Potato Boycott Continue

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Potato Boycott Continue ADt IJ REVOLT^iiiniiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiimiiiiiiiiiiitiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiitiimiiiiimmimmi£ NATAL Apartheid, Police Terror Drive = \'ol. 5, No. 44. Registered at the G.P.O. as a Newspaper Africons to Desperation I NORTHERN EDITION Thursday, August 20, 1959 6 d . _ ^iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniiitiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiitiiiiiiiiiiiimiiiiiiiiiiiiniiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiimimii? From M. P. Naicker DURBAN. situation in Natal has reached a dangerous state. Following bloody clashes between the people and the police in Maritzbui^ and the surrounding districts, the POTATO BOYCOTT people^s anger against the authorities is growing. The agita­ tion throughout the province against Bantu Authorities, passes and for £1 a day is reaching new heights. CONTINUE THE ONLY SOLUTION IS NEGOTIATION BETWEEN THE AUTHORITIES AND THE PEOPLE. RELIANCE ON BRUTE FORCE AND MASS IMPRISONMENT WILL ONLY PROVOKE FURTHER DISTURBANCES. May Ead The women in the New Hanover district whom I interviewed last week told me that they did not fear jail or death any more as they cannot put up with the starvation conditions in the reserve. in Sept When th(, -^ked by the Native Commissioner why they had JOHANNESBURG. destroyed the dipping tank, they replied: fT^HE potato boycott is still on. It -*■ will go on, said the African “We did not intend to destroy the dipping tank. We were National Congress last week, till really writing a letter to the authorkies which they could an official notice of the date of its ending is announced by ANC head­ read. If we had wrkten an ordinary letter you would not quarters. This date is now under have replied.” consideration. New Age understands it will A significant feature of all the demonstrations is that they are probably be the end of September. aimed at Government and municipal officials and police, and in no The boycott is not to continue case has there been any attack on other local inhabitants. Attempts “indefinitely” as some newspapers by some to turn the anger of the Africans against the Indians have announced last week. It has also failed completely. not been called off, as other news­ papers announced. Here are reports from the main trouble centres; (Continued on page 5) at New Hanover. On the advice ir Maritzburg of Mr. Arenstein, the women, who were' all armed, disposed of their LEFT: This shell of a house Trouble began early last Friday weapons and proceeded to the was all that was left of the morning when two bus-loads of meeting place at Edendale, a local Resha’s home in 134 Good African women from the Table suburb. Here they were informed Street, Sophiatown, after the Mountain Reserve, about 15 miles that the local women who had Resettlement Board demolition from Maritzburg, arrived in town gathered for the meeting had all team had done its work. for a meeting with the local wo­ been arrested earlier for being in men. Thef were met at the bus possession of dangerous weapons. terminal in Maritzburg by Con­ These women, together with While Robert Resha was in Court, They gress attorneys Messrs. R. I. Aren- others who joined them, then stein and N. T. Naicker who were marched to the local police sta­ on their way to defend 600 women tion and demanded the release of the arrested women. Their spokesman made it clear PULLED DOWN HIS that if the women were not re­ leased they would all court im­ 13 Congressmen prisonment. After discussion with the police they were met by the local Assistant Native Commis­ HOME Arrested in sioner and police officials. They pointed out that they had merely JOHANNESBURG. intended to have a meeting and to 'Y\THILE Robert Resha sat Port Elizabeth present their grievances to the Na­ ~ * in the dock of the treason tive Commissioner. After much dis­ trial in Pretoria and his wife cussion the arrested women were Maggie, a midwife, was on a Sequel to Zakele released. call in the south-west town­ Killings BATON CHARGE ships, a demolition squad of The women then decided to hold the Resettlement Board set to with crowbar and chopper and PORT ELIZABETH. their meeting in the quadrangle at the Maritzburg Municipal Beerhall. pulled down the house in FOLLOWING the recent clashes Soon after they assembled a strong which they had been living in in Zakele (Site and Service) in force of armed police arrived and. Sophiatown. which five people died, 13 Congress­ according to several eye-witnesses I By the time the Reshas re­ men, including the Vice-President of interviewed the same evening, turned to Sophiatown after the Cape ANC, have been arrested baton-charged the women. This 6 p.m. that day they found on a charge of public violence. happened at about three p.m. only the shell of a house, their They are being kept in custody By 5 p.m. a large crowd of angrv furniture and clothing standing pending their appearance in court, men gathered outside the beer hall out in the street, and their two which has been set down for and when the police attacked them little girls taken in by Mrs. August 28. with drawn batons they retaliated Resha’s sister nearby. The thirteen men are: Alvern with stones and sticks. TTie Resha house was de­ Bennie, Mvuyo Mcondobi, Kolisile Two constables were injured and molished the day after the 30 Mdwayi, Arnold Maliwa, Mali, an African and an Indian were ar­ accused i n the treason trial, Douglas Sikwana, Freddie Nel, Sipo rested following a pitched battle Robert Resha among them, Bala, Jackson Booi, Hobson had heard the Crown outline which lasted almost half an Hour. Mrs. Maggie Resha and her two little girls took temporary shelter in Bavuma, Wilson Kaingo, Maxwell On hearing of these clashes, as part of the treason case Mayekiso and Edmund Komanisi. against them their active cam- a friendly Indian shop nearby their wrecked home. Bed and belong­ Africans in the surrounding dis­ ings were piled against the shop showcases. The men were mostly arrested at tricts were reported to be organis- Continued on page 6 Continued on page 3 (Continued on page 5) AUGUST 9 IN NEW ACE BLOEMFONTEIN EDITORIAL I heard from the President of the Women’s Federation that the city fathers of Bloemfontein re­ LETTER BOX fused to allow the women to hold a prayer meeting on August 9. WHAT IS TO BE DONE? Their excuse was that the police objected to meetings being held 'J'H E so-called “rebellion” of the African people in Natal once on Sundays and week-ends gene­ again highlights the deepening tragedy of this country. IMPERIALISM rally. This was condemned as a sheer restriction on the freedom In the Natal country districts an outburst has taken place of prayer. The President then over the issue of the dipping tanks. In Maritzburg there has been made an application to hold the another clash between the women and the police, once again, as WILL BE DESTROYED meeting on Friday 7. The officials agreed to this but the time sti­ at Cato Manor, over the issue of the beerhalls. But of course Last March Congress leaders sure tha'. the British Empire is these were only the last straws. and their supporters were brutally losing its prestige in Africa as a pulated made it impossible for the assaulted and arrested and put in­ whole and will finally vanish people to be able to attend, so the What has got the African people of Natal into a ferment is to detention camps under the away. prayer meeting was held on the simply this: they are desperately poor, and getting poorer as the false accusation that Congress The British Government en­ 7th at the Batho Village, Freedom country’s economy plunges deeper into the slump. They are over­ planned a massacre of Europeans. courages its colonists to do every­ Square. African churches were In April the British Government thing possible to gain Africa, but asked to observe the 9th as a day burdened with restrictions—pass laws, removals, police raids. sent a commission of inquiry un­ we are sure that they are declin­ of prayer against the inhuman What remains of their tribal independence is being destroyed by der Justice Devlin to investigate ing and will be eliminated from pass laws. the Bantu Authorities Act, Their past is gone, the present is an the disturbances. the African soil for the evil they An afternoon service was also agony and they have no future. The slightest extra prick can The Devlin Commission has are pursuing. conducted in St. Patrick’s Church, submitted its report and has found Nyasaland N, Z. S. J. Bloemfontein, by the Rev. Father touch off the explosion. that there was no massacre plot, « * * Martin. In his sermon he said that It is not as if the African people haven’t tried.* They have that Nyasaland is a police state. freedom was the freedom to love endured mountains of repression with astonishing patience. They Now the British Government and mankind, to do good to others the Governor of Nyasaland deny Police Visit Our and to hate evil. Prayers were said have taken their grievances to authority, peacefully and respect­ the report of the Devlin Commis­ and a few minutes’ silence ob­ fully, over and over again. They have gone on deputations, made sion because it did not do in­ Readers in S.W.A. served in the church. representations, forwarded memoranda. They have elected people justice to the Africans. It has become a habit for the JAOBOIHI to represent them on advisory boards and in Parliament. The Prime Minister, Colonial police to visit any person who Bloemfontein, O.F.S, Secretary and the Governor only reads New Age or writes to or But to the apartheid maniacs in power, it hasn’t made one shed crocodile tears over the 52 receives letters from Mr.
Recommended publications
  • E.S. Reddy Reminiscences of Chief Albert Luthuli and the United Nations
    E.S. Reddy Reminiscences of Chief Albert Luthuli and the United Nations http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.ESRSAP1B40003 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org E.S. Reddy Reminiscences of Chief Albert Luthuli and the United Nations Author/Creator Reddy, Enuga S. Contributor Enuga S. Reddy Date 2008-07 Resource type Memoirs Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa, United States Coverage (temporal) 1963-1965 Source Private Collection Description E.S. Reddy reminiscences of Chief Albert Luthuli and the United Nations Format extent 21 pages (length/size) http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.ESRSAP1B40003 http://www.aluka.org CHIEF LUTHULI1 AND THE UNITED NATIONS The Forged Letter, 1963 Soon after I was appointed Principal Secretary of the Special Committee against Apartheid in March 1963, I met George Houser, Executive Director of the American Committee on Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • South African Communist Party 1976 The
    South African Communist Party 1976 The Enemy Hidden Under the Same Colour Source: statement by the Central Committee of the SACP on the activities of the ‘Gang of 8’, The African Communist, Second Quarter, 1976. Transcribed: by Dominic Tweedie. ‘The other face is that of the indirect and secondary enemy, who presents himself under the cover of a nationalist and even as a revolutionary thus making it difficult to identify him... THE FIGHTER MUST DISTINGUISH FRIEND FROM FOE EVEN IF THE LATTER IS CONCEALED UNDER THE SAME COLOUR, LANGUAGE, FAMILY TIES OR TRIBAL MARKINGS AS THEIR OWN, EVEN IF HE RAISES HIS FLAG WITH US’. — President Samora Machel South Africa’s press has given a great deal of space to anti-Communist, anti-ANC and racist propaganda with which it has been fed by the group of eight who were recently expelled from the ANC for persistently betraying its political and organisational principles. For the enemy this group’s campaign against the people’s struggle could not have come at a better moment. It fits in very well with the Vorster government’s desperate attempts to find black collaborators both inside and outside the country, in order to break up the unity of the liberation forces and to cover its criminal aggression against our brothers in Angola. Times are changing and our ruling class is being forced to find new ways to keep white power alive. Both inside and outside South Africa it desperately needs the Savimbis and the Holden Robertos, to divide the people under banners of so-called nationalism, anti-Communism and anti-Sovietism, and thus to prevent true liberation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
    THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N.
    [Show full text]
  • AD1812-F26-Vol81-004-Jpeg.Pdf
    17120 R. RESHA speeches were interpreted "by somebody; do you know who acted as interpreter?— I think we had two interpreters, Mr. Maguma and Mr. Tshabalala. Henry Tshabalala?— That xs so, my lord. And was he an accused at the Preparatory Exami- nation?— That is so, my lord. Now, Mr. Resha, I had also at the adjournment referred you to this bulletin 'Welcome Freedom Volunteer' and I just want to point out to you that in this bulletin it said that the volunteers must learn to be, and the volunteers must teach, and then it refers to pamphlets like 'New Age', 'Righting Talk', 'Liberation', and 'InyanisO' which support Congress aims. Now I see also, as late as 1956, when you were still on the Secretariat of the Nation- al Consultative Committee, at that stage the Transvaal Consultative Committee issued a circule AM.32 dated June 11th, 1956, in which it stated the National Consultative Committee of the five Congresses had decided that from the most able, courageous consistent and reliable Congress members volunteers should be selected and formedinto Volunteer groups. You remember that decision of the National Consultative Committee, in 1956?— It's possible. Nov/ this circular is directed "by the Transvaal Consultative Comittee to the South African Congress of Trade Unions, and it sets up tasks for volunteers, and then - "Task, 4: Every volunteer is required to read carefully, to study and to discuss with his group every issue of the following publications, New Age, Liberation, Workers Unity, Congress Voice, Sejaba, South African Peace Council's Bulletin, and Righting Talk." Now, would that be consistent with what the National Consultative Committee 17121 R.
    [Show full text]
  • This Is an Authorized Facsimile, Made from the Microfilm This Is
    This is an authorized facsimile, made from the microfilm This is an authorized facsimile, made from the microfilm master copy of the original dissertation or master thesis published by UMI. The bibliographic information for this thesis is contained in UMI's Dissertation Abstracts database, the only central source for accessing almost every doctoral dissertation accepted in North America since 1861. UMI Dissertation Services A Bell & Howell Company 300 N. Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 1-800-521-0600 313-761-4700 Printed in 1996 by xerographic process on acid-free paper DPGT The African National Congress in Exile: Strategy and Tactics 1960-1993 by Dale Thomas McKinley A Dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science. Chapel Hill 1995 Approved by: r n2 Advisor ____ Reader Iw'iwC "Reader U4I Number: 9538444 324.268 083 MCKI 01 1 0 II I 01 651 021 UNI Microform 9538444 Copyright 1995, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, HI 48103 Kf IP INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The qualty of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.
    [Show full text]
  • Factionalism in ANC Local Structures – the Case of Buffalo City (East London)1
    Article The enemy within: factionalism in ANC local structures – the case of Buffalo City (East London)1 Tatenda G Mukwedeya [email protected] Abstract Factionalism became a defining characteristic of African National Congress (ANC) intraparty politics during the lead up to the 2007 Polokwane conference. However, despite regular reference to ANC factionalism, a systematic academic analysis of this phenomenon has been left wanting. This is in line with global trends whereby factionalism is still a relatively understudied phenomenon. Generally, studies that have sought to understand factionalism have focused on parties at a national level and viewed it as driven by party leaders. In South Africa, similarly, scholars have focused on factionalism through analysis of the politics of the tripartite alliance which has been regarded as a partial institutionalisation of factionalism. This paper on the other hand takes a micro level approach and contributes to our understanding of factionalism in ANC sub-national structures. Drawing on a case study of the ANC Buffalo City region in the Eastern Cape, the paper shows that in addition to local party elites, ordinary party members in poor communities also often use factional support to access resources in constrained socio-economic conditions. Material interests therefore inform factionalism but are sometimes masked by ideological interests that draw on party divisions on national scale. Introduction Factionalism has become a defining characteristic of African National Congress (ANC) intra-party politics especially during the lead up to and after the 2007 Polokwane national elective conference. This gathering was a turning point in post-apartheid ANC history as the party was sharply divided along factional lines, leading to a vicious contestation for the leadership of the party.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anc and the World, 1960-1970
    05 CHAP 12, 13, 14 22/4/04 3:39 PM Page 541 1313 The ANC and the world SIFISO MXOLISI NDLOVU In focusing on structural issues of reconstructing the Mission in Exile, the ANC could not lose sight of the geopolitics and other strategic issues that were heavily influenced by the Cold War. These could make or break the organisa- tion’s progress and struggle for liberation, and the ANC thus extended the struggle against apartheid to the international arena when it was banned in 1960. This aspect of the ANC’s policy became crucial, and both the United Nations (UN) and the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) provided a forum and a political battlefield where worldwide support against the apartheid state could be marshalled. The liberation movement developed strategies based on a conscious strategic and tactical decision to align the organisation with the Soviet Union, but such delicate political manouevres had to be balanced against the fact that the African continent was divided according to the strate- gic and economic needs of the superpowers. Britain, America, France, Ger- many and Italy maintained close relations with South Africa and states in North and West Africa. But the OAU and international non-governmental organisations (NGOs) like the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM) in Britain, the World Council of Churches (WCC) and the American Committee on Africa (ACOA) correctly judged the moral and material advantages of an anti-South African stance by establishing productive working relationships with the ANC. The ANC and the United Nations Most of the major Western powers aligned themselves with the apartheid state by resisting the UN General Assembly initiatives that threatened their econom- ic and strategic interests.
    [Show full text]
  • Speech by Wits Chancellor Justice Dikgang Moseneke at the Renaming of Central Block to Robert Sobukwe
    BRIEF ADDRESS AT THE NAMING OFTHE ROBERT SOBUKWE BUILDING AT THE UNIVERSITY OF THE WITWATERSRAND MONDAY 18 SEPTEMBER 2017 Introduction and salutations Vice Principal, Prof Tawana Kupe, Robert Sobukwe family and in particular its representative, Mr Dini Sobukwe. Please, Dini, send our respectful and revolutionary greetings to Mama Veronica Sobukwe, that silent heroine of our long and glorious struggle. Mr Manabile David, SRC representative’, PASMA student representative Mr Phethani Madzivhandila, students, members of council, executive management and other office bearer of this great University, fellow citizens and compatriots. As always, it is a privilege to be invited to the unveiling of the plague renaming of the Central Block to Robert Sobukwe Block. The honour to Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe is welcome and we must thank all concerned for doing so. But the recognition is hopelessly belated particularly at Wits where Mangaliso Sobukwe, as we will shortly hear, left deep footprints of our uprising. Sobukwe lectured at this university. Despite Wits’ deeply colonial and racist setting, he wrote the newsletter known as The Africanist under the noses of his employers. During 1959 he drafted the founding documents of the Pan Africanist Congress right here before the launch of the PAC in April 1959 at Orlando Hall, Soweto. Here, Sobukwe planned the pass campaign that was to re-ignite our dying struggle. After that campaign the PAC and ANC and the Communist Party of South Africa were banned. That in turn ushered in the armed struggle and the formation of APLA and MK. 1 Every nation, every people, from time to time, yields from amongst its very own a truly courageous, selfless and visionary patriot who stands tall and apart from the rest.
    [Show full text]
  • The Genesis of the Anc's Armed Struggle in South
    THE GENESIS OF THE ANC’S ARMED STRUGGLE IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1948-1961 Stephen Ellis ABSTRACT Revelations made by veterans of the period and the opening of various archives have thrown significant new light on the origins of Umkhonto we Sizwe. It is now clear that the South African Communist Party (SACP) was the first component of the congress alliance to decide to launch an armed struggle against the apartheid state, in late 1960, having consulted the Chinese leader Mao Zedong in person. Only later was the issue debated in the senior organs of the African National Congress and other allied organisations. It has also become apparent that the first commander of Umkhonto we Sizwe, Nelson Mandela, was a member of the SACP. The main thrust of these observations is to demonstrate the degree to which the opening of the armed struggle in South Africa was inscribed in the politics of the cold war. * On 16 December 2011, South Africa commemorates the fiftieth anniversary of the opening of hostilities by Umkhonto we Sizwe. The sixteenth of December 1961 is generally regarded as the formal beginning of the armed struggle that was to culminate in the 1994 election of South Africa’s first majority government, led by the African National Congress (ANC). The following month, January 2012, marks the centenary of the ANC’s own foundation. The coincidence of these two anniversaries is sure to be the occasion for much official celebration in South Africa and among friends of the ANC elsewhere. Umkhonto we Sizwe was originally described by its leaders as an autonomous body formed by members of the ANC and members of the South African Communist Party (SACP) working in parallel.
    [Show full text]
  • Former President Thabo Mbeki's Letter to ANC President Jacob Zuma
    Former President Thabo Mbeki’s letter to ANC President Jacob Comrade President, I imagine that these must be especially trying times for you as president of our movement, the ANC, as they are for many of us as ordinary members of our beloved movement, which we have strived to serve loyally for many decades. I say this to apologise that I impose an additional burden on you by sending you this long letter. I decided to write this letter after I was informed that two days ago, on October 7, the president of the ANC Youth League and you the following day, October 8, told the country, through the media, that you would require me to campaign for the ANC during the 2009 election campaign. As you know, neither of you had discussed this with me prior to your announcements. Nobody in the ANC leadership - including you, the presidents of the ANC and ANCYL - has raised this matter with me since then. To avoid controversy, I have declined all invitations publicly to indicate whether I intended to act as you indicated or otherwise. In truth your announcements took me by surprise. This is because earlier you had sent Comrades Kgalema Motlanthe and Gwede Mantashe to inform me that the ANC NEC and our movement in general had lost confidence in me as a cadre of our movement. They informed me that for this reason you suggested that I should resign my position as president of the Republic, which I did. I therefore could not understand how the same ANC which was so disenchanted with me could, within a fortnight, consider me such a dependable cadre as could be relied upon to promote the political fortunes of the very same movement, the ANC, which I had betrayed in such a grave and grevious manner as to require that I should be removed from the presidency of the Republic a mere six or seven months before the end of our term, as mandated by the masses of our people! Your public announcements I have mentioned came exactly at the moment when Comrade Mosiuoa "Terror" Lekota and other ANC comrades publicly raised various matters about our movement of concern to them.
    [Show full text]
  • United Nations and the African National Congress
    1 UNITED NATIONS AND THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS Partners in the Struggle against Apartheid E. S. Reddy [Mr. Reddy became interested in the struggle for freedom in South Africa during his student days in India in the 1940s. He met the delegation led by Dr. Xuma to the UN in New York in 1946 and joined a demonstration against South African racism organised by the Council on African Affairs. He is the only person who has followed the UN discussions on the situation in South Africa from 1946 to 1994. Most of his career in the UN Secretariat (1949-1985) was devoted to the question of South Africa. He was appointed principal secretary of the Special Committee against Apartheid in 1963, director of the Centre against Apartheid in 1976 and Assistant Secretary-General of the UN in 1983.] 2 INTRODUCTION The United Nations (UN) began consideration of the racial situation in South Africa at the first session of its General Assembly in 1946 when India complained to the UN about the treatment of Indians in South Africa in violation of agreements between the two countries and the principles of the UN Charter. In the same year, the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) became the first liberation movement to appeal to the UN for solidarity. Six years later, when the ANC and the South African Indian Congress (SAIC) launched the Campaign of Defiance against Unjust Laws, the UN began consideration of the problem of apartheid and its repercussions for peace. The cooperation between the UN and the ANC from 1946 to the election of a democratic government in South Africa in 1994 deserves study for an understanding of the potentials and limitations of the UN and of the role of international solidarity in assisting peoples struggling against oppression.
    [Show full text]
  • Nuclear Proliferation International History Project The
    Nuclear Proliferation International History Project The African National Congress and Apartheid South Africa’s Nuclear Weapons Program By Jo-Ansie van Wyk and Anna-Mart van Wyk NPIHP Working Paper #16 November 2020 THE NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES Christian F. Ostermann and Leopoldo Nuti, Series Editors This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Nuclear Proliferation International History Project. The Nuclear Proliferation International History Project (NPIHP) is a global network of individuals and institutions engaged in the study of international nuclear history through archival documents, oral history interviews and other empirical sources. Recognizing that today’s toughest nuclear challenges have deep roots in the past, NPIHP seeks to transcend the East vs. West paradigm to work towards an integrated international history of nuclear weapon proliferation. The continued proliferation of nuclear weapons is one of the most pressing security issues of our time, yet the empirically-based study of international nuclear history remains in its infancy. NPIHP’s programs to address this central issue include: the annual Nuclear Boot Camp for M.A. and Ph.D. candidates to foster a new generation of experts on the international history of nuclear weapons; the NPIHP Fellowship Program for advanced Ph.D. students and post-doctoral researchers hosted by NPIHP partner institutions around the world; a coordinated, global research effort which combines archival mining and oral history interviews conducted by NPIHP partners; a massive translation and digitization project aimed at making documentary evidence on international nuclear history broadly accessible online; a series of conferences, workshops and seminars hosted by NPIHP partners around the world.
    [Show full text]