Hrcttee108-ICJ-Alternativereport-Indonesia (Final)
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SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO and HIS GENERALS by Leonard C
SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO AND HIS GENERALS by Leonard C. Sebastian EXECUTIVE SUMMARY a civilian government where the to provide the military with an special position of the armed forces adequate budget. Third, if a The Indonesian National Military allowed it autonomy to reserve civilian government is unable to (TNI, Tentera Nasional Indonesia) power enabling the TNI to play a maintain national stability and unity. may no longer be the most dominant leading role in politics or mediate Particularly in the third scenario, player in Indonesian politics but between political contenders. The the likelihood that the TNI will has pragmatically incorporated a TNI’s preeminent position was a temporarily re-enter the political strategy that enables it to play a reflection of its special entitlement arena in partnership with other like- significant “behind the scenes” role. owing to its role in the war of minded social and political forces The situation in Indonesia today independence (1945-48) where its to stabilize national politics cannot has closer parallels with the state defence of the Republic ensured be discounted. The mindset of of civil military relations in Germany that the returning Dutch colonialists the officer corps has not changed between the two World Wars or would not be able to subdue the drastically despite the abolition France in 1958.1 In analysing the TNI independence movement by military of its Dual Function role in 2000. relationship with the Yudhoyono means. There remains a deep contempt for presidency, this paper argues that civilian rule and a belief that only the Dr Yudhoyono enjoys the loyalty and The situation in Indonesia since TNI is capable of rising above the trust of the TNI elite. -
Redalyc.Democratization and TNI Reform
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Marbun, Rico Democratization and TNI reform UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 15, octubre, 2007, pp. 37-61 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76701504 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 15 (Octubre / October 2007) ISSN 1696-2206 DEMOCRATIZATIO A D T I REFORM Rico Marbun 1 Centre for Policy and Strategic Studies (CPSS), Indonesia Abstract: This article is written to answer four questions: what kind of civil-military relations is needed for democratization; how does military reform in Indonesia affect civil-military relations; does it have a positive impact toward democratization; and finally is the democratization process in Indonesia on the right track. Keywords: Civil-military relations; Indonesia. Resumen: Este artículo pretende responder a cuatro preguntas: qué tipo de relaciones cívico-militares son necesarias para la democratización; cómo afecta la reforma militar en Indonesia a las relaciones cívico-militares; si tiene un impacto positivo en la democratización; y finalmente, si el proceso de democratización en Indonesia va por buen camino. Palabras clave: relaciones cívico-militares; Indonesia. Copyright © UNISCI, 2007. The views expressed in these articles are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of UNISCI. Las opiniones expresadas en estos artículos son propias de sus autores, y no reflejan necesariamente la opinión de U*ISCI. -
Rizal Ramli Interviewer
An initiative of the National Academy of Public Administration, and the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and the Bobst Center for Peace and Justice, Princeton University Oral History Program Series: Governance Traps Interview no.: C7 Interviewee: Rizal Ramli Interviewer: Matthew Devlin Date of Interview: 15 July 2009 Location: Jakarta Indonesia Innovations for Successful Societies, Bobst Center for Peace and Justice Princeton University, 83 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, New Jersey, 08544, USA www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Use of this transcript is governed by ISS Terms of Use, available at www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Innovations for Successful Societies Series: Governance Traps Oral History Program Interview number: C-7 ______________________________________________________________________ DEVLIN: Today is July 15th, 2009, I’m here in Jakarta, Indonesia with Dr. Rizal Ramli. Dr. Ramli headed the nation’s State Logistics Agency and most notably was Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs under the administration of then President Abdurrahman Wahid and also Minister of Finance among other positions in politics here in Indonesia. Dr. Ramli, thank you for joining me. If I could, could we possibly begin by you giving us a sense of the environment here in Indonesia at this transitional point between the longstanding new order and the post Suharto era? RAMLI: The Suharto regime had been in power for such a long time, more than 32 years before it fell. The longer he stayed, the more authoritarian the nature of his regime. But the core of his political support was essentially the armed forces, the bureaucracy, and of course the ruling party which is Golkar. So it is interesting to note for Suharto to go there should be an underlying shift in the perception of the key player in Indonesian politics, especially the army towards Suharto. -
The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance
Policy Studies 23 The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Marcus Mietzner East-West Center Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, cor- porations, and a number of Asia Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East- West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the theme of conflict reduction, political change in the direction of open, accountable, and participatory politics, and American understanding of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Policy Studies 23 ___________ The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance _____________________ Marcus Mietzner Copyright © 2006 by the East-West Center Washington The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance by Marcus Mietzner ISBN 978-1-932728-45-3 (online version) ISSN 1547-1330 (online version) Online at: www.eastwestcenterwashington.org/publications East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. -
Indonesia: U.S
98-677 F CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Indonesia: U.S. Relations With the Indonesian Military August 10, 1998 Larry Niksch Specialist in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress ABSTRACT This CRS Report describes the history and the issues involved in the longstanding differences between Congress and the executive branch over U.S. policy toward the Indonesian military (ABRI). The report describes two past episodes when these differences broke out: the period of Indonesian radicalism under President Sukarno in the early 1960s and the initial years of the Indonesian military occupation of East Timor in the late 1970s. It outlines the different views of the Indonesian military between its congressional critics and executive branch officials who have promoted close U.S. relations with it. The issues between Congress and the Bush and Clinton Administrations in the 1990s are discussed within this framework, culminating in American policy toward the ABRI in 1998 as Indonesia’s economic-political crisis led to the downfall of President Suharto. Specific issues of the 1990s discussed in the report, including U.S. training of Indonesian military personnel and U.S. arms sales to Indonesia, likely will come to new legislative attention in the near future. This report will not be updated. For more from CRS, see the Guide to CRS Products under “East Asia.” Indonesia: U.S. Relations With the Indonesian Military Summary Differences between the U.S. executive branch and Congress over U.S. policies toward the Indonesian military have persisted since the early 1960s. -
Dari Redaksi Marsma TNI Jemi Trisonjaya, M
Edisi Majalah Oktober SUARA ANGKASA 2017 Penanggung Jawab Dari Redaksi Marsma TNI Jemi Trisonjaya, M. Tr (Han) Salam Angkasa Wakil Penanggung Jawab Kolonel Sus Poltak S. Siagian, S.I.Kom. ada bulan Oktober 2017, tepatnya tanggal 5 Oktober Dewan Redaksi P ini, Tentara Nasional Indonesia genap berusia 72 Kolonel Pnb. Hendrayansah S. S.Sos tahun. Berbagai penugasan, baik Operasi Militer Perang Kolonel Sus Dra. Maylina Saragih Kolonel Adm Agus Setyo Hartono, S.AP (OMP) maupun Operasi Militer Selain Perang (OMSP) terlaksana dengan lancar. Pemimpin Redaksi Demikian pula dengan TNI Angkatan Udara yang Kolonel Sus Drs. Bintang Yudianta merupakan bagian dari TNI dan menjadi alat pertahanan Staf Redaksi negara di udara, memiliki kontribusi dalam dinamika Letkol Sus Yuto Nugroho, S.S kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Letkol Sus Eko Setio Wibowo, S.S TNI Angkatan Udara dengan personel profesional Kapten Sus Ida Hidayah dan alutsista yang modern adalah suatu harapan dan Pelda Luhur Suprapto Sertu Rineu Oktaviani kebanggaan bagi kita semua. Hal ini tentunya sebagai upaya untuk menjawab berbagai tantangan tugas yang Redaktur Pelaksana makin berat ke depan. PNS IV/a Dra. Sri Hatmini Pemikiran dari para pengamat militer yang bersifat Desain Grafis obyektif akan memberi warna dan nuansa terhadap DDS keberadaan TNI Angkatan Udara di masa kini dan di masa depan. Pencerahan ini akan menjadi energi bagi pemimpin Fotografer dalam mengambil kebijakan untuk pengembangan Sertu Wahyu Nugroho Sertu Hendra kekuatan alutsista TNI Angkatan Udara, dari Sabang sampai Merauke dan dari Miangas sampai Pulau Rote. Distribusi Kekuatan udara suatu negara adalah “deterrent effect” Letkol Sus Suharto, S.H. bagi negara lain. Oleh karena itu sebagai alat pertahanan Mayor Adm Ubay Sobari PNS III/C Tiwi Apriani negara, kekuatan udara menjadi condition sin quanon PNS III/A MB Pontjo Priyono (syarat mutlak) dalam mengamankan dan menjaga wilayah Prada Wendi pertahanan udara nasional. -
Liddle Indonesia.Pdf
Constituttional Design 2000 December 9–11, 1999 INDONESIA’S DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION: PLAYING BY THE RULES R. William Liddle The Ohio State University I. Introduction In a process that began in July 1997, Indonesians have created but not yet consolidated a democracy. The turning point or defining moment of the transition was the June 7, 1999 election for Parliament (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, People’s Representative Council), the first democratic general election in Indonesia in nearly half a century. Subsequently, on October 21 and 22, 1999, a new president and vice- president, Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Sukarnoputri, were elected by the 695- member People’s Consultative Assembly (Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat), a body comprising 462 elected and 38 appointed members of Parliament from the armed forces plus 130 indirectly elected regional delegates and 65 appointed representatives of a variety of social groups. The presence of appointed Parliament and Assembly members, particularly the 38 armed forces’ delegates, means according to most scholarly definitions that Indonesia is not yet a full democracy.1 However, the genuinely democratic quality of the parliamentary election, in which 79% of registered voters chose among 48 political parties after a well-publicized campaign largely free of authoritarian constraints, together with almost complete acceptance of the rules of the presidential/vice-presidential selection process, indicate that the threshhold from democracy to authoritarianism has been crossed. The transition was marked by three successive moments of decision, crises or challenges that were faced by elite actors, including civilian and military government officials plus party and societal leaders, that will be discussed in Part III of this paper. -
The Human Rights Consequences of Criminal Defamation Law in Indonesia WATCH
Indonesia HUMAN Turning Critics into Criminals RIGHTS The Human Rights Consequences of Criminal Defamation Law in Indonesia WATCH Turning Critics into Criminals The Human Rights Consequences of Criminal Defamation Law in Indonesia Copyright © 2010 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-624-1 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org May 2010 1-56432-624-1 Turning Critics into Criminals The Human Rights Consequences of Criminal Defamation Law in Indonesia Map of Indonesia ........................................................................................................................ 1 Summary .................................................................................................................................... 2 Methodology ............................................................................................................................. 8 I. Freedom of Expression in Indonesia ....................................................................................... 10 II. The Legal Framework: Criminal Defamation Law in Indonesia ............................................... -
The Stabbing of Wiranto: Growing Trend of Knife Attacks
www.rsis.edu.sg No. 207 – 17 October 2019 RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced with prior permission from RSIS and due recognition to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email to Mr Yang Razali Kassim, Editor RSIS Commentary at [email protected]. The Stabbing of Wiranto: Growing Trend of Knife Attacks By V. Arianti SYNOPSIS The stabbing of Indonesia’s Coordinating Minister for Political, Law, and Security Wiranto highlights that top Indonesian government officials, especially those in charge of security matters, have long been targeted by the groups that support Islamic State (IS). The incident highlights the continuation of the knife attack trend among terrorists and the militant threat arising from Indonesian pro-IS family units. COMMENTARY ON 10 OCTOBER 2019, the chief security minister Wiranto was attacked while on visit to Pandeglang, Banten, a province located at the Western edge of Java. He was stabbed with a kunai, a Japanese knife, in his stomach by 51-year-old Syahril Alamsyah alias Abu Rara, who is affiliated with the largest pro-IS network in Indonesia, Jamaah Ansharud Daulah (JAD). Seconds later, Abu Rara’s wife, 21-year-old Fitri Andriana, stabbed the local police chief who was guarding Wiranto. This incident is unprecedented in the last two decades. Never before had a senior minister been stabbed during a public gathering, and aggravated by a simultaneous attack on the local police chief. -
Open Statement Appointment of General Wiranto
Open Statement Appointment of General Wiranto (Retired) as Minister confirms the deep-rooted impunity in Indonesia July 27, 2016 - Three human rights groups, TAPOL, ETAN, and Watch Indonesia!, today criticized President Joko (Jokowi) Widodo’s appointment of former Indonesian Military (TNI) commander General (Ret.) Wiranto as Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs. Wiranto replaces General (Ret.) Luhut Pandjaitan. Cabinet Secretary Pramono Anung, told the media that Wiranto was appointed “because he had been well- tested and was experienced in resolving various assignments, especially during the transition period from the New Order to the Reform era in the late 1990s.” The cabinet secretary neglected to mention that Wiranto’s experience includes a long and dark record of human rights violations for which he has never been held accountable. “President Jokowi must annul his appointment of Wiranto and instead bring him to justice,” said Basilisa Dengen from Watch Indonesia! John M. Miller for the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN) called the Wiranto appointment “an outrage.” He added “Jokowi has clearly abandoned all pretense to concern about accountability and justice for past human rights crimes.” Wiranto is the most senior Indonesian official indicted in 2003 by the United Nations’ Serious Crimes Unit, which was a section of the Office of the General Prosecutor of Timor-Leste (East Timor). The appointment of Wiranto as a coordinating minister confirms that Jokowi does not consider human rights as a priority of his government. This is not the first time Jokowi appointed military generals with poor human rights records to his administration. Victims and human rights organizations have been waiting for Jokowi to fulfill his election promises to resolve a number of past and present human rights violations. -
Political Institutions in Indonesia Democracy, Decentralisation, Diversity
BRIEFING Continental democracies Political institutions in Indonesia Democracy, decentralisation, diversity SUMMARY Until his downfall in 1998, General Suharto ruled Indonesia with an iron fist. Since then, a series of reforms have transformed his authoritarian 'New Order' into the world's third largest democracy (and largest Muslim democracy). Indonesia has a presidential system in which a directly elected president serves as both head of state and of government. A maximum two-term limit on the presidency helps to ensure a peaceful alternation of power. Also directly elected, the House of Representatives (the lower house of the bicameral People's Consultative Assembly) has asserted itself as a strong and independent institution. There are nine parliamentary parties, none of which holds a majority, obliging the government to seek support from a broad coalition. Despite the success of Indonesia's political reforms, its commitment to democratic values cannot be taken for granted. Although Indonesia has traditionally been a tolerant, multicultural society, a rising tide of Islamic populism threatens to disrupt the delicate balance between the country's Muslim majority and minorities such as Christians and Buddhists. The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has had some success in tackling endemic graft in the country's courts, local governments and Parliament; however, the latter recently voted to weaken the KPK's powers. While trust in democratic institutions declines, the military – whose commitment to democratic values has often been -
Latgab TNI 2014 Why DR
Volume 48 / No. 32 / Mei-Juni 2014 Dwi Bahasa Indonesia www.dmc.kemhan.go.id Inggris www.kemhan.go.id Perwira Harus Memahami Politik Negara Untuk Menjamin Netralitas TNI SDM Sebagai Salah Satu Modal Utama Pertahanan Indonesia Latgab TNI 2014 Why DR. H. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, MA. Deserves the Title of Professor Serambi Redaksi Pembaca WIRA yang budiman, Editorial Kami kembali menyapa para pembaca dengan edisi terbaru WIRA volume 48 Mei – Juni tahun 2014. Dalam edisi ini, tim redaksi mengangkat tema pengukuhan Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono sebagai Profesor. bidang ilmu ketahanan nasional. Disamping itu seiring dengan pelaksanaan pesta demokrasi, maka netralitas Dear Readers, TNI dan Polri menjadi isu yang hangat diperbincangkan. We are back to meet you with new edition of 2014 May- Netralitas ini juga yang menjadi penekanan utama June. In this edition, we bring the inauguration of President Presiden SBY saat commander’s call Perwira Tinggi TNI Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as professor in resilience dan Polri di Kemhan tanggal 2 Juni 2014.. Selain itu, science as the theme of this volume. Furthermore, in line kami juga menyajikan rubrik-rubrik opini dan terkini yang with the main democratic event, the neutrality of TNI and akan memperkaya wawasan pengetahuan para pembaca Polri has been main issue. This neutrality has been also sekalian. instructed by President SBY at commander’s call of TNI Para pembaca WIRA yang kami banggakan, and Polri high ranking officers which took place in 2nd June 2014 at Kemhan. Untuk memperkaya majalah WIRA ini, kami senantiasa mengharapkan partisipasi pembaca mengirimkan tulisan, Moreover, we also bring forward rubrics and latest baik berupa artikel, opini, informasi, tanggapan maupun opinions that will enrich horison and knowledge of all kritik dan saran, ataupun ingin mendapatkan majalah readers.