DOCSLIB.ORG

WARRANT of ARREST for Wlranto

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
WARRANT of ARREST for Wlranto REPUBLICA DEMOCRA TICA DE TIMOR-LESTE DILl DISTRICT COURT THE SPECIAL PANELS FOR SERIOUS CRIMES CASE NO. 05/2003 WARRANT OF ARREST FOR WlRANTO TO THE PROSECUTOR-GENERAL OF THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF TIMOR-LESTE, and TO THE GOVERNMENTS OF ALL STATES: THIS WARRANT AUTHORIZES THE ARREST OF THE DEFENDANT WIRANTO FOR: 1. CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY - MURDER 2. CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY - DEPORTATION OR FORCIBLE TRANSFER OF POPULATION 3. CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY - PERSECUTION PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/ad7705/ I. Identification of the defendant as required by Section 19A.2(a) of UNTAET Regulation No. 2001125 Name: Wiranto Born: Y ogyakarta, Indonesia Date: 4 April 1947 Sex: Male Nationality: Indonesian Occupation: Retired from the Armed Forces of Indonesia; Former General of the Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI); Former Commander of the Armed Forces of Indonesia; Former Indonesian Minister of Defense and Security. 11. Jurisdiction of the Special Panels for Serious Crimes The Special Panels for Serious Crimes were established to ensure the existence of a forum where those responsible for the acts of violence in East Timor in 1999 can be brought to justice. See Section 10.3 of UNTAET Regulation No. 2000/11 and Section 1.1 of UNTAET Regulation No. 2000/15. The Special Panels exercise jurisdiction with respect to the following serious criminal offenses: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, murder, sexual offences and torture See Section 10.1 of UNTAET Regulation No. 2000/11 and Section 1.3 of UNTAET Regulation No. 2000115, With respect to crimes against humanity, with which the defendant Wiranto has been charged, the Special Panels have universal jurisdiction pursuant to Section 2.1 ofUNTAET Regulation No. 2000115. All UNT AET Regulations pertinent to the jurisdiction of the Special Panels and the issuance of this Warrant of Arrest continue in force as provided in Article 2, Sec. 3(c) of Law No. 10/2003 (10 December 2003) of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste. 2 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/ad7705/ Ill. Summary of the facts alleged to constitute a crime as required by Section 19A.2(c) of UNTAET Regulation No. 2001125 The Deputy General Prosecutor has supported the charges against the defendant Wiranto with evidence contained in 21 volumes of documentation arranged in 39 binders amounting to over 15,000 pages and including statements from over 1500 witnesses. As required by Section 19A.2(c) of UNTAET Regulation No. 2001125 the evidence presented by the Prosecutor is summarized as follows: Background On 5 May 1999 the governments of Indonesia and Portugal and the United Nations agreed upon a process to conduct a popular consultation in which the people of East Timor could decide whether or not to accept autonomy within the Republic of Indonesia. The popular consultation was held on 30 August 1999. A total of 78.5% of those participating in the referendum supported independence and rejected autonomy. A. Chain of Command Summary At all times relevant to the charges, Wiranto held the posItIons of Commander of the Armed Forces (ABRI, later TNI) and Minister of Defense and Security of the Republic of Indonesia. In that capacity he was the highest officer in the chain of command for all military and police forces throughout Indonesia, including the region of East Timor. The military forces included the army, navy and air force. The chief of staff of each of those branches reported directly to the defendant Wiranto as Commander of the Armed Forces. Wiranto had command authority over all Indonesian uniformed personnel which was vested in him as a matter of law and which he exercised in fact. As the highest officer in Indonesia he exercised his authority both directly and through his subordinate officers. Similarly, Wiranto had command authority with respect to the militia over which he had effective control in fact. 3 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/ad7705/ Military Forces Wiranto exercised his command authority in East Timor directly and through others. In large part he operated through Major General Zacky Anwar Makarim, who was in charge of the Special Team/Adjutant General's Task Force, a military authority established by Wiranto in March, 1999. Makarim was also a leading member of the Task Force to Oversee the Popular Consultation in East Timor. In July, 1999, Wiranto told Ian Martin, the Special Representative of the Secretary General for the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET), that Makarim was his "personal representative" in East Timor. Moreover, he stated that Makarim sent him reports every day from East Timor and that they had become his daily "breakfast." Wiranto also exercised his command authority over the military through Major General Adam Rachmat Damiri, head of TNI Regional Command IX, which included East Timor and other sections of Indonesia. Damiri' s headquarters were located in Denpasar, Bali. Wiranto also exercised his command authority through Colonel Suhartono Suratman, head of TNI Sub-Regional Command 164, which consisted solely of East Timor. Suratman's headquarters were in Dili, East Timor. At a point, Suratman was replaced by Colonel Mohammad Noer Muis who similarly answered to Wiranto. Also operating in East Timor at this time as a subordinate of Wiranto was Lieutenant Colonel Yayat Sudrajat, Commander of the Intelligence Task Force in East Timor. Wiranto's exercise of his command authority was even more pronounced as of 7 September 1999 when martial law was declared in East Timor. This action followed the announcement of the results of the Popular Consultation and Wiranto's visit to East Timor on 5 September. Wiranto established the Martial Law Operations Command and appointed Major General Kiki Syahnakri as its commander. During the period 1998 to 1999, approximately 18,000 TNI soldiers were stationed in East Timor and were subject to the TNI command structure. Makarim, Damiri, Suratman, Muis, Sudrajat and Syahnakri are all named as defendants in the same indictment as Wiranto. Police Force Wiranto also exercised command authority over the Indonesian police force (POLRI), which was present in East Timor and responsible for 4 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/ad7705/ maintaining law and order. The regional police chief in East Timor was Colonel Timbul Silaen who reported to Wiranto. His headquarters were in Dili. POLRI was part of the army until 1 April 1999 when the two institutions were separated. Nonetheless, even after that date, both the army and the police remained directly under Wiranto's authority as Minister of Defense and Security. Although they maintained separated command structures, in practice, POLRI forces in East Timor were often dominated by the TNI. With reference to both the regional police chief and the regional military commander, Wiranto testified before the Ad Hoc Tribunal in Jakarta that they "were chosen from the best people in the police and the army and they carried out the directives I had outlined." At the time of the Popular Consultation in August 1999, there were over 6000 police officers stationed in East Timor, a large portion of which was organized into an elite paramilitary unit called the Mobile Brigade (BRIMOB). Militia Groups The third force over which Wiranto exercised command authority was the pro-autonomy militia that was in large part recruited, organized, funded, trained, armed and directed by the armed forces under his command. Wiranto thus had effective control over the militia whose purpose was to intimidate the population of East Timor to support the autonomy option at the popular consultation and, later, to prevent the implementation of the results in which almost 80% of the voters rejected autonomy and decided for independence. The military and the police not only failed to prevent or stop the criminal actions of the various militia, but they planned, participated and assisted in the violence perpetrated by such groups. In some districts, TNI officers were appointed by their commanders to lead militia groups and in other districts, TNI commanders directly gave orders and support to militia groups. Militia leaders routinely traveled to Jakarta where they met with Wiranto and with high-ranking military leaders who worked directly under his control. On one occasion, Wiranto urged visiting leaders of various militia groups to unite in a common front and gave each of the Timorese large sums of cash. He also told them that Indonesia would never 5 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/ad7705/ abandon East Timor regardless of the result of the referendum. Moreover, he said that the TNI would never leave East Timor. Markarim and Damiri also conducted meetings with militia leaders in Jakarta and Bali for the purpose of encouraging them to conduct military operations against pro-independence supporters in East Timor. Moreover, they provided militia leaders with money and guns for that purpose. On one occasion militia leaders entering a meeting with Wiranto were met at the entrance by General Makarim who promised to supply them machine guns. On another occasion, Syahnakri met with militia leaders in Jakarta and confirmed that firearms for the militia had been sent to East Timor where Suratman would arrange for their distribution. At different points, both Makarim and Suratman also met with militia leaders in East Timor concerning the possibility of a pro-independence vote in the Popular Consultation. At one meeting, Makarim stated that, if the pro-independence forces prevailed at the ballot box, the militia would be used to create disruption throughout East Timor. Similarly, Suratman met with pro-autonomy leaders and urged that they form a militia group, promising any form of assistance that they required. At a later point, he told a joint meeting of TNI and the militia that, if the voters rejected autonomy, a scorched earth policy would be pursued so that an independent East Timor would have to start with nothing.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO and HIS GENERALS by Leonard C
    SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO AND HIS GENERALS by Leonard C. Sebastian EXECUTIVE SUMMARY a civilian government where the to provide the military with an special position of the armed forces adequate budget. Third, if a The Indonesian National Military allowed it autonomy to reserve civilian government is unable to (TNI, Tentera Nasional Indonesia) power enabling the TNI to play a maintain national stability and unity. may no longer be the most dominant leading role in politics or mediate Particularly in the third scenario, player in Indonesian politics but between political contenders. The the likelihood that the TNI will has pragmatically incorporated a TNI’s preeminent position was a temporarily re-enter the political strategy that enables it to play a reflection of its special entitlement arena in partnership with other like- significant “behind the scenes” role. owing to its role in the war of minded social and political forces The situation in Indonesia today independence (1945-48) where its to stabilize national politics cannot has closer parallels with the state defence of the Republic ensured be discounted. The mindset of of civil military relations in Germany that the returning Dutch colonialists the officer corps has not changed between the two World Wars or would not be able to subdue the drastically despite the abolition France in 1958.1 In analysing the TNI independence movement by military of its Dual Function role in 2000. relationship with the Yudhoyono means. There remains a deep contempt for presidency, this paper argues that civilian rule and a belief that only the Dr Yudhoyono enjoys the loyalty and The situation in Indonesia since TNI is capable of rising above the trust of the TNI elite.
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.Democratization and TNI Reform
    UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Marbun, Rico Democratization and TNI reform UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 15, octubre, 2007, pp. 37-61 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76701504 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 15 (Octubre / October 2007) ISSN 1696-2206 DEMOCRATIZATIO A D T I REFORM Rico Marbun 1 Centre for Policy and Strategic Studies (CPSS), Indonesia Abstract: This article is written to answer four questions: what kind of civil-military relations is needed for democratization; how does military reform in Indonesia affect civil-military relations; does it have a positive impact toward democratization; and finally is the democratization process in Indonesia on the right track. Keywords: Civil-military relations; Indonesia. Resumen: Este artículo pretende responder a cuatro preguntas: qué tipo de relaciones cívico-militares son necesarias para la democratización; cómo afecta la reforma militar en Indonesia a las relaciones cívico-militares; si tiene un impacto positivo en la democratización; y finalmente, si el proceso de democratización en Indonesia va por buen camino. Palabras clave: relaciones cívico-militares; Indonesia. Copyright © UNISCI, 2007. The views expressed in these articles are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of UNISCI. Las opiniones expresadas en estos artículos son propias de sus autores, y no reflejan necesariamente la opinión de U*ISCI.
    [Show full text]
  • Rizal Ramli Interviewer
    An initiative of the National Academy of Public Administration, and the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and the Bobst Center for Peace and Justice, Princeton University Oral History Program Series: Governance Traps Interview no.: C7 Interviewee: Rizal Ramli Interviewer: Matthew Devlin Date of Interview: 15 July 2009 Location: Jakarta Indonesia Innovations for Successful Societies, Bobst Center for Peace and Justice Princeton University, 83 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, New Jersey, 08544, USA www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Use of this transcript is governed by ISS Terms of Use, available at www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Innovations for Successful Societies Series: Governance Traps Oral History Program Interview number: C-7 ______________________________________________________________________ DEVLIN: Today is July 15th, 2009, I’m here in Jakarta, Indonesia with Dr. Rizal Ramli. Dr. Ramli headed the nation’s State Logistics Agency and most notably was Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs under the administration of then President Abdurrahman Wahid and also Minister of Finance among other positions in politics here in Indonesia. Dr. Ramli, thank you for joining me. If I could, could we possibly begin by you giving us a sense of the environment here in Indonesia at this transitional point between the longstanding new order and the post Suharto era? RAMLI: The Suharto regime had been in power for such a long time, more than 32 years before it fell. The longer he stayed, the more authoritarian the nature of his regime. But the core of his political support was essentially the armed forces, the bureaucracy, and of course the ruling party which is Golkar. So it is interesting to note for Suharto to go there should be an underlying shift in the perception of the key player in Indonesian politics, especially the army towards Suharto.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance
    Policy Studies 23 The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Marcus Mietzner East-West Center Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, cor- porations, and a number of Asia Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East- West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the theme of conflict reduction, political change in the direction of open, accountable, and participatory politics, and American understanding of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Policy Studies 23 ___________ The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance _____________________ Marcus Mietzner Copyright © 2006 by the East-West Center Washington The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance by Marcus Mietzner ISBN 978-1-932728-45-3 (online version) ISSN 1547-1330 (online version) Online at: www.eastwestcenterwashington.org/publications East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesia: U.S
    98-677 F CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Indonesia: U.S. Relations With the Indonesian Military August 10, 1998 Larry Niksch Specialist in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress ABSTRACT This CRS Report describes the history and the issues involved in the longstanding differences between Congress and the executive branch over U.S. policy toward the Indonesian military (ABRI). The report describes two past episodes when these differences broke out: the period of Indonesian radicalism under President Sukarno in the early 1960s and the initial years of the Indonesian military occupation of East Timor in the late 1970s. It outlines the different views of the Indonesian military between its congressional critics and executive branch officials who have promoted close U.S. relations with it. The issues between Congress and the Bush and Clinton Administrations in the 1990s are discussed within this framework, culminating in American policy toward the ABRI in 1998 as Indonesia’s economic-political crisis led to the downfall of President Suharto. Specific issues of the 1990s discussed in the report, including U.S. training of Indonesian military personnel and U.S. arms sales to Indonesia, likely will come to new legislative attention in the near future. This report will not be updated. For more from CRS, see the Guide to CRS Products under “East Asia.” Indonesia: U.S. Relations With the Indonesian Military Summary Differences between the U.S. executive branch and Congress over U.S. policies toward the Indonesian military have persisted since the early 1960s.
    [Show full text]
  • Liddle Indonesia.Pdf
    Constituttional Design 2000 December 9–11, 1999 INDONESIA’S DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION: PLAYING BY THE RULES R. William Liddle The Ohio State University I. Introduction In a process that began in July 1997, Indonesians have created but not yet consolidated a democracy. The turning point or defining moment of the transition was the June 7, 1999 election for Parliament (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, People’s Representative Council), the first democratic general election in Indonesia in nearly half a century. Subsequently, on October 21 and 22, 1999, a new president and vice- president, Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Sukarnoputri, were elected by the 695- member People’s Consultative Assembly (Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat), a body comprising 462 elected and 38 appointed members of Parliament from the armed forces plus 130 indirectly elected regional delegates and 65 appointed representatives of a variety of social groups. The presence of appointed Parliament and Assembly members, particularly the 38 armed forces’ delegates, means according to most scholarly definitions that Indonesia is not yet a full democracy.1 However, the genuinely democratic quality of the parliamentary election, in which 79% of registered voters chose among 48 political parties after a well-publicized campaign largely free of authoritarian constraints, together with almost complete acceptance of the rules of the presidential/vice-presidential selection process, indicate that the threshhold from democracy to authoritarianism has been crossed. The transition was marked by three successive moments of decision, crises or challenges that were faced by elite actors, including civilian and military government officials plus party and societal leaders, that will be discussed in Part III of this paper.
    [Show full text]
  • The Stabbing of Wiranto: Growing Trend of Knife Attacks
    www.rsis.edu.sg No. 207 – 17 October 2019 RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced with prior permission from RSIS and due recognition to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email to Mr Yang Razali Kassim, Editor RSIS Commentary at [email protected]. The Stabbing of Wiranto: Growing Trend of Knife Attacks By V. Arianti SYNOPSIS The stabbing of Indonesia’s Coordinating Minister for Political, Law, and Security Wiranto highlights that top Indonesian government officials, especially those in charge of security matters, have long been targeted by the groups that support Islamic State (IS). The incident highlights the continuation of the knife attack trend among terrorists and the militant threat arising from Indonesian pro-IS family units. COMMENTARY ON 10 OCTOBER 2019, the chief security minister Wiranto was attacked while on visit to Pandeglang, Banten, a province located at the Western edge of Java. He was stabbed with a kunai, a Japanese knife, in his stomach by 51-year-old Syahril Alamsyah alias Abu Rara, who is affiliated with the largest pro-IS network in Indonesia, Jamaah Ansharud Daulah (JAD). Seconds later, Abu Rara’s wife, 21-year-old Fitri Andriana, stabbed the local police chief who was guarding Wiranto. This incident is unprecedented in the last two decades. Never before had a senior minister been stabbed during a public gathering, and aggravated by a simultaneous attack on the local police chief.
    [Show full text]
  • Open Statement Appointment of General Wiranto
    Open Statement Appointment of General Wiranto (Retired) as Minister confirms the deep-rooted impunity in Indonesia July 27, 2016 - Three human rights groups, TAPOL, ETAN, and Watch Indonesia!, today criticized President Joko (Jokowi) Widodo’s appointment of former Indonesian Military (TNI) commander General (Ret.) Wiranto as Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs. Wiranto replaces General (Ret.) Luhut Pandjaitan. Cabinet Secretary Pramono Anung, told the media that Wiranto was appointed “because he had been well- tested and was experienced in resolving various assignments, especially during the transition period from the New Order to the Reform era in the late 1990s.” The cabinet secretary neglected to mention that Wiranto’s experience includes a long and dark record of human rights violations for which he has never been held accountable. “President Jokowi must annul his appointment of Wiranto and instead bring him to justice,” said Basilisa Dengen from Watch Indonesia! John M. Miller for the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN) called the Wiranto appointment “an outrage.” He added “Jokowi has clearly abandoned all pretense to concern about accountability and justice for past human rights crimes.” Wiranto is the most senior Indonesian official indicted in 2003 by the United Nations’ Serious Crimes Unit, which was a section of the Office of the General Prosecutor of Timor-Leste (East Timor). The appointment of Wiranto as a coordinating minister confirms that Jokowi does not consider human rights as a priority of his government. This is not the first time Jokowi appointed military generals with poor human rights records to his administration. Victims and human rights organizations have been waiting for Jokowi to fulfill his election promises to resolve a number of past and present human rights violations.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Institutions in Indonesia Democracy, Decentralisation, Diversity
    BRIEFING Continental democracies Political institutions in Indonesia Democracy, decentralisation, diversity SUMMARY Until his downfall in 1998, General Suharto ruled Indonesia with an iron fist. Since then, a series of reforms have transformed his authoritarian 'New Order' into the world's third largest democracy (and largest Muslim democracy). Indonesia has a presidential system in which a directly elected president serves as both head of state and of government. A maximum two-term limit on the presidency helps to ensure a peaceful alternation of power. Also directly elected, the House of Representatives (the lower house of the bicameral People's Consultative Assembly) has asserted itself as a strong and independent institution. There are nine parliamentary parties, none of which holds a majority, obliging the government to seek support from a broad coalition. Despite the success of Indonesia's political reforms, its commitment to democratic values cannot be taken for granted. Although Indonesia has traditionally been a tolerant, multicultural society, a rising tide of Islamic populism threatens to disrupt the delicate balance between the country's Muslim majority and minorities such as Christians and Buddhists. The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has had some success in tackling endemic graft in the country's courts, local governments and Parliament; however, the latter recently voted to weaken the KPK's powers. While trust in democratic institutions declines, the military – whose commitment to democratic values has often been
    [Show full text]
  • Problematizing the Place of Victims in Reformasi Indonesia: a Contested Truth About the May 1998 Violence
    PROBLEMATIZING THE PLACE OF VICTIMS IN REFORMASI INDONESIA A Contested Truth about the May 1998 Violence Jemma Purdey The bloody massacre in Bangladesh quickly covered over the memory of the Russian invasion of Czechoslovakia, the assassination of Al- lende drowned out the groans of Bangladesh, the war in the Sinai De- sert made people forget Allende, the Cambodian massacre made people forget Sinai, and so on and so forth until ultimately everyone lets everything be forgotten. —Milan Kundera, The Book of Laughter and Forgetting 1 The riotous violence of May 1998 that broke out in In- donesia’s major cities, including the capital Jakarta, terrorized the entire na- tion. Its main victims included women, the urban poor, and ethnic Chinese, but the audacity and impunity with which its perpetrators acted shocked all of Indonesia and much of the international community. In late 1998, Indonesia was a nation filled with great hopes for its newly claimed democratic future, and yet the country was already visibly struggling to identify how it should Jemma Purdey is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of History, Uni- versity of Melbourne, Australia. Asian Survey , 42:4, pp. 605–622. ISSN: 0004–4687 Ó 2002 by The Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. Send Requests for Permission to Reprint to: Rights and Permissions, University of California Press, Journals Division, 2000 Center St., Ste. 303, Berkeley, CA 94704–1223. 1.Milan Kundera, The Book of Laughter and Forgetting, translated by Michael Henry Heim (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1981), pt. 1, sec. 5. Citations for subsequent epi- graphs in this article are as follows: Judge Richard J.
    [Show full text]
  • INDONESIA in 2000 a Shaky Start for Democracy
    INDONESIA IN 2000 A Shaky Start for Democracy R. William Liddle At the end of 1999 Indonesia appeared to have com- pleted a successful transition to democracy after more than four decades of dictatorship. Free elections had been held for the national legislature (DPR, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat). The People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat), a uniquely Indonesian institution com- prising members of the DPR plus regional and group representatives, had chosen a new president, the charismatic traditionalist Muslim cleric Abdur- rahman Wahid (called Gus Dur) and vice-president, Megawati Sukarnoputri, daughter of Indonesia’s founding father and first president Sukarno, for the 1999–2004 term. Gus Dur, whose Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB, Na- tional Awakening Party) holds only 11% of the DPR seats, had then ap- pointed a national unity cabinet consisting of representatives of all of the major parties. Twelve months later, Gus Dur is widely regarded, both at home and abroad, as a failed president. He narrowly escaped dismissal by the MPR, which met for its first annual session in August 2000. Most observers and politicians concur that his personal legitimacy continues to decline and that the main obstacle to his removal now is fear that his likely replacement, Megawati, would be an even worse president. This extraordinary fall is largely the consequence of Gus Dur’s own disas- trous choices. He has been unwilling to act like a politician in a democracy, that is, to build a broad base of support and adopt a set of policies responsive to the interests of this constituency. Instead, he has acted impulsively and inconsistently, often without consulting his own staff, let alone his putative R.
    [Show full text]
  • Globalisation, Governance and State-Sponsored Terror: the Case of Indonesia
    Julian McKinlay King University of Wollongong Globalisation, governance and State-sponsored terror: The case of Indonesia Rethinking Peace, Conflict and Governance Conference, University of New England, 12-14 February 2020 I pay tribute to the late Professor Peter King (CPACS) and late Dr John Otto Ondawame, former OPM freedom fighter, academic (CPACS), and OPM International Spokesperson who spent much of their lives fighting for West Papuan freedom Indonesia: 7,000 km island chain occupying former Dutch East Indies Territories, and the (former) territories of Netherlands New Guinea incorporating over 3,000 language groups PART ONE THE BIRTH OF STATE FASCISM WITH THE ARRIVAL OF JAPAN 1941: The Japanese line of advance in Dutch East Indies, Portuguese Timor, and Netherlands New Guinea 1941: The Japanese arrival in Dutch East Indies was welcomed by Sukarno (Tropenmuseum) Sukarno worked as principal ‘Collaborator’ for the Japanese during WWII extorting resources / labour from the island archipelago 1953: Sukarno visiting Emperor Hirohito 1944: The Japanese Imperial Army trained a Javanese paramilitary force in with the ideology of Fascism in preparation for the Allied invasion A total of 1.5 million auxiliary paramilitary (C.L.M. Penders, 2002) Japanese Imperial Army members defect, create, & lead the ‘Black Fan’ terrorist group (Times Herald, 15 September 1945) Japanese recounts role fighting to free Indonesi a SIDOMULYO VILLAGE, Indonesia — Rahmat Shigeru Ono enjoyed his dinner of fried noodles, mixed sauteed vegetables and a spicy boiled egg. For most of his life he has eaten Indonesian dishes and he’s used to it, except that it must be accompanied by an “umeboshi” (pickled plum).
    [Show full text]