324 10 2 Pragmatics I New Shorter
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
A Cross-Cultural and Pragmatic Study of Felicity Conditions in the Same-Sex Marriage Discourse
Journal of Foreign Languages, Cultures and Civilizations June 2016, Vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 58-72 ISSN 2333-5882 (Print) 2333-5890 (Online) Copyright © The Author(s). All Rights Reserved. Published by American Research Institute for Policy Development DOI: 10.15640/jflcc.v4n1a7 URL: https://doi.org/10.15640/jflcc.v4n1a7 A Cross-Cultural and Pragmatic Study of Felicity Conditions in the Same-Sex Marriage Discourse Hashim Aliwy Mohammed Al-Husseini1 & Ghayth K. Shaker Al-Shaibani2 Abstract This paper investigates whether there are Felicity Conditions (FCs) for the same-sex marriage as being a contemporary practice of marriage relations in some countries. As such, the researchers adopt Austin’s (1962) Felicity Conditions (FCs) to examine if conditions of satisfaction are applicable to the same-sex marriage in Christian and Islamic cultures. The researchers focus on analysing and discussing the social, religious, and linguistic conventional procedures of the speech acts of marriage, specifically in the same-sex marriage discourse. We find out that same-sex marriage in Christianity is totally different from the traditional marriage with regard to the social, religious, and linguistic conventions. Consequently, we concluded that same-sex marriage discourse has no FCs in contrast to the traditional marriage in Christianity as well as marriage in Islam which has not changed in form and opposite sex marriage. Keyword: Felicity Conditions; homosexual relations; marriage speech acts; same-sex marriage discourse; conventional procedures 1. Introduction Trosborg (2010, p.3) stated that one can principally affirm that all pragmatic aspects, namely speech act theory and theory of politeness, may be liable to cross-cultural comparisons between two speech communities and/or two cultures. -
Performative Speech Act Verbs in Present Day English
PERFORMATIVE SPEECH ACT VERBS IN PRESENT DAY ENGLISH ELENA LÓPEZ ÁLVAREZ Universidad Complutense de Madrid RESUMEN. En esta contribución se estudian los actos performativos y su influencia en el inglés de hoy en día. A partir de las teorías de J. L. Austin, entre otros autores, se desarrolla un panorama de esta orientación de la filosofía del lenguaje de Austin. PALABRAS CLAVE. Actos performativos, enunciado performativo, inglés. ABSTRACT. This paper focuses on performative speech act verbs in present day English. Reading the theories of J. L. Austin, among others,. With the basis of authors as J. L. Austin, this paper develops a brief landscape about this orientation of Austin’s linguistic philosophy. KEY WORDS. Performative speech act verbs, performative utterance, English. 1. INTRODUCCIÓN 1.1. HISTORICAL THEORETICAL BACKGROUND 1.1.1. The beginnings: J.L. Austin The origin of performative speech acts as we know them today dates back to the William James Lectures, the linguistic-philosophical theories devised and delivered by J.L. Austin at Harvard University in 1955, and collected into a series of lectures entitled How to do things with words, posthumously published in 1962. Austin was one of the most influential philosophers of his time. In these lectures, he provided a thorough exploration of performative speech acts, which was an extremely innovative area of study in those days. In the following pages, Austin’s main ideas (together with some comments by other authors) will be presented. 1.1.1.1. Constative – performative distinction In these lectures, Austin begins by making a clear distinction between constative and performative utterances. -
Intonation and Interpretation: Phonetics and Phonology
In: Speech prosody 2002. Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Speech Prosody. Edited by Bernard Bel & Isabelle Marlien. Aix-en-Provence: Laboratoire Parole et Language, Université de Provence. 2002. pp 47-57. Intonation and interpretation: phonetics and phonology Carlos Gussenhoven Centre for Language Studies University of Nijmegen, The Netherlands [email protected] by no means always the case. Language change may create ‘unnatural’, arbitrary forms [5]. This response to the problem Abstract of the partially paralinguistic nature of intonation contrasts with earlier ones in which either an almost exclusively non- Intonational meaning is located in two components of linguistic viewpoint was adopted [6], or an exclusively language, the phonetic implementation and the intonational linguistic viewpoint (e.g. [2]), or in which the two aspects are grammar. The phonetic implementation is widely used for the reconciled with each other in a gradient conception of their expression of universal meanings that derive from ‘biological difference (e.g. [7, p. 128],[8]). Below, I explain the notion codes’, meaning dimensions based on aspects of the of a biological code (section 2.0), and discuss each of the production process of pitch variation. Three codes are three codes in a separate section. identified, Ohala’s Frequency Code, the Effort Code and the 1.1. Three biological codes Production Code. In each case, ‘informational’ meanings (which relate to the message) are identified, while for the first The question arises what the expalnation is the of the nature two codes also ‘affective’ meanings (relating to the state of of the universal paralignuistic meanings. -
Inquisitive Semantics OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, //, Spi
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, //, SPi Inquisitive Semantics OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, //, SPi OXFORD SURVEYS IN SEMANTICS AND PRAGMATICS general editors: Chris Barker, NewYorkUniversity, and Christopher Kennedy, University of Chicago advisory editors: Kent Bach, San Francisco State University; Jack Hoeksema, University of Groningen;LaurenceR.Horn,Yale University; William Ladusaw, University of California Santa Cruz; Richard Larson, Stony Brook University; Beth Levin, Stanford University;MarkSteedman,University of Edinburgh; Anna Szabolcsi, New York University; Gregory Ward, Northwestern University published Modality Paul Portner Reference Barbara Abbott Intonation and Meaning Daniel Büring Questions Veneeta Dayal Mood Paul Portner Inquisitive Semantics Ivano Ciardelli, Jeroen Groenendijk, and Floris Roelofsen in preparation Aspect Hana Filip Lexical Pragmatics Laurence R. Horn Conversational Implicature Yan Huang OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, //, SPi Inquisitive Semantics IVANO CIARDELLI, JEROEN GROENENDIJK, AND FLORIS ROELOFSEN 1 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, //, SPi 3 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, ox dp, United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © Ivano Ciardelli, Jeroen Groenendijk, and Floris Roelofsen The moral rights of the authors have been asserted First Edition published in Impression: Some rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, for commercial purposes, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted bylaw,bylicenceorundertermsagreedwiththeappropriatereprographics rights organization. This is an open access publication, available online and distributed under the terms ofa Creative Commons Attribution – Non Commercial – No Derivatives . -
Exclamatives, Normalcy Conditions and Common Ground
Revue de Sémantique et Pragmatique 40 | 2016 Exclamation et intersubjectivité Exclamatives, Normalcy Conditions and Common Ground Franz d’Avis Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rsp/279 DOI: 10.4000/rsp.279 ISSN: 2610-4377 Publisher Presses universitaires d'Orléans Printed version Date of publication: 1 March 2017 Number of pages: 17-34 ISSN: 1285-4093 Electronic reference Franz d’Avis, « Exclamatives, Normalcy Conditions and Common Ground », Revue de Sémantique et Pragmatique [Online], 40 | 2016, Online since 01 March 2018, connection on 10 December 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rsp/279 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/rsp.279 Revue de Sémantique et Pragmatique Revue de Sémantique et Pragmatique. 2016. Numéro 40. pp. 17-34. Exclamatives, Normalcy Conditions and Common Ground Franz d’Avis Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz 1. INTRODUCTION The starting point for the search for exclamative sentence types in a lan- guage is often the description of a certain function that utterances of sentences of that type would have. One formulation could be: With the use of an excla- mative sentence, a speaker expresses that the state of affairs described by a proposition given in the sentence is not in accordance with his expectations about the world.1 Exclamative utterances may include an emotional attitude on the part of the speaker, which is often described as surprise in the literature, cf. Altmann (1987, 1993a), Michaelis/Lambrecht (1996), d’Avis (2001), Michaelis (2001), Roguska (2008) and others. Surprise is an attitude that is based on the belief that something unexpected is the case, see from a psychological point of view Reisenzein (2000). -
RISES ALL the WAY UP: the INTERPRETATION of PROSODY, DISCOURSE ATTITUDES and DIALOGUE STRUCTURE Catherine Lai a DISSERTATION In
RISES ALL THE WAY UP: THE INTERPRETATION OF PROSODY, DISCOURSE ATTITUDES AND DIALOGUE STRUCTURE Catherine Lai A DISSERTATION in Linguistics Presented to the Faculties of the University of Pennsylvania in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2012 Supervisor of Dissertation: Jiahong Yuan, Assistant Professor of Linguistics Graduate Group Chair: Eugene Buckley, Associate Professor of Linguistics Dissertation Committee: Jiahong Yuan, Assistant Professor of Linguistics Mark Liberman, Trustee Professor of Phonetics Florian Schwarz, Assistant Professor of Linguistics ii Acknowledgements First of all, I would like to thank my advisor Jiahong Yuan. I came to Penn with a somewhat vague idea of doing something in the realm of semantics and pragmatics, but it didn't take long to get hooked on phonetics with Jiahong as a teacher. I've benefitted enormously from his mentoring through the years on several other projects in addition to dissertation work. The fact that I've been able to do a dissertation right on the intersection of semantics, pragmatics, and phonetics is a testament to his open mindedness, intellectual vigor and unfailing practical support. Being at Penn has also allowed me the privilege of having Mark Liberman and Florian Schwarz on my dissertation committee. Mark never fails to amaze me with not only the breadth and depth of his knowledge on all areas of language research, but also his astounding clarity of thought. Mark's classes were critical for my developing the technical notions that have enabled me to investigate the prosody-meaning problem in a quantitative way. Florian's help was crucial in getting the semantic and pragmatic parts of this project on the right track. -
Felicity Conditions for Counterfactual Conditionals Containing Proper
Counterfactuals in Context: Felicity conditions for counterfactual conditionals containing proper names William Robinson A thesis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts University of Washington 2013 Committee: Toshiyuki Ogihara Barbara Citko Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Linguistics 2 ©Copyright 2013 William Robinson 3 University of Washington Abstract Counterfactuals in Context: Felicity conditions for counterfactual conditionals containing proper names William Robinson Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Toshiyuki Ogihara PhD Linguistics Linguistics This thesis provides felicity conditions for counterfactual conditionals containing proper names in which essential changes to an individual are counterfactually posited using contrastive focus in either the antecedent or consequent clause. The felicity conditions proposed are an adaptation of Heim’s (1992) CCP Semantics into Kratzer’s (1981) truth conditions for counterfactual conditionals in which the partition function f(w) serves as the local context of evaluation for the antecedent clause, while the set of worlds characterized by the antecedent serves as the local context for the consequent clause. In order for the felicity conditions to generate the right results, it is shown that they must be couched in a rigid designator/essentialist framework inspired by Kripke (1980). This correctly predicts that consequents containing rigid designators are infelicitous when their input context—the set of worlds accessible from the antecedent clause— does not contain a suitable referent. 4 Introduction We use counterfactual conditionals like (1a-b) to make claims about the “ways things could have been,” not about the way things actually are1 (Lewis 1973, p.84). The antecedent clause of a counterfactual conditional posits a change to the actual world from which the consequent clause would/might follow. -
Sentential Negativity and Polarity-Sensitive Anaphora a Hyperintensional Account
Sentential negativity and polarity-sensitive anaphora A hyperintensional account Lisa Hofmann University of California Santa Cruz 1 Introduction This paper is concerned with an asymmetry between positive and negative sen- tences in discourse.1 The licensing of certain propositional anaphora is contin- gent on the polarity of their antecedent clause. I call them Polarity-Sensitive Anaphora (PSAs). Among these are polar additives (Klima (1964)) and polarity particles (Farkas and Bruce (2010); Roelofsen and Farkas (2015)). (1) Polar additives (2) Agreement with polarity particles a. Mary slept. a. Mary slept. (i) So did Dalia. (i) Yes, she slept. (ii) #Neither did Dalia. (ii) #No, she slept. b. Mary didn’t sleep. b. Mary didn’t sleep. (i) #So did Dalia. (i) Yes, she didn’t sleep. (ii) Neither did Dalia. (ii) No, she didn’t sleep. Polar additives are polarity-sensitive in their licensing: Positive polar ad- ditives with so are available with a positive antecedent (1-a), but not with a negative one (1-b), whereas neither shows the opposite pattern. Polarity parti- cles (PolPs) are polarity-sensitive in their interpretation. In a positive context (2-a), only yes, but not no can be used to agree with the antecedent. In the negative context, this contrast is neutralized (Ginzburg and Sag (2000); Roelof- sen and Farkas (2015)) and either polarity particle can be used to agree. These asymmetries lead me to two questions: 1. How can the polarity-sensitivity of PSAs be accounted for? 2. What renders a sentence positive/negative for the purposes of discourse and how might that be captured theoretically? 1. -
Constructional Meaning and Compositionality
Constructional Meaning and Compositionality Paul Kay International Computer Science Institute and Department of Linguistics University of California, Berkeley 5 Laura A. Michaelis Department of Linguistics and Institute of Cognitive Science University of Colorado Boulder Contents 10 1. Constructions and compositionality 2. Continuum of idiomaticity 3. Kinds of constructional meanings 4. Model-theoretic and truth-conditional meaning 5. Argument structure 15 6. Metalinguistic constructions 7. Less commonly recognized illocutionary forces 8. Conventional implicature, or pragmatic presupposition 9. Information flow 10. Conclusion 20 11. References Abstract One of the major motivations for constructional approaches to grammar is that a given rule of syntactic formation can sometimes, in fact often, be associated with more than one semantic 25 specification. For example, a pair of expressions like purple plum and alleged thief call on different rules of semantic combination. The first involves something closely related to intersection of sets: a purple plum is a member of the set of purple things and a member of the set of plums. But an alleged thief is not a member of the intersection of the set of thieves and the set of alleged things. Indeed, that intersection is empty, since only a proposition 30 can be alleged and a thief, whether by deed or attribution, is never a proposition. This chapter describes the various ways meanings may be assembled in a construction-based grammar. 1. Constructions and compositionality 35 It is sometimes supposed that constructional approaches are opposed to compositional semantics. This happens to be an incorrect supposition, but it is instructive to consider why it exists. -
Division of Labor in the Interpretation of Declaratives and Interrogatives∗
Division of labor in the interpretation of declaratives and interrogatives∗ Donka F. Farkas Floris Roelofsen University of California Santa Cruz ILLC, University of Amsterdam August 2, 2016 Abstract This paper presents an account of the semantic content and conventional discourse effects of a range of sentence types in English, namely falling declaratives, polar interrogatives, and certain kinds of rising declaratives and tag interrogatives. The account aims to divide the labor between compositional semantics and conventions of use in a principled way. We argue that falling declaratives and polar interrogatives are unmarked sentence types. On our account, differences in their conventional discourse effects follow from independently motivated semantic differences combined with a single convention of use, which applies uniformly to both sentence types. As a result, the Fregean `illocutionary force operators' Assertion and Question become unnecessary. In contrast, we argue that rising declaratives and tag interrogatives are marked sentence types. On our account, their conventional discourse effects consist of the effects that are dictated by the basic convention of use that is common to all sentence types considered here, augmented with special effects that are systematically connected to their formal properties. Thus, a central feature of our approach is that it maintains a parallelism between unmarked and marked sentence types on the one hand, and basic and complex discourse effects on the other. 1 Introduction It is often assumed that the interpretation of an utterance involves at least three factors: (i) a compositional procedure which, given the lexical meaning of the words that the uttered sentence consists of and the way in which they are put together, determines the semantic content of the sentence, (ii) certain conventions of use connected to the sentence type involved (e.g. -
Intonation and Commitment: the Case of Rising Declaratives* Deniz Rudin — [email protected] @ Norcal Sentence Types Workshop 29 Jan 2017, Near Some Redwoods
Intonation and Commitment: The case of rising declaratives* Deniz Rudin — [email protected] @ Norcal Sentence Types Workshop 29 Jan 2017, near some redwoods 1 Setting the Stage The subject at hand: the conventional discourse effect of rising declaratives, and its re- lation to the conventional discourse effect of falling declaratives and of polar interroga- tives. (1) a. Bill owns rottweilers. b. Bill owns rottweilers? c. Does Bill own rottweilers? ▷ rising intonation marked with question marks throughout, as above ▷ today I’ll just say ‘rising intonation’ and leave it at that—though I think a fully convincing account would eventually need to engage with at least somewhat fine- grained intonational detail To get a sense of the empirical terrain, here’s three basic cases: (2) THE HAIRCUT CASE a. [Context: A is looking at her addressee, whose hair looks much shorter than yesterday.] A: You got a haircut? b. [Context: A is talking to her addressee on the phone, and is groping at random for something to talk about.] A: #You got a haircut? In the felicitous case, (2a), A has good reason to believe that p is true, and also has good reason to believe that her addressee believes it to be true. (3) THE TRINKET CASE a. [Context: A has shown B a chintzy trinket and told him that Antiques Roadshow appraised it to be worth millions.] B: This trinket is valuable? *Thanks above all to Donka Farkas, whose work inspired this project and whose guidance led it to fruition. Thanks also to my fellow students in last quarter’s sentence types seminar, and thanks in advance to this workshop’s over-the-hill attendees. -
On the Rise and Fall of Declaratives 1 Introduction
In Reich, Ingo et al. (eds.), Proceedings of Sinn & Bedeutung 15, pp. 1–16. Universaar – Saarland Unversity Press: Saarbrücken, Germany, 2011. On the rise and fall of declaratives Tue Trinh Luka Crnicˇ MIT MIT [email protected] [email protected] Abstract. This paper argues for a new way of thinking about semantic and pragmatic effects of particular sentence intonation patterns. The main focus of the paper is on the so-called rising declaratives, i.e. sentences that have the surface structure of a declarative sentence but are pronounced with a rising pitch contour. Rising declaratives differ from both declaratives with a falling pitch contour and questions in their pragmatic effect. Our goal is to account for this difference. We propose that rising intonation contour is syntactically realized. Its semantic import is to determine the resolution of a variable in the speech act projection, i.e. rising intonation operates on speech acts. The pragmatic effects associated with rising declaratives are shown to follow from this minimal assumption and the independently motivated tenets of speech act theory. 1 Introduction Rising declaratives are declarative sentences with a rising pitch contour, which we indicate with a question mark in the following examples. They are known to exhibit pragmatic effects distinct from those of declarative sentences with a falling pitch contour (e.g. Gunlogson 2003). Most prominently, rising declar- atives elicit a a yes/no response from the addressee, similar to polar interrog- atives. This is shown in (1) where the utterance by A is naturally followed by B’s response with yes or no.