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University of Fort Hare UNIVERSITY OF FORT HARE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND HUMANITIES DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY DEGREE: MASTER OF ARTS IN HISTORY THE ROLE OF MIGRANTS IN THE PAN AFRICANIST STRUGGLE FOR LIBERATION FROM 1962 TO 1963: THE CASE OF COFIMVABA SINDISWA CHRISTINA MWANDA SUPERVISOR: PROF. J .B.PEIRES 2018 1 ABSTRACT The perspective of South African liberation history needs to be balanced by recalling events that might otherwise be overshadowed by the subsequent electoral dominance of the African National Congress since 1994. This study is concerned with one such: the Cofimvaba struggles of 1962-3 which was organised by Cofimvaba migrants under the ideology of the Pan Africanist Congress. Whereas previous historians have based their accounts mainly on trial records, this thesis strives to recover the migrants’ own perspective through intensive and detailed interviews with the surviving veterans. It aims to provide an accurate historical account of the role played by migrant labourers, thereby correcting the historical distortions arising from overreliance on official sources to record the memories and perceptions of the struggle veterans, as exemplified by transcripts of interviews with and thereby provide some balance to the overall perspective of South African liberation history. The thesis opens with a description of the situation on the ground in Cofimvaba and Western Thembuland which gave rise to resistance. It continues with a discussion of the Pan-African Congress, especially in the Western Cape, the labour centre where most Cofimvaba migrants were concentrated. It proceeds to a detailed narrative of the events in Cofimvaba, more especially the battle of Ntlonze. The final chapter concludes with a critical reassessment of previous historical work, showing that the role of the migrants and the non-elite require greater appreciation and respect. 2 DECLARATION I the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously submitted it in entirety or in part at any university or other institution for a degree. SINDISWA CHRISTINA MWANDA -------------------------------------------- Signature SC Mwanda 2018 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements 5 1. Western Thembuland under K.D. Matanzima 7 2. The organisational strategies of the PAC in the Western Cape. 14 3. The operations, planning and preparations to resist the rule of chiefs 37 4. Narrative of events in Cofimvaba district (1962-1963) 42 5. The Significance of the Thembuland Revolt 55 Transcript of Interview: Nontente Kamteni 63 Transcript of Interview: Mankankela Mimi 93 Bibliography 113 4 Acknowledgements I owe my thanks to many people indeed. First of all, I am sincerely grateful to my supervisor, Professor Jeff Peires whose priceless support, knowledge, supervision and guidance from preliminary to the final phases of this thesis had enabled me to develop it to a rational argument. I wish to thank him -above all- for his unsurpassed patience, time and diligence in helping me work through several versions of this thesis. I also owe him a tremendous debt of gratitude for the confidence he showed in working with me. I owe my deepest gratitude to Doctor D. S Yekela the Head of Department (History) currently Humanities for her vast quantities of quality advice and support. Her leadership skills, encouragement and the parental role she played when challenges seemed to outweigh the strengths of studying at Fort Hare University. I am indebted to my respondents who without their willingness to participate the research would never be successful. I am grateful to God, and to my family for their understanding and endless love through the duration of this thesis. I wish to express appreciation to my husband who became the dedicated research assistant throughout the research process. My daughter Zola and her husband Gcinikaya Dlodlo deserve special mention for welcoming me in their home when visiting the Cape archives. To my sister Kayakazi, niece Apiwe and my lastborn Nangamso, I would like to express my heartfelt appreciation for their help with archival research and support when I did not even know where the archives were. 5 I wish to convey special thanks to the Govan Mbeki Research Centre at Fort Hare University for the financial support which enabled me to kick start my research. I am further grateful to the countless others who have shown interest and willingness to share sources. Writing the thesis had been a challenging and a rewarding experience and I am extremely grateful to each person who has been part of its successful realisation. In conclusion, it needs to be categorically stated that the people listed above are in no way responsible for the inadequacies in this text. All the mistakes to be found here are entirely my own. 6 Chapter 1. Western Thembuland under K.D. Matanzima The period between the late 1940s and the early 1960s was an extremely stormy time in the history of South Africa, as the newly elected National Party government directed all its efforts towards consolidating the apartheid state. The subsequent oppressive legislation like Population Registration Act, Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act, Group Areas Act, Bantu Education, the Suppression of political movements and the imprisonment of political leaders attempted not only to entrench apartheid in all walks of life of the South African society but also brought hardships to the African people. The result was an increased incidence of urban black protests such as the Defiance Campaign of 1952, the women’s protest movements in the 1950s, the bus boycotts in Evaton and Alexandra between 1955 and 1957, and the Sharpeville crisis to mention only a few.1 But it was in the African rural areas or reserves where the changes were worst felt. State interference in the reserves accelerated with the appointment of Dr H.F. Verwoerd as Minister of Native Affairs. Verwoerd, the ideologue of so-called “grand apartheid,” sought to base his policies on a tribalistic foundation whereby the “traditional way of life” of black people was revitalised. The ‘Bantustan’ policy sought to assign all Africans a “homeland” according to their perceived ethnic identities as Xhosa, Zulu, Sotho or whatever. The “separate development” of these homelands served as a justification for the apartheid planners to label South Africa as a white republic in which blacks did not feature as citizens. The ideology of traditionalism 1T. Lodge, Black Politics in South Africa since 1945 (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1983), pp. 139- 201. 7 was utilised to give the appearance that Africans were managing their own affairs while, in reality, white government sat over the chiefs.2 The key legislation was the Bantu Authorities Act (1951) which reached the Transkei reserve in 1955. Transkei had been the scene of various attempts to establish segregated districts even before the advent of apartheid and it was the first region to be established as a Territorial Authority. In 1963, it became the first self-governing homeland or “Bantustan.” Chiefs and headmen were at the base of the administrative pyramid.3 Chiefs were used as proxy rulers and that became the cornerstone of Bantustan policy. The situation in Transkei was frustrating just as in all other homelands elsewhere in South Africa. These states within states served as labour reservoirs, housing the unemployed until their labour was needed by big white companies in South Africa proper. The entrenchment of apartheid policies in rural areas resulted in a flood of conflict between government and the people, and bloody reactions towards government. The rural rebellions took place in Wietzie Hoek (later QwaQwa) in 1950, and Zeerust (later Bophuthatswana) in 1957-1959. Similar rebellions occurred in Transkei, first in Eastern Mpondoland (1960-1961), next in Thembuland (1962- 1963)4, which is the subject of this dissertation. In terms of the Bantu Authorities Act, Cofimvaba district fell under the Regional Authority of “Emigrant Thembuland,” as distinct from the Regional Authority known as “Thembuland Proper.” The historical term “Emigrant Thembuland,” comprising St Marks (Cofimvaba) and Xhalanga (Cala) districts, derives from the migration of four 2 Mbeki G, South Africa: The Peasants’ Revolt, (Harmondsworth: Penguin African Library, 1964), p. 37. 3 Ibid p. 40 4 Lodge, Black Politics, p.261. 8 Thimbu chiefs from Glen Grey district in 1865 into the region later called “Emigrant” or Western Thembuland. The political motivation behind the division of Thembuland into two regions was to create a political platform for Kaiser Daliwonga. Matanzima as a Regional Paramount Chief equivalent to Sabata Dalindyebo, whom the apartheid government designated Paramount Chief of Thembuland Proper. K.D. Matanzima’s rise to the status of Paramount Chief had created much controversy in Thembuland as, in terms of Thembu genealogy and tradition, he was junior to the generally recognised Paramount Chief of all the abaThembu, namely King Sabata Dalindyebo. Both of them were descendants of the Thembu King Dlomo, who ruled about 1700, but Sabata was the direct descendant of Dlomo in the Great House, while K.D.Matanzima was descended from the Right Hand house of King Mtirara (d.1848), and therefore no higher in genealogical status than any other chief of any other Right Hand house. According to African custom, a king is born and not made by appointment. K.D Matanzima was privileged by the apartheid government because he supported the establishment of Bantu Authorities, whereas Sabata was punished because of his non-collaboration with the Bantu Authority system. King Dalindyebo, Sabata’s grandfather, had ruled over all six districts of Thembuland. By recognising K.D. Matanzima as Paramount Chief of St Marks and Xhalanga, as well as conceding the district of Xhorha to the Gcalekas, Sabata was left with only three districts, namely Mthatha, Engcobo and Mqanduli. Once elevated to the position of a Paramount Chief, Matanzima expanded his support base by appointing new chiefs in districts like Xhalanga which had previously been governed by elected headmen (“detribalisation”).5 The majority of chiefs and 5 Ntsebeza L, Democracy Compromised (Pretoria: HSRC, 2006), Chapter 5.
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