Intellectuals Against the Left: the Case of France
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Living Together in Europe in the 21 Century
Living together in Europe in the 21st century: the challenge of plurilingual and multicultural communication and dialogue Vivre ensemble au 21e siècle: le défi de la communication et du dialogue plurilingues et pluriculturels Proceedings of the third colloquy of the European Centre for Modern Languages (Graz, Austria, 9-11 December 1998) Actes du troisième colloque du Centre Européen pour les Langues Vivantes (Graz, Autriche, 9-11 décembre 1998) European Centre for Modern Languages in co-operation with Directorate General XXII of the European Commission Centre Européen pour les Langues Vivantes en coopération avec la Direction Générale XXII de la Commission européenne Table of contents Table des matières Preface / Préface ..........................................................................5 Michel Lefranc................................................................................................. 7 Claude Kieffer.................................................................................................. 9 Opening speeches / Discours d’ouverture.................................11 Jacques Pécheur..............................................................................................13 Cornelia Grosser.............................................................................................21 Round tables / Tables rondes ....................................................27 Round table I / Table ronde I........................................................................29 The challenge of plurilingual communication -
Jacob (Jack) Gaster Archive (GASTER)
Jacob (Jack) Gaster Archive (GASTER) ©Bishopsgate Institute Catalogued by Zoe Darani and Barbara Vasey 2008, 2016. 1 Table of Contents Ref Title Page GASTER/1 London County Council Papers 6 GASTER/2 Press Cuttings 17 GASTER/3 Miscellaneous 19 GASTER/4 Political Papers 22 GASTER/5 Personal Papers 35 2 GASTER Gaster, Jacob (Jack) (1907-2007) 1977-1999 Name of Creator: Gaster, Jacob (Jack) (1907-2007) lawyer, civil rights campaigner and communist Extent: 6 Boxes Administrative/Biographical History: Jacob (Jack) Gaster was the twelfth of the thirteen children born to Moses Gaster, the Chief Rabbi of the Sephardic Community of England, and his wife, Leah (daughter of Michael Friedlander, Principal of Jews’ College). Rumanian by birth, Moses Gaster was a distinguished scholar and linguist. He was also keenly active in early twentieth century Zionist politics. Never attracted by Zionism and from 1946, a supporter of a “one state” solution to Israel/Palestine, Gaster still never broke with his father, merely with his father’s ideas, becoming acutely aware of working class politics (and conditions of life) during the General Strike in 1926. While his favourite brother, Francis actually worked as a blackleg bus driver, Jack Gaster sided with the strikers. It was at this time that he joined the Independent Labour Party (ILP), then headed by James Maxton. Despite his admiration for Maxton (who remained with the ILP), as a leading member of the Revolutionary Policy Committee (RPC) within the ILP, Jack Gaster led the 1935 “resignation en masse”, taking a substantial group within the ILP with him to join the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). -
German Hegemony and the Socialist International's Place in Interwar
02_EHQ 31/1 articles 30/11/00 1:53 pm Page 101 William Lee Blackwood German Hegemony and the Socialist International’s Place in Interwar European Diplomacy When the guns fell silent on the western front in November 1918, socialism was about to become a governing force throughout Europe. Just six months later, a Czech socialist could marvel at the convocation of an international socialist conference on post- war reconstruction in a Swiss spa, where, across the lake, stood buildings occupied by now-exiled members of the deposed Habsburg ruling class. In May 1923, as Europe’s socialist parties met in Hamburg, Germany, finally to put an end to the war-induced fracturing within their ranks by launching a new organization, the Labour and Socialist International (LSI), the German Communist Party’s main daily published a pull-out flier for posting on factory walls. Bearing the sarcastic title the International of Ministers, it presented to workers a list of forty-one socialists and the national offices held by them in Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Poland, France, Sweden, and Denmark. Commenting on the activities of the LSI, in Paris a Russian Menshevik émigré turned prominent left-wing pundit scoffed at the new International’s executive body, which he sarcastically dubbed ‘the International Socialist Cabinet’, since ‘all of its members were ministers, ex-ministers, or prospec- tive ministers of State’.1 Whether one accepted or rejected its new status, socialism’s virtually overnight transformation from an outsider to a consummate insider at the end of Europe’s first total war provided the most striking measure of the quantum leap into what can aptly be described as Europe’s ‘social democratic moment’.2 Moreover, unlike the period after Europe’s second total war, when many of socialism’s basic postulates became permanently embedded in the post-1945 social-welfare-state con- European History Quarterly Copyright © 2001 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
La Règle Du Jeu: France and the Paradox of Managed Globalization
La Règle du Jeu: France and the Paradox of Managed Globalization Rawi Abdelal Sophie Meunier Harvard Business School Princeton University [email protected] [email protected] To be presented at the Tenth Biennial Conference of the European Union Studies Association, Montreal, Canada, May 17‐19, 2007. We would like to thank Matthew Baldwin, Pascal Lamy, and Hubert Védrine for sharing their views with us. Thanks also to Suzanne Berger, Jean‐Francois Brakeland, Peter Katzenstein, and Nicolas Véron for their comments on an earlier version of this paper. All errors, of course, remain ours. A previous version of this paper was presented at the 2006 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 30th‐September 3, 2006. La Règle du Jeu: France and the Paradox of Managed Globalization Abstract Globalization is often portrayed as a tidal wave that originated in the US and its policy of laissez‐faire liberalization. This paper argues, however, that globalization is not made only by striking down regulations, but also by making them. During the 1980s, French policy makers began to develop the doctrine of “managed globalization,” or what World Trade Organization (WTO) head Pascal Lamy calls today “globalization by the rules.” Central to the doctrine has been the French – and European – effort to make rules and build the capacity of international organizations such as the European Union (EU), Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), International Monetary Fund (IMF), and WTO. These organizations then would have the authority to govern commercial and financial globalization. These organizations, however, have also used this capacity to promote liberalization. -
French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J
Santa Clara University Scholar Commons History College of Arts & Sciences 9-2013 Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/history Part of the European History Commons, and the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons Recommended Citation Andrews, Naomi J. (2013). Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation. The ourJ nal of Modern History, Vol. 85, No. 3 (September 2013) , pp. 489-527. Published by: The nivU ersity of Chicago Press. Article DOI: 10.1086/668500. Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/668500 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation* Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University What we especially call slavery is only the culminating and pivotal point where all of the suffering of society comes together. (Charles Dain, 1836) The principle of abolition is incontestable, but its application is difficult. (Louis Blanc, 1840) In 1846, the romantic socialist Désiré Laverdant observed that although Great Britain had rightly broken the ties binding masters and slaves, “in delivering the slave from the yoke, it has thrown him, poor brute, into isolation and abandonment. Liberal Europe thinks it has finished its work because it has divided everyone.”1 Freeing the slaves, he thus suggested, was only the beginning of emancipation. -
GD4.1 English.Indd
GLOBAL 4.1 DIALOGUE NEWSLETTER 4 issues a year in 14 languages Simon Clarke – An Inspired Collaboration Sociology as Alain Touraine, a Vocation Kalpana Kannabiran Chile’s Democratic Transition Manuel Antonio Garretón Felipe Arocena, Adriana Marrero and Leandro Pereira, Uruguay’s Social Marcos Supervielle and Mariela Quiñones, Democracy Diego Piñeiro Hungary’s György Csepeli, Eszter Bartha, Rightwing Surge György Lengyel > South Africa’s Women Miners > Côte d’Ivoire’s Mobile Phone Culture > European Sociological Association’s Meeting VOLUME 4 / ISSUE VOLUME 1 / MARCH 2014 http://isa-global-dialogue.net > Final Declaration of ALAS > Social Transformations and the Digital Age > Global Dialogue’s Russian team GD > Editorial Reactions to Neoliberalism ie live in a neoliberal world where markets spread ever wider and ever deeper. Nothing escapes the market as it enters terrains that have for long been protected. From being a crea- Wtive activity labor becomes the source of ever more uncertain survival; from being a medium of exchange money becomes a vehicle for making more money through loans and bets on loans, leading to wealthy creditors at one pole and impoverished debtors at the other; from sustaining life, nature (land, water, air) is subject to the destructive forces of capitalism, and turned into a high-priced commodity, encouraging violent dispossession; once a public good, knowledge is now sold to the highest bidder whether Simon Clarke is interviewed here by two of his students about the extraordinary they be students in search of credentials or corporations in search of subsi- collaboration he cultivated with young and dized research. The commodifi cation of each factor of production feeds the gifted Russian sociologists, producing a cor- commodifi cation of all. -
Beyond the Law of Value: Class Struggle and Socialisttransformation
chapter 11 Beyond the Law of Value: Class Struggle and Socialist Transformation If only one tenth of the human energy that is now expended on reform- ing capitalism, protesting its depredations and cobbling together elect- oral alliances within the arena of bourgeois politics could be channelled instead into an effective revolutionary/transformative political practice, one suspects that the era of socialist globalization would be close at hand … The objective, historical conditions for a socialist transformation are not only ripe; they have become altogether rotten. The global capital- ist order is presently in an advanced state of decay. The vital task today is to bring human consciousness and activity – the ‘subjective factor’ – into correspondence with the urgent need to confront and transform that objective reality.1 Such was my assessment in Global Capitalism in Crisis, published in the imme- diate aftermath of the Great Recession of 2008–09. Nearly a decade on, one must concede perforce that little progress has been made in accomplishing the vital task prescribed. The capitalist class has waged a remarkably success- ful campaign to suppress the emergence of a mass socialist workers movement capable of addressing the ‘triple crisis’ of twenty-first-century capitalism that was outlined in Chapter 1. In the face of persistent global economic malaise, growing inequality, accel- erating climate change, and worsening international relations portending world war, global capitalism has avoided a crisis of legitimacy proportionate to the dangers facing humanity. This anomaly speaks volumes about the power of ideology, as deployed by the main beneficiaries of the capitalist order, to ‘obscure social reality and deflect attention from the demonstrable connec- tions that exist between the capitalist profit system and the multiple crises of the contemporary world’.2 InThe German Ideology, Marx and Engels wrote: ‘The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas: i.e. -
Seminars&Workshops
Seminars&workshops TEMA Arbeta för ett välkomnande Europa med jämlikhet för flyktingar och migranter – kämpa mot alla former av rasism och diskriminering. THEME 9 Working for a Europe of inclusiveness and equality for refugees and migrants – fighting against all forms of racism and discrimination. TEMAN THEMES Forumets seminarier, möten och övriga aktiviteter The seminars, meetings and other activities during the Forum are structured along these themes: har delats in i följande teman: 1 Arbeta för social inkludering och 6 Bygga fackliga strategier för 1 Working for social inclusion and 6 Building labour strategies for sociala rättigheter – välfärd, offentlig anständiga arbeten och värdighet för social rights – welfare, public services decent work and dignity for all – against service och gemensamma tillgångar för alla – mot utsatthet, otrygghet och and common goods for all. precarity and exploitation. alla. exploatering. 2 Working for a sustainable world, 7 Economic alternatives based on 2 Arbeta för en hållbar värld, mat- 7 Ekonomiska alternativ grundade food sovereignity, environmental and peoples needs and rights, for economic suveränitet och för ett rättvist miljö- och på människors behov och rättigheter, climate justice. and social justice. klimatutrymme. för ekonomisk och social rättvisa. 3 Building a democratic and rights 8 Democratizing knowledge, culture, 3 Bygga ett demokratiskt och rättig- 8 Demokratisera kunskap, kultur, based Europe, against “securitarian” education information and mass media. hetsbaserat Europa, mot övervaknings- utbildning, information och massmedia. policies. For participation, openness, samhället och rådande säkerhetspolitik. equality, freedom and minority rights. 9 Working for a Europe of inclu- För deltagande, öppenhet, jämlikhet, 9 Arbeta för ett välkomnande Eu- siveness and equality for refugees and frihet och minoriteters rättigheter. -
THE POLITICAL THOUGHT of the THIRD WORLD LEFT in POST-WAR AMERICA a Dissertation Submitted
LIBERATION FROM THE AFFLUENT SOCIETY: THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE THIRD WORLD LEFT IN POST-WAR AMERICA A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History By Benjamin Feldman, M.A. Washington, DC August 6, 2020 Copyright 2020 by Benjamin Feldman All Rights Reserved ii LIBERATION FROM THE AFFLUENT SOCIETY: THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE THIRD WORLD LEFT IN POST-WAR AMERICA Benjamin Feldman, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Michael Kazin, Ph.D. ABSTRACT This dissertation traces the full intellectual history of the Third World Turn: when theorists and activists in the United States began to look to liberation movements within the colonized and formerly colonized nations of the ‘Third World’ in search of models for political, social, and cultural transformation. I argue that, understood as a critique of the limits of New Deal liberalism rather than just as an offshoot of New Left radicalism, Third Worldism must be placed at the center of the history of the post-war American Left. Rooting the Third World Turn in the work of theorists active in the 1940s, including the economists Paul Sweezy and Paul Baran, the writer Harold Cruse, and the Detroit organizers James and Grace Lee Boggs, my work moves beyond simple binaries of violence vs. non-violence, revolution vs. reform, and utopianism vs. realism, while throwing the political development of groups like the Black Panthers, the Young Lords, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, and the Third World Women’s Alliance into sharper relief. -
Capitalism Has Failed — What Next?
The Jus Semper Global Alliance In Pursuit of the People and Planet Paradigm Sustainable Human Development November 2020 ESSAYS ON TRUE DEMOCRACY AND CAPITALISM Capitalism Has Failed — What Next? John Bellamy Foster ess than two decades into the twenty-first century, it is evident that capitalism has L failed as a social system. The world is mired in economic stagnation, financialisation, and the most extreme inequality in human history, accompanied by mass unemployment and underemployment, precariousness, poverty, hunger, wasted output and lives, and what at this point can only be called a planetary ecological “death spiral.”1 The digital revolution, the greatest technological advance of our time, has rapidly mutated from a promise of free communication and liberated production into new means of surveillance, control, and displacement of the working population. The institutions of liberal democracy are at the point of collapse, while fascism, the rear guard of the capitalist system, is again on the march, along with patriarchy, racism, imperialism, and war. To say that capitalism is a failed system is not, of course, to suggest that its breakdown and disintegration is imminent.2 It does, however, mean that it has passed from being a historically necessary and creative system at its inception to being a historically unnecessary and destructive one in the present century. Today, more than ever, the world is faced with the epochal choice between “the revolutionary reconstitution of society at large and the common ruin of the contending classes.”3 1 ↩ George Monbiot, “The Earth Is in a Death Spiral. It will Take Radical Action to Save Us,” Guardian, November 14, 2018; Leonid Bershidsky, “Underemployment is the New Unemployment,” Bloomberg, September 26, 2018. -
Ligue Communiste SP in Defense of the Democratic Europe As Well
' . JULY _13, 1973 25 CENTS VOLUME 37/NUMBER 27 A SOCIALIST NEWSWEEKLY/PUBLISHED IN THE INTERESTS OF THE WORKING PEOPLE Worldwide solidaritY- needed rotest out awi rene revo utionists Paris, June 21. Club-swinging cops charge antifascist demonstrators. Ligue Cornrnuniste, one of the organizers of the demonstration, has been outlawed by French government. See pages 3-6. By CAROLINE LUND jailing of two Ligue Communiste SP in defense of the democratic Europe as well. For instance, the PARIS, July 5- The June 28 gov leaders, Alain Krivine and Pierr:e rights of any of the far-left orga daily Le Soir in Brussels ran a ernment deeree outlawing the Rousset, has come from the entire nizations, (groups to the left of the banner headline "Krivine Impulte" Ligue Communiste (Communist spectrum of the French left and Communist Party), is unprece ( Krivine Indicted). League), French section of the working-class organizations. dented. Alain Krivine, presidential can Fourth International, stemming The extent of this opposition waP The banning of the Ligue, and ~idate of the Ligue in the 1969 The Militant has sent staH writer dramatically expressed here last the rising protest against it, has French elections, was indicted Caroline Lund to Paris to provide night as 10,000 to 15,000 peo had a major impact on French under the "antiwrecker law" passed our readers with firsthand cover ple attended a mass protest meet politics. This was reflected in a in 1970. This law enables the gov~ ing called for the defense of civil TV statement by Prime Minister ernment to hold a leader of an age of the struggle against the liberties.