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Zimbabwe News, Vol. 26, No. 6
Zimbabwe News, Vol. 26, No. 6 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.nuzn199506 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Zimbabwe News, Vol. 26, No. 6 Alternative title Zimbabwe News Author/Creator Zimbabwe African National Union Publisher Zimbabwe African National Union (Harare, Zimbabwe) Date 1995-11-00? Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe, South Africa, Southern Africa (region) Coverage (temporal) 1995 Source Northwestern University Libraries, L968.91005 Z711 v.26 Rights By kind permission of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front. Description Editorial. Letters. National News: ZANU PF urged to draw up election guidelines. -
Canada Sanctions Zimbabwe
Canadian Sanctions and Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe: Be Very Careful! By Mark Blumberg (January 7, 2009) Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe need to be extremely careful. It is not the place for a new and inexperienced charity to begin foreign operations. In fact, only Canadian charities with substantial experience in difficult international operations should even consider operating in Zimbabwe. It is one of the most difficult countries to carry out charitable operations by virtue of the very difficult political, security, human rights and economic situation and the resultant Canadian and international sanctions. This article will set out some information on the Zimbabwe Sanctions including the full text of the Act and Regulations governing the sanctions. It is not a bad idea when dealing with difficult legal issues to consult knowledgeable legal advisors. Summary On September 4, 2008, the Special Economic Measures (Zimbabwe) Regulations (SOR/2008-248) (the “Regulations”) came into force pursuant to subsections 4(1) to (3) of the Special Economic Measures Act. The Canadian sanctions against Zimbabwe are targeted sanctions dealing with weapons, technical support for weapons, assets of designated persons, and Zimbabwean aircraft landing in Canada. There is no humanitarian exception to these targeted sanctions. There are tremendous practical difficulties working in Zimbabwe and if a Canadian charity decides to continue operating in Zimbabwe it is important that the Canadian charity and its intermediaries (eg. Agents, contractor, partners) avoid providing any benefits, “directly or indirectly”, to a “designated person”. Canadian charities need to undertake rigorous due diligence and risk management to ensure that a “designated person” does not financially benefit from the program. -
On the Measurement of Zimbabwe's Hyperinflation
18485_CATO-R2(pps.):Layout 1 8/7/09 3:55 PM Page 353 On the Measurement of Zimbabwe’s Hyperinflation Steve H. Hanke and Alex K. F. Kwok Zimbabwe experienced the first hyperinflation of the 21st centu- ry.1 The government terminated the reporting of official inflation sta- tistics, however, prior to the final explosive months of Zimbabwe’s hyperinflation. We demonstrate that standard economic theory can be applied to overcome this apparent insurmountable data problem. In consequence, we are able to produce the only reliable record of the second highest inflation in world history. The Rogues’ Gallery Hyperinflations have never occurred when a commodity served as money or when paper money was convertible into a commodity. The curse of hyperinflation has only reared its ugly head when the supply of money had no natural constraints and was governed by a discre- tionary paper money standard. The first hyperinflation was recorded during the French Revolution, when the monthly inflation rate peaked at 143 percent in December 1795 (Bernholz 2003: 67). More than a century elapsed before another hyperinflation occurred. Not coincidentally, the inter- Cato Journal, Vol. 29, No. 2 (Spring/Summer 2009). Copyright © Cato Institute. All rights reserved. Steve H. Hanke is a Professor of Applied Economics at The Johns Hopkins University and a Senior Fellow at the Cato Institute. Alex K. F. Kwok is a Research Associate at the Institute for Applied Economics and the Study of Business Enterprise at The Johns Hopkins University. 1In this article, we adopt Phillip Cagan’s (1956) definition of hyperinflation: a price level increase of at least 50 percent per month. -
Think (Capitalist) and Grow Rich
CCK-19 INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS Think (capitalist) .and grow rich Casey C. Kelso Lusaka, Zambia May 1993 Peter Bird Martin Institute of Current World Affairs 4 West Wheel ock Street Hanover, New Hampshire, USA Dear Peter- Alfred Chioza's greed got away from him. The Zambian businessman turned farmer planted 22 acres of burley tobacco. He expected huge profits in the new free-market agricultural economy, so he figured more acres meant more money. Maybe. But it also meant a tobacco glut of horror film proportions. Now, at harvest time, the brown leaves are tied into clumps and not only packed into two huge thatch-roofed barns at his farm in Zambia's Eastern Province. Stacks of drying tobacco fill the tractor sheds, displace cars from the carport and rise to the rafters of his guest house. Inside Chioza's home, leaves hang from ceiling lights. Behind a little pass window opening onto the kitchen, densely packed tobacco ascends to the ceiling. Last year, Chioza was a wheeler-dealer selling imported South African goods at a 500 percent mark-up in the capital, Lusaka. This year, he lives in a newly built house in the countryside, where he is watching his tobacco harvest fill every available space. "I may be a farmer bearing an 'L' badge for 'learner' on my back, but I believe there is a lot of future in farming now," he said. Chioza's change in attitude underscores a dramatic transformation of agriculture taking place in Zambia. For decades, many Zambians thought of farming as the demeaning and unremunerative toil of a peasant or as the unattainable economies of scale of huge, white-owned commercial farms. -
Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa This simulation, while focused around the Ethiopia-Eritrea border conflict, is not an attempt to resolve that conflict: the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) already has a peace plan on the table to which the two parties in conflict have essentially agreed. Rather, participants are asked, in their roles as representatives of OAU member states, to devise a blueprint for preventing the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict from spreading into neighboring countries and consuming the region in even greater violence. The conflict, a great concern particularly for Somalia and Sudan where civil wars have raged for years, has thrown regional alliances into confusion and is increasingly putting pressure on humanitarian NGOs and other regional parties to contain the conflict. The wars in the Horn of Africa have caused untold death and misery over the past few decades. Simulation participants are asked as well to deal with the many refugees and internally displaced persons in the Horn of Africa, a humanitarian crisis that strains the economies – and the political relations - of the countries in the region. In their roles as OAU representatives, participants in this intricate simulation witness first-hand the tremendous challenge of trying to obtain consensus among multiple actors with often competing agendas on the tools of conflict prevention. Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn -
Charisma and Politics in Post-Colonial Africa
CENTRE FOR SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH Charisma and politics in post-colonial Africa Sishuwa Sishuwa CSSR Working Paper No. 446 January 2020 Published by the Centre for Social Science Research University of Cape Town 2020 http://www.cssr.uct.ac.za This Working Paper can be downloaded from: http://cssr.uct.ac.za/pub/wp/446 ISBN: 978-1-77011-433-3 © Centre for Social Science Research, UCT, 2020 About the author: Sishuwa Sishuwa is a post-doctoral research fellow in the Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa, at UCT. His PhD (from Oxford University) was a political biography of Zambian politician and president Michael Sata. Charisma and politics in post-colonial Africa Abstract This paper examines the interaction between charisma and politics in Africa. Two broad groups of charismatic political leaders are discussed: those who came to the fore during the era of independence struggles and saw themselves as an embodiment of their nation states and having a transformative impact over the societies they led, and those who emerged largely in response to the failure of the first group or the discontent of post-colonial delivery, and sought political power to enhance their own personal interests. In both instances, the leaders emerged in a context of a crisis: the collapse of colonialism, the disintegration of the one-party state model and economic collapse. Keywords: charisma; leadership; colonialism; one-party state; democracy. 1. Introduction The concept of charisma entered the lexicon of the social sciences more than a century ago and is credited to German sociologist Max Weber (1864-1920). -
Zimbabwe After Hyperinflation: in Dollars They Trust | the Economist
Zimbabwe after hyperinflation: In dollars they trust | The Economist http://www.economist.com/news/finance-and-economics/21576665-grub... Zimbabwe after hyperinflation Grubby greenbacks, dear credit, full shops and empty factories Apr 27th 2013 | HARARE | From the print edition THE OK Mart store in Braeside, a suburb of Harare, is doing a brisk business on a sunny Saturday morning. The store, owned by OK Zimbabwe, a retail chain, is the country’s largest. It stocks as wide a range of groceries and household Small change, old and new goods as any large supermarket in America or Europe. Most are imports. For those who find the branded goods a little pricey, OK Zimbabwe offers its own-label Top Notch range of electrical goods made in China. The industrial district farther south of the city centre looks rather less prosperous. Food manufacturers and textile firms have down-at-heel outposts here. Half a dozen oilseed silos lie empty. Only a few local manufacturers are still spry enough to get their products into OK stores. One is Delta, a brewer that also bottles Coca-Cola. Another is BAT Zimbabwe, whose cigarette brands include Newbury and Madison. This lopsided economy is a legacy of the collapse of Zimbabwe’s currency. Inflation reached an absurd 231,000,000% in the summer of 2008. Output measured in dollars had halved in barely a decade. A hundred-trillion-dollar note was made ready for circulation, but no sane tradesman would accept local banknotes. A ban on foreign-currency trading was lifted in January 2009. By then the American dollar had become Zimbabwe’s main currency, a position it still holds today. -
On the Measurement of Zimbabwe's Hyperinflation
18485_CATO-R2(pps.):Layout 1 8/7/09 3:55 PM Page 353 On the Measurement of Zimbabwe’s Hyperinflation Steve H. Hanke and Alex K. F. Kwok Zimbabwe experienced the first hyperinflation of the 21st centu - ry. 1 The government terminated the reporting of official inflation sta - tistics, however, prior to the final explosive months of Zimbabwe’s hyperinflation. We demonstrate that standard economic theory can be applied to overcome this apparent insurmountable data problem. In consequence, we are able to produce the only reliable record of the second highest inflation in world history. The Rogues’ Gallery Hyperinflations have never occurred when a commodity served as money or when paper money was convertible into a commodity. The curse of hyperinflation has only reared its ugly head when the supply of money had no natural constraints and was governed by a discre - tionary paper money standard. The first hyperinflation was recorded during the French Revolution, when the monthly inflation rate peaked at 143 percent in December 1795 (Bernholz 2003: 67). More than a century elapsed before another hyperinflation occurred. Not coincidentally, the inter- Cato Journal, Vol. 29, No. 2 (Spring/Summer 2009). Copyright © Cato Institute. All rights reserved. Steve H. Hanke is a Professor of Applied Economics at The Johns Hopkins University and a Senior Fellow at the Cato Institute. Alex K. F. Kwok is a Research Associate at the Institute for Applied Economics and the Study of Business Enterprise at The Johns Hopkins University. 1In this article, we adopt Phillip Cagan’s (1956) definition of hyperinflation: a price level increase of at least 50 percent per month. -
Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa Richard Joseph
“The third wave of democracy did sweep across much of sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s, but has now subsided, except for ripples and eddies.” Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa richarD Joseph n July 2009, President Barack Obama declared This is an appropriate moment, therefore, to in Accra, Ghana, that Africa no longer needs step back from the volatility and try to under- Istrongmen—it needs strong institutions. stand the deeper dynamics of political change Almost a year later, at a meeting of the African and continuity in the region. In this exercise, Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Secretary of State the perspective of Richard L. Sklar, a longtime Hillary Clinton contended that many African lead- student of African affairs and retired professor of ers seem more concerned with staying eternally political science at the University of California, in power than with ably serving their people. In Los Angeles, is helpful. Sklar has argued for the some cases, she said, democracy “as one election, importance of studying power and the means by one time” still prevails. which it is acquired and exercised. He contends How much do these views correspond with what that all governmental systems are mixed, and is taking place in African countries? What patterns everything that is good in governance may not emerge in the configuration of political power? And necessarily be “democratic.” finally, how do we assess Africa’s democratic pros- Sklar calls attention, for example, to the sig- pects in light of global developments? nificance of oligarchic entities, such as the US As once impregnable autocracies fall in North Supreme Court or the British House of Lords, Africa, the people of sub-Saharan Africa can in capitalist democracies. -
An Analysis of the Chronicle's Coverage of the Gukurahundi Conflict in Zimbabwe Between 1983 and 1986
Representing Conflict: An Analysis of The Chronicle's Coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986 A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Master of Arts Degree in Journalism and Media Studies Rhodes University By Phillip Santos Supervisor: Professor Lynette Steenveld October 2011 Acknowledgements I am forever in the debt of my very critical, incisive, and insightful supervisor Professor Lynette Steenveld whose encyclopaedic knowledge of social theory, generous advice, and guidance gave me more tban a fair share of epiphanic moments. I certainly would not have made it this far without the love and unstinting support of my dear wife Ellen, and daughter, . Thandiswa. For unparalleled teamwork and dependable friendship, thank you Sharon. My friends Stanley, Jolly, Sthembiso, Ntombomzi and Carolyne, tbank you for all the critical conversations and for keeping me sane throughout those tumultuous moments. I also owe particular debt of gratitude to tbe Journalism Department and UNESCO for enabling my studies at Rhodes University. Abstract This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the ro les, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. -
1 Zimbabwe – Researched and Compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre of Ireland on 19 October 2016 1.Please Provide Inform
Zimbabwe – Researched and compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre of Ireland on 19 October 2016 1.Please provide information on the treatment of PDP members in Zimbabwe. 2. What is the relationship between the PDP party and the MDC party? 3. What is the relationship between the PDP party and the Zanu PF party? A report published by the International Crisis Group, in a section titled “The Shifting Political Landscape” (paragraph headed “Opposition Doldrums”), states: “The main opposition MDC-T remains fragmented. Its former secretary general, Tendai Biti, and treasurer general, Elton Mangoma, broke ranks with Tsvangirai to form MDC Renewal in August 2014. Mangoma split from that party in June 2015 to establish the Renewal Democrats of Zimbabwe. That September, MDC Renewal relaunched itself as the People’s Democratic Party.” (International Crisis Group (29 February 2016) Zimbabwe: Stranded in Stasis, p.10) An article from Africa Confidential, in a paragraph headed “'Mob-ocracy'”, states: “The PDP is led by Tendai Biti, former MDC Secretary General and respected Finance Minister in the coalition government with ZANU-PF before he broke away in 2014. Its Deputy Secretary General, Tongai Matutu, reacted angrily to the MDC-T's new attitude towards a coalition and called its protests a form of 'mob-ocracy'. The PDP has abandoned rallies after small turnouts but has been busy producing weekly policy briefs for journalists and the public via email. Much like the breakaway MDC formation led by Welshman Ncube, its impact on the political arena has been marginal.” (Africa Confidential (29 April 2016) Despite mobilising thousands against the government, the opposition is failing to exploit the ruling party's weakness and division) A report from Voice of America Zimbabwe states: “Five opposition parties formed a coalition on Tuesday that will challenge President Robert Mugabe and his Zanu PF party in the 2018 general elections. -
Matabeleland: Its Struggle for National Legitimacy, and the Relevance of This in the 2008 Election
Matabeleland: Its Struggle for National Legitimacy, and the Relevance of this in the 2008 Election By Shari Eppel Matabeleland consists of three western provinces of Zimbabwe, namely Matabeleland North, Matabeleland South and Bulawayo. This region, stereotyped as marginalised and underdeveloped, and also as a hotbed of political opposition both historically and currently, is once more poised to play a strategic role in the forthcoming elections. After Independence in 1980, Matabeleland and parts of the Midlands were subjected to a brutal and hidden period of oppression, in which an estimated 20,000 civilians were massacred and tens of thousands more were tortured by the Fifth Brigade, which answered ultimately to Robert Mugabe. Hundreds disappeared and thousands lost homes and livestock, as Mugabe relentlessly moved to effectively establish a one-party state in Zimbabwe. The 1980s violence was without any doubt far in excess of anything that happened in affected regions during the 1970s war of liberation.1 While the “dissidents” of Matabeleland can be blamed for some of the atrocities, all evidence points to government forces, in particular the Fifth Brigade and the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) being responsible for over 90% of violations.2 It is fair to say that few people in Matabeleland claim not to have been affected by these events. Most people in the region – more than 70% - seem able to justify their claim to be primary victims of Fifth Brigade atrocities.3 The fact that to date these events remain largely unacknowledged at an official level, combined with continued perceived regional under-development, has had a lasting impact in terms of political outlook.