das Hermeneutik – Konzept Schleiermachers Heil den wahren Philologen! Sie wirken Göttliches, denn sie verbreiten Kunstsinn über das ganze Gebiet der Gelehrsamkeit. Kein Gelehrter sollte bloß Handwerker sein. Schlegel: Ideen Klaus Buschmann Klaus Buschmann Friedrich Schlegel und das Hermeneutik-Konzept Schleiermachers Friedrich Schlegel und das Hermeneutik-Konzept Schleiermachers SE „Interkulturelle Philosophie“, Wien 2005 SE „Interkulturelle Philosophie“, Wien 2005 Das Auslegen ist Kunst. Schleiermacher: Hermeneutik „Die Philosophen welche nicht gegeneinander sind, verbindet gewöhnlich nur Sympathie nicht Symphilosophie.“1 Diesen für die Romantik typischen Satz notiert Friedrich Schlegel 1798 in seinen „Athenaeums – Fragmenten.“ Im Folgenden möchte ich die Praxis dieser „Symphilosophie“ anhand dreier signifikanter Beispiele der Überlegungen Schlegels und Schleiermachers zur Hermeneutik exemplarisch veranschaulichen und zwar anhand der zentralen Begriffe 1. Divination, 2. Hermeneutik, 3. Kritik und 4. der romantischen Ansicht, wonach der Hermeneut den Autor besser verstehe, als dieser sich selbst. Dabei geht es mir, in bescheidenem Rahmen, um die Überprüfung der These Hermann Patschs,2 welcher zur Zusammenarbeit Schlegels und Schleiermachers bemerkt: „Er [d.h. Schleiermacher, K.B.] – und nicht Schlegel – hat die Wissen-schaft vom Verstehen nachhaltig und bis zum heutigen Tage geprägt [.]. Aber die „Wende“ in der Geschichte der Hermeneutik vollzog Friedrich Schlegel.“3 Ad 1. Beginnen möchte ich meinen Vergleich mit einer Besprechung des be-rühmten 116. Athenäum – Fragments Friedrich Schlegels, welches primär eine Definition der literarischen Romantik liefert, in nuce aber auch für die Konstituierung der „romantischen“ Hermeneutik äußerst aufschlussreich ist: [.] Die romantische Dichtart ist noch im Werden; ja das ist ihr eigentliches Wesen, daß sie ewig nur werden, nie vollendet sein kann. -
GERMAN LITERARY FAIRY TALES, 1795-1848 by CLAUDIA MAREIKE
ROMANTICISM, ORIENTALISM, AND NATIONAL IDENTITY: GERMAN LITERARY FAIRY TALES, 1795-1848 By CLAUDIA MAREIKE KATRIN SCHWABE A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2012 1 © 2012 Claudia Mareike Katrin Schwabe 2 To my beloved parents Dr. Roman and Cornelia Schwabe 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisory committee chair, Dr. Barbara Mennel, who supported this project with great encouragement, enthusiasm, guidance, solidarity, and outstanding academic scholarship. I am particularly grateful for her dedication and tireless efforts in editing my chapters during the various phases of this dissertation. I could not have asked for a better, more genuine mentor. I also want to express my gratitude to the other committee members, Dr. Will Hasty, Dr. Franz Futterknecht, and Dr. John Cech, for their thoughtful comments and suggestions, invaluable feedback, and for offering me new perspectives. Furthermore, I would like to acknowledge the abundant support and inspiration of my friends and colleagues Anna Rutz, Tim Fangmeyer, and Dr. Keith Bullivant. My heartfelt gratitude goes to my family, particularly my parents, Dr. Roman and Cornelia Schwabe, as well as to my brother Marius and his wife Marina Schwabe. Many thanks also to my dear friends for all their love and their emotional support throughout the years: Silke Noll, Alice Mantey, Lea Hüllen, and Tina Dolge. In addition, Paul and Deborah Watford deserve special mentioning who so graciously and welcomingly invited me into their home and family. Final thanks go to Stephen Geist and his parents who believed in me from the very start. -
Friedrich Schlegel, Romanticism, and the Re‐Enchantment of Nature
This article was downloaded by: [Lancaster University Library] On: 07 June 2012, At: 07:09 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/sinq20 Friedrich Schlegel, Romanticism, and the Re‐enchantment of Nature Alison Stone a a Lancaster University, UK b Institute for Environment, Philosophy & Public Policy, Lancaster University, Lancaster LA1 4YG, UK E-mail: Available online: 21 Aug 2006 To cite this article: Alison Stone (2005): Friedrich Schlegel, Romanticism, and the Re‐enchantment of Nature, Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy, 48:1, 3-25 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00201740510015338 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms- and-conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. -
Schlegel’Swords, Rightly Used
Michel Chaouli Schlegel’sWords, Rightly Used Philological Disarmament “Poetry,” Friedrich Schlegelwrites in afragment, “can onlybecriticized by poetry” (Schlegel1991 [1797], 14– 15). Forawhile now,Ihave thought that the line says all one needs to know about poetic criticism, what it is and how to do it,and that it thereforerequires neither commentary nor critique.Itisclear as day, and yet, like so manyofthe best aphorisms,this is an enigmatic clarity,which maybewhy I keep returningtoit.¹ Ikeep failingtofind the right wayofhearing it and responding to it.IfIknew how,then it would stop comingback to me, and before long Icould forgetit. Criticism thinksofitself as memorializing awork, but if it is done right,then it is away of overcoming it,ofdigesting and metabolizing it,and thus of forgetting it. “Poetry can onlybecriticized by poetry.” It is aplain phrase, yetright away Ifeel the urge to poke and prod its every part.After all, can Ibesure what it means by the word poetry,ifpoetry is even the right translation of Poesie,orifthe first usageofthe worddenotes the sameasthe second?AsSchlegel usesthe term elsewhere, poetry is not restricted to agenre such as the lyric nor even to verbal artworks in general, but reaches for the essence of creative making itself, whatever form it might take. Does that hold here? Then there is the word only: am Itotake literallythe assertion that poetry can be criticized by poetry alone and by nothing else? Now Inotice the pas- sive voice and find myself asking by whom – by what unnamed agency – it can only be -
Thomas Jeffersonís Foreign Policy Concerning the Haitian Revolution, 1791-1806 Joseph A
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 11-13-2007 "Under the Bloody Hatchet of the Haitians": Thomas Jeffersonís Foreign Policy Concerning the Haitian Revolution, 1791-1806 Joseph A. Boyd University of South Florida Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Scholar Commons Citation Boyd, Joseph A., ""Under the Bloody Hatchet of the Haitians": Thomas Jeffersonís Foreign Policy Concerning the Haitian Revolution, 1791-1806" (2007). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/643 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Under the Bloody Hatchet of the Haitians”: Thomas Jefferson’s Foreign Policy Concerning the Haitian Revolution, 1791-1806 by Joseph A. Boyd A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: John M. Belohlavek, Ph.D. Philip Levy, Ph.D. Robert Ingalls, Ph.D. Date of Approval: November 13, 2007 Keywords: Eighteenth Century, Diplomatic Relations, Foreign Trade, Haiti, Toussaint L’Ouverture © Copyright 2007, Joseph A. Boyd Dedication Without the support of my loving wife, Joy, the completion of this thesis would be an empty achievement. She has stood by me as a help-mate and a source of inspiration. Because of this, I owe and freely give to her my eternal, unwavering love and devotion. -
1 Schiller and the Young Coleridge
Notes 1 Schiller and the Young Coleridge 1. For the details of Schiller’s career and thought I am drawing on a number of works including Lesley Sharpe, Friedrich Schiller: Drama, Thought and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Walter Schafarschik, Friedrich Schiller (Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam, 1999); F. J. Lamport, German Classical Drama: Theatre, Humanity, and Nation, 1750–1870 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); and T. J. Reed, The Classical Centre: Goethe and Weimar, 1775–1832 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), and Schiller- Handbuch, ed. Helmut Koopmann (Stuttgart: Alfred Kröner, 1998). 2. Schiller later revised the essay and published it in his Shorter Works in Prose under the title ‘The Stage Considered as a Moral Institution’ (‘Die Schaubühne als eine moralische Anstalt betrachtet’). 3. See David Pugh, ‘“Die Künstler”: Schiller’s Philosophical Programme’, Oxford German Studies, 18/19 (1989–90), 13–22. 4. See J. M. Ellis, Schiller’s ‘Kalliasbriefe’ and the Study of his Aesthetic Theory (The Hague and Paris: Mouton, 1969). 5. See Paul Robinson Sweet, Wilhelm von Humboldt: a Biography, 2 vols (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1978–80) and W. H. Bruford, The Ger- man Tradition of Self-Cultivation: ‘Bildung’ from Humboldt to Thomas Mann (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), ch. 1; also E. S. Shaffer, ‘Romantic Philosophy and the Organization of the Disciplines: the Found- ing of the Humboldt University of Berlin’, in Romanticism and the Sciences, ed. Andrew Cunningham and Nicholas Jardine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 38–54. 6. Norbert Oellers, Schiller: Geschichte seiner Wirkung bis zu Goethes Tod, 1805– 1832 (Bonn: Bouvier, 1967). -
Open Thesis.Pdf
THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY THE PURPOSE AND FALL OF THE NAPOLEONIC EMPIRE IN THE LOW COUNTRIES AND ITALY NICHOLAS F. BORSUK-WOOMAN Spring 2010 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for baccalaureate degrees in History and Economics with honors in History Reviewed and approved* by the following: Sylvia Neely Associate Professor of History Thesis Supervisor Catherine Wanner Associate Professor of History and Religious Studies Honors Adviser * Signatures are on file in the Schreyer Honors College. ABSTRACT The Purpose and Fall of the Napoleonic Empire in the Low Countries and Italy investigates Napoleon’s aims for the Empire and the reasons for its final demise in the Low Countries and Italy. This work will examine these two aspects in Belgium, the Netherlands, Northern Italy, and Naples. First, I scrutinize Stuart’s Woolf’s thesis that Napoleon attempted to integrate Europe in order to create a single-European state that benefitted the entire continent. I attack his thesis by referring to Paul Schroeder’s argument that Napoleon viewed Europe as colonies that were meant to benefit France. Many of those European colonies benefitted from Napoleon’s colonization, Belgium, Piedmont, and the Kingdom of Italy, while others suffered under his demands, especially the Netherlands and Naples. The underlying theme was the institutions Napoleon implanted into these areas in order to extract their resources. The second argument assaults the view that nationalism was the cause of the fall of the Empire. Through analyzing the Low Countries and Italy, I demonstrate that entrenched political factions existed, separated on financial and economic issues, conscription, and religion.