1 Zimbabwe – Researched and Compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre of Ireland on 19 October 2016 1.Please Provide Inform
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Canada Sanctions Zimbabwe
Canadian Sanctions and Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe: Be Very Careful! By Mark Blumberg (January 7, 2009) Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe need to be extremely careful. It is not the place for a new and inexperienced charity to begin foreign operations. In fact, only Canadian charities with substantial experience in difficult international operations should even consider operating in Zimbabwe. It is one of the most difficult countries to carry out charitable operations by virtue of the very difficult political, security, human rights and economic situation and the resultant Canadian and international sanctions. This article will set out some information on the Zimbabwe Sanctions including the full text of the Act and Regulations governing the sanctions. It is not a bad idea when dealing with difficult legal issues to consult knowledgeable legal advisors. Summary On September 4, 2008, the Special Economic Measures (Zimbabwe) Regulations (SOR/2008-248) (the “Regulations”) came into force pursuant to subsections 4(1) to (3) of the Special Economic Measures Act. The Canadian sanctions against Zimbabwe are targeted sanctions dealing with weapons, technical support for weapons, assets of designated persons, and Zimbabwean aircraft landing in Canada. There is no humanitarian exception to these targeted sanctions. There are tremendous practical difficulties working in Zimbabwe and if a Canadian charity decides to continue operating in Zimbabwe it is important that the Canadian charity and its intermediaries (eg. Agents, contractor, partners) avoid providing any benefits, “directly or indirectly”, to a “designated person”. Canadian charities need to undertake rigorous due diligence and risk management to ensure that a “designated person” does not financially benefit from the program. -
Domestic Resource Mobilisation and the Quest for Sustainable
Authored By Gorden Moyo Reviewed & Edited By John Maketo ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE INITIATIVE (EGI) REVIEWED & EDITED BY John Maketo (Programmes Manager) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ZIMCODD would like to acknowledge frantic efforts by the Executive Director, Janet Zhou, for providing leadership in this project, the lead researcher for this paper, Gorden Moyo, who worked tirelessly to put the pieces together for this publication. This publication was produced by the Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development in collaboration with the Economic Governance Initiative Consortium in Zimbabwe comprised of the Transparency International Zimbabwe, Udugu Institute, Youth Empowerment and Transformation Trust (YETT) and the Vendors Initiative for Social and Economic Transformation (VISET) REVIEWED & EDITED BY John Maketo (Programmes Manager) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ZIMCODD would like to acknowledge frantic efforts by the Executive Director, Janet Zhou, for providing leadership in this project, the lead researcher for this paper, Gorden Moyo, who worked tirelessly to put the pieces together for this publication. This publication was produced by the Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development in collaboration with the Economic Governance Initiative Consortium in Zimbabwe comprised of the Transparency International Zimbabwe, Udugu Institute, Youth Empowerment and Transformation Trust (YETT) and the Vendors Initiative for Social and Economic Transformation (VISET) TABLE OF CONTENTS ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS Table Of Contents i 4IR - Fourth Industrial Revolution Abbreviations and -
Negotiated Government in Zimbabwe-Tool for Peaceful Co-Existence Or Momentary Suppression of Inherent Divisions?
ISSN 2039-2117 (online) Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences Vol 5 No 25 ISSN 2039-9340 (print) MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy November 2014 Negotiated Government in Zimbabwe-Tool for Peaceful Co-existence or Momentary Suppression of Inherent Divisions? Ms Petra Chinyere Mulungushi University, Zambia [email protected] Doi:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n25p73 Abstract This paper assesses the effectiveness of the Government of National Unity (GNU) in Zimbabwe in fostering peaceful co- existence among traditional rival political parties which were the parties to the agreement that established the unity government. It is mainly based on documentary research, referring to available information on the four year period that the GNU ruled the country, followed up by some views from fellow academics on the subject. The point of departure is the historical background to the formation of the GNU and the modalities surrounding its establishment, then the analysis of what really achieved. The paper argues that the GNU was an inevitable arrangement that was done as a transitional mechanism to rescue the country from total collapse after the 2008 electoral violence that the country had plunged into which could have degenerated into a civil war. The GNU managed to sustain the peace deal that they signed and to calm the political situation in the country to give a peaceful environment even after its lifespan among the parties that fought in 2008, but it brought to the fore the concealed, inherent divisions and intra-party fighting that the Movement for Democratic Change Tsvangirai faction (MDC-T) has been accused of previously. The paper concludes by arguing that the GNU deal was successful in achieving peaceful co-existence among warring factions along the political divide but it still failed to take into consideration the views of the masses since it was an elite contract. -
Roy Leslie Bennett V. Emerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa
REPORTABLE (76) Judgment No SC 75/05 Civil Application No 16/05 ROY LESLIE BENNETT v (1) EMMERSON DAMBUDZO MNANGAGWA (in his capacity as the SPEAKER OF THE PARLIAMENT OF ZIMBABWE) (2) PAUL MANGWANA (3) JOYCE MUJURU (4) CHIEF MANGWENDE (5) WELSHMAN NCUBE (6) TENDAI BITI (7) THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL SUPREME COURT OF ZIMBABWE CHIDYAUSIKU CJ, SANDURA JA, CHEDA JA, MALABA JA & GWAUNZA JA HARARE, MAY 26, 2005 & MARCH 9, 2006 J. J. Gauntlett, SC., with him A.P. de Bourbon SC, for the applicant S.J.Chihambakwe, with him J Mhlanga, for the first, second, third and fourth respondents R. Gatsi, for the seventh respondent (intervener) CHIDYAUSIKU CJ: This application is brought in terms of s 24 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe. Section 24 of the Constitution provides that any person who alleges that the Declaration of Rights has been, is being, or is likely to be, contravened in relation to him may apply to the Supreme Court for redress. The applicant, who was at the relevant time a Member of Parliament, assaulted Mr Patrick Chinamasa, MP, Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, and Leader of the House (hereinafter referred to as “Chinamasa”). The assault took place in Parliament while it was in session. He was charged with, and found guilty of, contempt of Parliament. He was sentenced, by 2 S.C. 75/05 Parliament, to fifteen months’ imprisonment of which three months’ imprisonment was suspended on certain conditions. The applicant challenges that conviction and punishment on the following four grounds - 1. The proceedings violated his constitutional and fundamental right to a fair hearing by an independent and impartial court or other adjudicating body protected by s 18(1),(2) and (9) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe (“the Constitution”). -
Political Violence Report November 2001
ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM POLITICAL VIOLENCE REPORT NOVEMBER 2001 December 2001 A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Summary Attacks on farm workers residing on invaded farms, ongoing since the end of February 2000, were reported to the Human Rights Forum in November. Since January this year, more than 70 000 farm workers have been displaced and countless others have been beaten and tortured whilst others lost their homes in arson attacks. Once again the ZRP was been found wanting in its protection and reaction to violations concerning farm workers and MDC supporters. In one recorded case, policemen in Kadoma arrived at the local Zanu-PF offices and witnessed the torture of two MDC members but left without rendering assistance. However 14 MDC members were arrested for the murder of Bulawayo war veteran’s chairman, Cain Nkala. In Harare members of the ZRP unlawfully arrested and tortured two MDC officials from Zengeza, accusing them of having had some involvement in Cain Nkala’s murder, despite their being in Harare at the time. The two were released without being charged having been interrogated about the operations of their party. Six deaths were recorded in November. A list of all deaths that have been reported since January 2001 is given at the end of the report. November 2001 Totals 2 Cumulative Totals January-November 2001 Sources: Amani Trust medical assessments, HR Forum legal statements, CFU reports and newspaper reports. Notes to Tables: The following categories have been changed and/or expanded due to the nature and the volume of crimes. -
An Analysis of the Chronicle's Coverage of the Gukurahundi Conflict in Zimbabwe Between 1983 and 1986
Representing Conflict: An Analysis of The Chronicle's Coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986 A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Master of Arts Degree in Journalism and Media Studies Rhodes University By Phillip Santos Supervisor: Professor Lynette Steenveld October 2011 Acknowledgements I am forever in the debt of my very critical, incisive, and insightful supervisor Professor Lynette Steenveld whose encyclopaedic knowledge of social theory, generous advice, and guidance gave me more tban a fair share of epiphanic moments. I certainly would not have made it this far without the love and unstinting support of my dear wife Ellen, and daughter, . Thandiswa. For unparalleled teamwork and dependable friendship, thank you Sharon. My friends Stanley, Jolly, Sthembiso, Ntombomzi and Carolyne, tbank you for all the critical conversations and for keeping me sane throughout those tumultuous moments. I also owe particular debt of gratitude to tbe Journalism Department and UNESCO for enabling my studies at Rhodes University. Abstract This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the ro les, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. -
Civil Society, the State and Democracy in Zimbabwe, 1988 –
COPYRIGHT AND CITATION CONSIDERATIONS FOR THIS THESIS/ DISSERTATION o Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. o NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. o ShareAlike — If you remix, transform, or build upon the material, you must distribute your contributions under the same license as the original. How to cite this thesis Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujcontent.uj.ac.za/vital/access/manager/Index?site_name=Research%20Output (Accessed: Date). CIVIL SOCIETY, THE STATE AND DEMOCRACY IN ZIMBABWE, 1988 – 2014: HEGEMONIES, POLARITIES AND FRACTURES By ZENZO MOYO A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Literature and Philosophy in Development Studies Supervisor: Professor David Moore August 2018 Declaration of originality I declare that Civil Society, the State and Democracy in Zimbabwe, 1988 – 2014: Hegemonies, Polarities and Fractures is my own work and that all the sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. Zenzo Moyo (Researcher) Signed: …… …… Date…23 July 2018…… ii ABSTRACT The post-independence ruling class in Zimbabwe carefully combined coercion and consent to assert its hegemony from the day it assumed state power. It implemented this through making use of both civil society and political society. -
MDC – Harare – Bulawayo – Council Elections 2006 – Gukurahundi
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: ZWE31570 Country: Zimbabwe Date: 20 April 2007 Keywords: Zimbabwe – MDC – Harare – Bulawayo – Council Elections 2006 – Gukurahundi This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Questions 1. Does the MDC have an office in Harare? 2. How many branches are there in the province of Bulawayo? 3. How many wards are there? 4. Can you provide information on the leaders of the MDC in the province of Bulawayo? 5. Can you provide information on the activities of the MDC in the province of Bulawayo in 2006? 6. Can you provide information on council elections in Bulawayo around October 2006? 7. Did Zanu PF lose seats in the council elections in Bulawayo in October 2006? 8. Can you provide information about Gukurahunde? RESPONSE 1. Does the MDC have an office in Harare? The MDC headquarters are located in Harvest House, the corner of Angwa Street and Nelson Mandela Avenue in Harare. Angwa Street is parallel to First Street. Attached is a map of Harare, showing Angwa Street, First Street and Nelson Mandela Avenue (Africa South of the Sahara 2003 2003, Europa Publications, 32nd edition, London, p.1190 – Attachment 1; Mawarire, Matseliso 2007, ‘Police left a trail of destruction at Harvest House’, Zimdaily.com website, 29 March http://zimdaily.com/news/117/ARTICLE/1480/2007-03-29.html – Accessed 30 March 2007 – Attachment 2; ‘Harare’ 1998, Hotels-Tours-Safaris.com website http://www.hotels-tours-safaris.com/zimbabwe/harare/images/citymap.gif – Accessed 30 March 2007 – Attachment 3). -
Matabeleland: Its Struggle for National Legitimacy, and the Relevance of This in the 2008 Election
Matabeleland: Its Struggle for National Legitimacy, and the Relevance of this in the 2008 Election By Shari Eppel Matabeleland consists of three western provinces of Zimbabwe, namely Matabeleland North, Matabeleland South and Bulawayo. This region, stereotyped as marginalised and underdeveloped, and also as a hotbed of political opposition both historically and currently, is once more poised to play a strategic role in the forthcoming elections. After Independence in 1980, Matabeleland and parts of the Midlands were subjected to a brutal and hidden period of oppression, in which an estimated 20,000 civilians were massacred and tens of thousands more were tortured by the Fifth Brigade, which answered ultimately to Robert Mugabe. Hundreds disappeared and thousands lost homes and livestock, as Mugabe relentlessly moved to effectively establish a one-party state in Zimbabwe. The 1980s violence was without any doubt far in excess of anything that happened in affected regions during the 1970s war of liberation.1 While the “dissidents” of Matabeleland can be blamed for some of the atrocities, all evidence points to government forces, in particular the Fifth Brigade and the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) being responsible for over 90% of violations.2 It is fair to say that few people in Matabeleland claim not to have been affected by these events. Most people in the region – more than 70% - seem able to justify their claim to be primary victims of Fifth Brigade atrocities.3 The fact that to date these events remain largely unacknowledged at an official level, combined with continued perceived regional under-development, has had a lasting impact in terms of political outlook. -
Thesis Capstone Project-Conflict Dynamics
Author: Willem Verdaasdonk Co-Authors: Wessel van Beelen and Ricardo Neefjes S1223194 Alister Reed Wednesday 24th August 2016 Total Word Count: 50025 Page Count: 152 Joint work Pages: 1-43, 112-152 Masters Thesis conflict Analysis Thesis capstone project-conflict dynamics 1 Abstract This capstone thesis aims to study what factors play a role before and during a conflict and how conflicts move from one conflict phase to the next. This particular thesis uses the case study of the Rhodesian Bush War a conflict waged from 1965 to 1980 in the now know republic of Zimbabwe. This thesis starts by giving a general overview of the entire conflict by looking at the role of the Rhodesian government, military as well as the political and military developments of both guerrilla movements (ZAPU/ZANU). After which an analysis will be done based on the criteria of the capstone project (context, state, and non-state) focusing on the factors that influenced the conflict, and coming to a general conclusion. After which a joint analysis and conclusion will be presented to see the similarities in two other case studies conducted for this capstone project, these being the Troubles in Northern Ireland and the Sendero in Peru. 2 Content 1. Joint introduction……………………………….……5 2. Literature review……………………………….…….7 • 2.1 Underlying theories……………………….…….7 • 2.2 General definitions…………………….………..8 • 2.3 Latent conflict…………………………………..12 • 2.4 Conflict emergence……………………….…….14 • 2.5 Conflict escalation……………………….……..19 • 2.6 Stalemate………………………………….…….20 • 2.7 Conflict De-escalation……………………….….22 • 2.8 Dispute settlement………………………………25 • 2.9 Peace building…………………………………..28 3. Research methodology……………………………….….31 • 3.1 Central research question……………………….31 • 3.2 Quantiative vs qualitative……………………….31 • 3.3 Historical research analysis……………………..32 • 3.4 Analytical Framework………………………..…33 • 3.5 Method of Data-gathering………………………40 4. -
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 03/04/2020 4:00:00 PM
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 03/04/2020 4:00:00 PM Dear Emma, Chris, and Meghan, This is former U.S. Senator David Vitter (R-LA). I am emailing to follow up on an important invitation you received recently from a significant foreign delegation which will be visiting Washington, DC soon. The group is the Political Action Dialogue, or POLAD, of Zimbabwe, led by Dr. Thokozani Khupe. It is a truly diverse and representative delegation comprised of 17 of the political parties of Zimbabwe. As such, it represents the vast majority of Zimbabwe citizens as well as the vast majority of opposition political parties, including leaders who put their lives on the line fighting for the ouster of the former tyrannical President Robert Mugabe. POLAD is committed to a national dialogue within the country, and active, positive re-engagement with the United States. That's why the delegation is so eager to meet with Congressman McCaul, a leading US policymaker, to share information on recent and important anti-corruption efforts in Zimbabwe, concerns about China's recent dominance of the African continent, and the impact of U.S. sanctions. The POLAD delegation will be in Washington, DC on March 25, 26, and 27, and would be very interested in meeting with Congressman McCaul during that time. Given his responsibilities as Ranking Member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, which has a direct impact on Zimbabwe-related issues, I hope you have time to participate in this important dialogue. I respectfully urge you to respond directly and positively to the group. -
Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) Emerged, but Then Disintegrated Rapidly
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 7, Issues 2 & 3 | Fall 2003 Opposition Politics in Independent Zimbabwe LIISA LAAKSO Abstract: Zimbabwe has implemented a multi-party system on a universal franchise for more than two decades. This era has witnessed consolidation of power into the hands of the ruling ZANU party and its leader Robert Mugabe, and a gradual evolution of political crises. All general elections have shown support for the opposition among the voters. However, the opposition has changed a lot. Between 1980 and 1987 there was a strong regional party, ZAPU, which transformed from a partner of the ruling party to repressed dissident. The second period after the unity between ZANU and ZAPU witnessed mobilisation in defence of multipartyism and against corruption, and the birth of a populist party ZUM. ZUM’s disintegration was followed by massive electoral apathy in 1995. The third period started with civic organization for constitutional reform in 1997 and led to the emergence of the MDC, a wide coalition of interest groups united by their aim to seize ZANU from power. State responses to opposition politics help to clarify its unstable nature. Introduction Consolidation of the authoritarian power of Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in independent Zimbabwe has not proceeded through the withering away of dissent. All general elections have witnessed support for other parties. But the parties and their support base have changed radically. On the one hand this reflects the government’s different strategies to silence its critics. On the other hand it tells about changes in Zimbabwean society itself.