DOCSLIB.ORG

Mandela and Sisulu

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

MANDELA AND SISULU EQUIVOCATION, TREACHERY, AND THE ROAD TO SHARPEVILLE Written to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the Sharpeville Massacre 21 March 2010 Izwe Lethu UNIVERSITY OF AZANIA PRESS ISBN 978-9980-85-005-8 [email protected] SEQUENCE OF EVENTS 1940 The African National Congress (ANC) revives its fading fortunes by electing a cautious but modernizing president, Dr Alfred Bitini Xuma 1944 Radical young Africans associated with Anton Muziwakhe Lembede decide to form the ANC Youth League (ANCYL) rather than a more militant separate party 1945 John Beaver “J. B.” Marks revives the Communist Party’s reputation in the Miners Strike but consequent repression makes it impossible to utilize miners for political agitation for decades 1947 Lembede dies and is replaced by the ineffectual theorist Ashley Peter Mda 1948 The Purified National Party of Dr Malan wins the national election and, despite its slim majority, ignores its own economic advisers to implement apartheid 1949 The ANCYL succeeds in having a compromise strategy The Programme of Action adopted as ANC policy, which imitates Gandhi’s Nkrumah’s examples of peaceful mass protests but without due consideration for counter measures against the possibility of White regime extreme retaliation. Dr Xuma is replaced by Dr Moroka as ANC president 1950 Kwame Nkrumah’s Positive Action campaign in Gold Coast (Ghana). Nelson Mandela is appointed leader of the Defiance Campaign volunteers Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) dissolves to avoid prosecution 1951-2 Inspired by Nkrumah’s February 1951 election victory in Ghana thousands of ANC volunteers and affiliated minority ethnic organisations defy the pass laws and other race-based restrictions. Basutoland African Congress (BAC) founded in Basutoland against ANC wishes. P. K. Leballo heads most powerful (Transvaal) BAC branch. March 1952 Nkrumah becomes prime minister in Ghana. Dec 1952 The ANC leadership calls off the Defiance Campaign, frightened by escalating violence and impeding legislation. Dr Moroka is sacked and replaced by Chief Albert Lutuli 1953 The Criminal Law Amendment Act and Public Safety Act deter political activists from professional classes from confrontational activities. Growing anger from lower class ANC activists against leadership’s perceived cowardice. Communists secretly form South African Communist Party (SACP) and gain control over Congress of Democrats, Indian Congress, SACPO, and SACTU. ANC secretary general Walter Sisulu secretly visits Soviet bloc without Lutuli’s knowledge 1954 Mangaliso Robert Sobukwe and P. K. Leballo take over the leadership of the Africanist Movement from Mda and lead campaign against clandestine communist control of ANC 1955 Walter Sisulu secretly joins the SACP and manipulates The Congress of the People and the Freedom Charter events, taking advantage of Lutuli’s lethargy and isolation, to reduce the ANC to the position of a mere equal in a five man SACP executive committee in charge of the Congress Alliance: ANC, SAIC, SACPO, COD and SACTU. 1956 Inept blanket arrests of past and present activists and subsequent Treason Trial give international publicity to Congress Alliance leaders but exacerbates corruption and mismanagement in the Transvaal ANC. Africanist strength escalates 1957 Oliver Tambo alters the ANC Constitution to entrench elitist undemocratic structure of Congress Alliance. Nkrumah’s Ghana independent 1958 Basotho leader Ntsu Mokhehle elected to AAPC (“African Comintern” Steering Committee but British government imposes adopts new constitution on Basutoland 2 similar to Congress Alliance. Oliver Tambo closes ANC Transvaal Province Conference to prevent election of Robert Sobukwe in place of Nelson Mandela. Mokhehle advises Sobukwe, Leballo and Madzunya to form a new party backed by the AAPC of Kwame Nkrumah. BAC become Basutoland Congress Party (BCP) 1959 April formation of the PAC Africanist Congress. Sobukwe becomes president with Leballo as secretary-general. Rapid recruitment of young male lower class activists with considerable assistance from Mokhehle’s BCP. December ANC and PAC conferences both plan for national demonstrations in 1960. Challenged by ANC, the PAC decides to launch a major campaign rather than gain experience first 1960 Ntsu Mokhehle wins 36 out of 40 seats in the Basutoland election but 40 additional nominated members relegate him to a minor role. However, BCP controls eight out of nine local government district councils. March 21 PAC demonstrations commence with significant support from Basotho communities in the Transvaal and Cape. Main PAC leaders arrested before shooting at Sharpeville kills over 69 protestors. Pass laws suspended March 30 Colonel Terblanche disobeys orders to save Cape Town from probable police-PAC carnage. State of Emergency declared. PAC and ANC banned. Verwoerd survives assassination attempt and believes he has divine mission. Pass laws reinstated. May 4, PAC leaders jailed – Sobukwe for three years. 1950’s rural tensions in the Transkei escalate and coalesce into Poqo movement. ANC, Unity Movement and PAC all claim leadership but PAC eventually takes over. 1961 March 25-26, All In Conference Mandela announces formation of All Action Council. Police respond in May by arresting over eight thousand suspects. Mokhehle attacked for criticising Mandela. November 1961 formation of ANC military force, Umkhonto we Sizwe led by ten SACP members and Mandela and ostensibly modelled on the Israeli Irgun movement but emphasizing sabotage not combat. 1962 Mandela secretly leaves South Africa for other African states and obtains basic military training in Ethiopia. Urges an end to Alliance domination of ANC. Arrested in August after probable SACP betrayal and sentenced to five years jail. Leballo escapes to Basutoland from Tongaland detention and takes over as acting PAC leader. PAC violence in the Cape. 1963 Poqo/PAC Mbashe River bridge murders and other violence leads to severe White criticism of NP regime. Leballo warns that the coming war will cause widespread White civilian deaths. The British police raid PAC HQ in Maseru. Leballo evades capture for six months. Sobukwe detained after completing his sentence and sent to Robben Island. MK high command captured at Liliesleaf farm, Rivonia along with Mandela’s incriminating diary. “Rivonia Trial” begins. PMU formed in Protectorates. 1964 Mandela receives life sentence. Leballo expelled from Basutoland. Royalist-ANC oriented Marematlou Freedom Party (MFP) support plummets following Rothe murders. Shift in anti-BCP forces from MFP to NP-OMI backed BNP. Nkrumah declares one party state and himself as president for life. 1965 Overconfidence, neglect of eastern mountains, and SACP funding costs BCP election win. BNP government derided as NP-OMI puppet-“government of herd boys.” Leabua Jonathan becomes prime minister after bye-election. Traditional chiefs replace elected district councils. 1966 Leabua Jonathan meets Verwoerd in Pretoria. Vorster becomes prime minister after Verwoerd’s assassination. October independence for Lesotho. Thaba Bosiu violence – the Lesotho King attempts to become executive monarch and BCP tries to swamp government offices and seize power. King signs “suicide clause” and becomes a 3 restricted recluse. February, Nkrumah overthrown by coup. 1967 Albert Lutuli killed on railway line. Oliver Tambo becomes acting ANC president. 1968 Leballo, with Sobukwe’s support, reorients PAC towards a synthesis of Africanist thought with Maoism. Attempts to militarise exiles fiercely opposed by PAC exiled reformists. 1970 Ntsu Mokhehle wins the January general election but is denied power by a British mercenary led coup with links to rogue South African intelligence operatives. 1974 Following release from detention BCP activists launch an unsuccessful rising. Refugee Basotho are recruited by Leballo and Mokhehle as Lesotho Liberation Army (LLA) ostensibly as APLA guerrillas and trained in Libya. Portuguese coup enables Moscow –allied movements to take power in former colonies but Machel permits PAC’s ally ZANU to establish bases after ZAPU ineptitude 1976 Refugees from the Soweto and Cape rising solve the ANC/SACP and PAC recruitment problems. 1977 ANC/SACP ally to Leabua Jonathan to thwart BCP and PAC. Steve Biko, designated PAC deputy leader, murdered in detention 1978 Former CIA deputy director Ray Cline, funded by international extreme right wing Anti-Communist League, establishes office in South Africa to fund Inkatha, UNITA, RENAMO and other organisations. The Carter administration pressures PAC to adopt detente and dialogue. Massive American and Nigerian bribery buys support for American and Tanzanian backed David Sibeko’s reform faction. LLA quarantined in Tanzania. Leballo elected chairman (not president) of PAC and Sibeko seizes power when Leballo leaves for England. APLA officer funds LLA escape from Tanzania to begin war in Lesotho. Sibeko assassinated by angry APLA leaders. 1979 Guerrilla war begins in Lesotho. Zephaniah Mothopeng, senior PAC member inside South Africa and clandestine APLA recruiter, imprisoned 1980 11 March Tanzanian troops kill, wound, detain and split up ALPA for refusing to follow Vus Make and accept Nyerere’s decision that it is too dangerous to fight Pretoria. Zimbabwe becomes independence. Leballo arrives in Harare. LLA asks him for help since Mokhehle had disappeared. 1981 Tanzania installs Pokela as PAC leader and demands Mugabe expel Leballo when APLA troops in Tanzania reject Pokela. Leballo arrested and deported
Recommended publications
  • Potato Boycott Continue

    Potato Boycott Continue

    ADt IJ REVOLT^iiiniiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiimiiiiiiiiiiitiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiitiimiiiiimmimmi£ NATAL Apartheid, Police Terror Drive = \'ol. 5, No. 44. Registered at the G.P.O. as a Newspaper Africons to Desperation I NORTHERN EDITION Thursday, August 20, 1959 6 d . _ ^iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniiitiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiitiiiiiiiiiiiimiiiiiiiiiiiiniiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiimimii? From M. P. Naicker DURBAN. situation in Natal has reached a dangerous state. Following bloody clashes between the people and the police in Maritzbui^ and the surrounding districts, the POTATO BOYCOTT people^s anger against the authorities is growing. The agita­ tion throughout the province against Bantu Authorities, passes and for £1 a day is reaching new heights. CONTINUE THE ONLY SOLUTION IS NEGOTIATION BETWEEN THE AUTHORITIES AND THE PEOPLE. RELIANCE ON BRUTE FORCE AND MASS IMPRISONMENT WILL ONLY PROVOKE FURTHER DISTURBANCES. May Ead The women in the New Hanover district whom I interviewed last week told me that they did not fear jail or death any more as they cannot put up with the starvation conditions in the reserve. in Sept When th(, -^ked by the Native Commissioner why they had JOHANNESBURG. destroyed the dipping tank, they replied: fT^HE potato boycott is still on. It -*■ will go on, said the African “We did not intend to destroy the dipping tank. We were National Congress last week, till really writing a letter to the authorkies which they could an official notice of the date of its ending is announced by ANC head­ read. If we had wrkten an ordinary letter you would not quarters. This date is now under have replied.” consideration. New Age understands it will A significant feature of all the demonstrations is that they are probably be the end of September.
  • E.S. Reddy Reminiscences of Chief Albert Luthuli and the United Nations

    E.S. Reddy Reminiscences of Chief Albert Luthuli and the United Nations

    E.S. Reddy Reminiscences of Chief Albert Luthuli and the United Nations http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.ESRSAP1B40003 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org E.S. Reddy Reminiscences of Chief Albert Luthuli and the United Nations Author/Creator Reddy, Enuga S. Contributor Enuga S. Reddy Date 2008-07 Resource type Memoirs Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa, United States Coverage (temporal) 1963-1965 Source Private Collection Description E.S. Reddy reminiscences of Chief Albert Luthuli and the United Nations Format extent 21 pages (length/size) http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.ESRSAP1B40003 http://www.aluka.org CHIEF LUTHULI1 AND THE UNITED NATIONS The Forged Letter, 1963 Soon after I was appointed Principal Secretary of the Special Committee against Apartheid in March 1963, I met George Houser, Executive Director of the American Committee on Africa.
  • South African Communist Party 1976 The

    South African Communist Party 1976 The

    South African Communist Party 1976 The Enemy Hidden Under the Same Colour Source: statement by the Central Committee of the SACP on the activities of the ‘Gang of 8’, The African Communist, Second Quarter, 1976. Transcribed: by Dominic Tweedie. ‘The other face is that of the indirect and secondary enemy, who presents himself under the cover of a nationalist and even as a revolutionary thus making it difficult to identify him... THE FIGHTER MUST DISTINGUISH FRIEND FROM FOE EVEN IF THE LATTER IS CONCEALED UNDER THE SAME COLOUR, LANGUAGE, FAMILY TIES OR TRIBAL MARKINGS AS THEIR OWN, EVEN IF HE RAISES HIS FLAG WITH US’. — President Samora Machel South Africa’s press has given a great deal of space to anti-Communist, anti-ANC and racist propaganda with which it has been fed by the group of eight who were recently expelled from the ANC for persistently betraying its political and organisational principles. For the enemy this group’s campaign against the people’s struggle could not have come at a better moment. It fits in very well with the Vorster government’s desperate attempts to find black collaborators both inside and outside the country, in order to break up the unity of the liberation forces and to cover its criminal aggression against our brothers in Angola. Times are changing and our ruling class is being forced to find new ways to keep white power alive. Both inside and outside South Africa it desperately needs the Savimbis and the Holden Robertos, to divide the people under banners of so-called nationalism, anti-Communism and anti-Sovietism, and thus to prevent true liberation.
  • The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970

    The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970

    THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N.
  • 2012 Awards Ceremony for National Orders

    2012 Awards Ceremony for National Orders

    2012 NATIONAL ORDERS 2012Awards Ceremony for National Orders AMBASSADORS OF A FREE SOUTH AFRICA Produced by the Government Communication and Information System (GCIS) Celebrating freedom, celebrating honour Every year, on Freedom Day, South Africa pays homage to its heroes This resulted in the commissioning and ultimate design of the new and heroines and eminent foreign nationals who have played their part National Orders. in making South Africa what it is today. Today, South Africa is a country that embraces freedom and no longer EWith the birth of a new non-racial and non-sexist democracy in South excludes or discriminates on the basis of sex, colour and creed. As the W Africa 18 years ago, there was a critical need to review the system country moves forward, it is distinguished by a new culture of human of national orders and awards. The previous system consisted of one rights and respect for the dignity of the human spirit. Decoration and four Orders which did not embrace the spirit of the rebirth of South Africa. In so doing, new symbols that reflected our nation and its rebirth have evolved. The National Orders were conceived in that same spirit of In May 1998, the then newly-instituted President’s Advisory Council on rebirth and are the highest symbols of pride and honour in our country. National Orders was given the task to review the system of National Orders and awards. How the nomination process works The National Orders are the highest awards bestowed on ordinary South Africans or eminent foreigners who are doing or have done extraordi- nary things for our country.
  • “Entrenching the Hegemony of the ANCYL As a Vibrant and Militant Economic Freedom Fighter” the 1948 ANCYL Basi

    “Entrenching the Hegemony of the ANCYL As a Vibrant and Militant Economic Freedom Fighter” the 1948 ANCYL Basi

    BUILDING A STRONG CAMPAIGNING YOUTH ORGANIZATION FOR ECONOMIC FREEDOM IN OUR LIFE TIME “Entrenching the hegemony of the ANCYL as a vibrant and militant economic freedom fighter” The 1948 ANCYL basic policy document states the aims inter alia of the ANCYL as follows: • At rallying and uniting African youth into one national front on the basis of Afri ca n nationalism • At gi ving force, direction, and vi gour to the struggle for African National freedom, by assisting, supporting and re in fo rci ng th e Na ti onal move ment‐ANC. • At studying the political, economical and social problems of Africa and the world; • At striving and worki ng for the educational, moral and cu l tu ral advancement of the African youth. 1. It is clear from th e above that the intention of the founders of the ANCYL wa s to build a vibrant, militant and a dynamic yo u th movement that will rally the youth behind the vis ion of the AN C. This generation even we nt further to ra di cal ise the ANC. This was evidenced by the policy documents and the hi storical campaigns th a t changed the character of th e ANC forever. The cry “Fre edo m in our Lifetime” became a rallying call for th e youth to be active in the liberation struggle. It is therefore th is character of the ANCYL that must be revived and renewed within the context of organizational renewal. The process of organizational renewal is initiated to renew the organisation to discharge its mandate as stated by the co ns ti tu ti on , founding policy documents and congress resolutions.
  • AB Xuma and the Politics of Racial Accommodation Versus Equal Citizenship and Its Implications for Nation Building and Power Sharing in South Africa

    AB Xuma and the Politics of Racial Accommodation Versus Equal Citizenship and Its Implications for Nation Building and Power Sharing in South Africa

    AB Xuma and the politics of racial accommodation versus equal citizenship and its implications for nation building and power sharing in South Africa Simangaliso Kumalo Ministry, Education & Governance Programme, School of Religion and Theology, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa Introduction Having presented an eloquent and moving address at a public meeting of the Bantu Studies Club of the University of the Witwatersrand on 30 May 1932, Alfred Bitini Xuma closed with the following words, quoted from the writings of Booker T. Washington, which summarised his dream for race relations in South Africa: The slave’s chain and the master’s alike broken; The one curse of the race held both in tether; They are rising, all are rising — The black and the white together (in Xuma 1932:23). It is from statements such as this that the vision of Alfred Bitini Xuma who, eight years later, would be elected president of the African National Congress (ANC), was distilled. In this article I intend to make a contextual analysis of the work of this great leader in his crusade to overcome racism and the deprivation of black people of their basic rights to live as equal citizens of South Africa. Embodied in the poetic words above is a passion for a better South Africa, which at the time seemed unattainable, and the hope that a time would come when white people would no longer be prisoners of a false sense of superiority and black people would no longer experience oppression and the perception that they are inferior to their white counterparts.
  • Wahlen Und Parteien in Südafrika Von Christian Schmehl © 2015 Christian

    Wahlen Und Parteien in Südafrika Von Christian Schmehl © 2015 Christian

    I M P R E S S U M Wahlen und Parteien in Südafrika von Christian Schmehl © 2015 Christian Schmehl. Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Autor: Christian Schmehl Kontaktdaten Schildstr. 54 08525 Plauen [email protected] Dieses E-Book, einschließlich seiner Teile, ist urheberrechtlich geschützt und darf ohne Zustimmung des Autors nicht vervielfältigt, wieder verkauft oder weitergegeben werden. Hat Ihnen das E-Book gefallen, so empfehlen Sie Ihren Freunden den Download eines persönlichen Exemplars auf XinXii.com. Ein großes Dankeschön, dass Sie die Arbeit des Autors respektieren! Gliederung 1. Einleitung 2 2. Das Wahlsystem in Südafrika 3 3. Wahlen in Südafrika 3.1. Wahl zur Nationalversammlung 1994 5 3.2. Wahl zur Nationalversammlung 1999 6 3.3. Wahl zur Nationalversammlung 2004 7 3.4. Wahl zur Nationalversammlung 2009 8 3.5. Wahl zur Nationalversammlung 2014 9 4. Zusammenfassung und Ausblick 10 5. Parteien Südafrikas 5.1 In der Nationalversammlung 2014 vertretene Parteien 14 5.2 In früheren Nationalversammlungen vertretene Parteien 24 Literaturverzeichnis 29 Internetquellen 29 2 1. Einleitung Der Anfang der 1990er Jahre bedeutete nicht nur in Europa, sondern auch in Südafrika das Ende einer Epoche. Im Jubel um das Ende der Ost-West-Konfrontation trat der hiesige Wandel beinahe in den Hintergrund. Dennoch wurde in diesen wenigen Jahren der Grundstein für die Demokratisierung Südafrikas gelegt. Das System von Rassentrennung und Herrschaft der weißen Minderheit, die Apartheid, hatte jegliche innenpolitische Legitimität verloren und machte einem System der demokratischen Gleichberechtigung und Rassengleichheit Platz. Nach nunmehr zwanzig Jahren nach der ersten freien Wahl wurde 2014 die fünfte Wahl zur Nationalversammlung abgehalten. Dieses Jubiläum gibt Anlass, auf die Entwicklung von Wahl- und Parteiensystem Südafrikas zurückzublicken.
  • The Anti-Apartheid Movements in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand

    The Anti-Apartheid Movements in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand

    The anti-apartheid movements in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand By Peter Limb Introduction The history of the anti-apartheid movement(s) (AAM) in Aotearoa/New Zealand and Australia is one of multi-faceted solidarity action with strong international, but also regional and historical dimensions that gave it specific features, most notably the role of sports sanctions and the relationship of indigenous peoples’ struggles to the AAM. Most writings on the movement in Australia are in the form of memoirs, though Christine Jennett in 1989 produced an analysis of it as a social movement. New Zealand too has insightful memoirs and fine studies of the divisive 1981 rugby tour. The movement’s internal history is less known. This chapter is the first history of the movement in both countries. It explains the movement’s nature, details its history, and discusses its significance and lessons.1 The movement was a complex mosaic of bodies of diverse forms: there was never a singular, centralised organisation. Components included specific anti-apartheid groups, some of them loose coalitions, others tightly focused, and broader supportive organisations such as unions, churches and NGOs. If activists came largely from left- wing, union, student, church and South African communities, supporters came from a broader social range. The liberation movement was connected organically not only through politics, but also via the presence of South Africans, prominent in Australia, if rather less so in New Zealand. The political configuration of each country influenced choice of alliance and depth of interrelationships. Forms of struggle varied over time and place. There were internal contradictions and divisive issues, and questions around tactics, armed struggle and sanctions, and how to relate to internal racism.
  • A Spartacist Pamphlet $1

    A Spartacist Pamphlet $1

    A Spartacist Pamphlet $1 July 1991"~~~~$'X523 Spartacist Publishing Co., Box 1377 GPO, New York, NY 10116 2 Introduction The release of Nelson Mandela from the serving as a summary of the recent period tional Congress and other anti-apartheid or­ prison hellholes where he had spent 27 of struggle. We follow with "South Africa: ganizations under the underground condi­ years was greeted by black militants and Razor's Edge," a major article from our tions forced upon them by totalitarian re­ anti-racist fighters in South Africa and press during the critical 1984-86 years of pression, have now burst forth more openly:' throughout the world as a symbol of the the township revolts. Here we laid out the the effect of the "divestment"/sanctions impending collapse of the brutal rule of the stakes in the anti-apartheid struggle and dis­ strategy; the refurbished schemes for apartheid system. But even as the masses of cw.. sed some important aspects of the his­ "power sharing"; the question of the role black South Africans in the urban shanty­ tory and social structure of South Africa of the working class; the debate over the towns and in the impoverished townships which have shaped the confrontation be­ notion of "two-stage" revolution; the im­ were cheering his release and raising anew tween the racist police state and the masses plications for communists worldwide of the their demands for "Amandla," the debates of black working people. deepening collapse of Stalinism in the were raging with renewed intensity among The subsequent articles, reprinted in USSR and Eastern Europe.
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report

    Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report

    VOLUME THREE Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Introduction to Regional Profiles ........ 1 Appendix: National Chronology......................... 12 Chapter 2 REGIONAL PROFILE: Eastern Cape ..................................................... 34 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Eastern Cape........................................................... 150 Chapter 3 REGIONAL PROFILE: Natal and KwaZulu ........................................ 155 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in Natal, KwaZulu and the Orange Free State... 324 Chapter 4 REGIONAL PROFILE: Orange Free State.......................................... 329 Chapter 5 REGIONAL PROFILE: Western Cape.................................................... 390 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Western Cape ......................................................... 523 Chapter 6 REGIONAL PROFILE: Transvaal .............................................................. 528 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Transvaal ......................................................
  • Boycotts and Sanctions Against South Africa: an International History, 1946-1970

    Boycotts and Sanctions Against South Africa: an International History, 1946-1970

    Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2016 © 2016 Simon Stevens All rights reserved ABSTRACT Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens This dissertation analyzes the role of various kinds of boycotts and sanctions in the strategies and tactics of those active in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. What was unprecedented about the efforts of members of the global anti-apartheid movement was that they experimented with so many ways of severing so many forms of interaction with South Africa, and that boycotts ultimately came to be seen as such a central element of their struggle. But it was not inevitable that international boycotts would become indelibly associated with the struggle against apartheid. Calling for boycotts and sanctions was a political choice. In the years before 1959, most leading opponents of apartheid both inside and outside South Africa showed little interest in the idea of international boycotts of South Africa. This dissertation identifies the conjuncture of circumstances that caused this to change, and explains the subsequent shifts in the kinds of boycotts that opponents of apartheid prioritized. It shows that the various advocates of boycotts and sanctions expected them to contribute to ending apartheid by a range of different mechanisms, from bringing about an evolutionary change in white attitudes through promoting the desegregation of sport, to weakening the state’s ability to resist the efforts of the liberation movements to seize power through guerrilla warfare.