DOCSLIB.ORG

Alliance for Workers' Liberty Day Schools On

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Alliance for Workers' Liberty Day Schools On Dayschools: Marxists, the Labour Party and the labour movement ALLIANCE FOR WORKERS' 1974: Labour returns to office on back of miners' strike forcing Tories to an early election. At first 1.L IBBasicER ideasTY from our tradition: united front and repeals many Tory measures. From late 1975, amidst workers' government (texts at end of collection) economic crisis, Labour government turns sharp right DAY SCHOOLS ON MARXISTS AND (wage controls, IMF "rescue plan" involving big social 2. The history of the Labour Party cuts). Labour left in disarray following the defeat of 3.THE New Labour:LABOUR where P itAR cameTY from and what it did the nationalise cause it has attached itself to in the 4.29 The Septemb Corbyner surge2007 and 6the Octob perspectiveser 2007 it opens up 1975 referendum on British withdrawal from the European Union. Please read the articles in this bundle, and also the pamphlet "The Trade Union Movement, New Labour, 1979: Tories return, with hard-line programme and Working-Class Representation". carried through consistently (Thatcher). Rank and file revolt explodes in Labour Party, demanding "never again" a Labour government subservient to capital CONTENTS like the 1974-9 one. Radical measures pushed through to democratise Labour Party. Union leaders, Chronology to 1997 dissatisfied with Labour leadership after the government policies of 1976-9, and still fairly 1966: from "What We Are And What We Must confident of their own power, go along with the left. Become" 1970: Revolutionaries and the general election 1981: A chunk of Labour right wing splits away to form SDP (will later merge with old Liberal Party to 1980: "The last Labour government was a bosses' form Liberal Democrats). government. We need a workers' government" 1982: At a meeting with Labour leadership at Bishops 1996: "The Labour Party in perspective" Stortford, the major union leaders agree to fight to 1997: "The crisis of New Labour" push back the left. 1998: "Should socialists stand against Labour?" 1983: In the wake of the Falklands war, Labour loses heavily in the general election. Ex-leftist Neil Kinnock 2001: "The unions, Labour, and socialist politics" and old Labour right-winger Roy Hattersley elected as Summary of Corbyn surge/ Radek on workers' government/ new Labour leadership. Many, including on the left, Trotsky on united front hail this as a "dream ticket". But Kinnock works CHRONOLOGY steadily to reassert leadership control in the Labour Party and dump left policies. 1945: Labour gains a large and solid majority of working-class electorate and forms a government 1985: Year-long miners' strike defeated. After this (1945-51) which carries through radical reforms (as epochal defeat, employers smash union organisation well as using troops against strikers, secretly in other previously strong areas (national developing British nuclear weapons, joining NATO, newspapers, docks) and union leaders proclaim etc.) retreat "("new realism"). Early 1950s: Big leftish movement in the constituency 1992: After a further election defeat, Kinnock is Labour Parties ("Bevanism"), though solid right-wing replaced as Labour leader by the old-style right- control of the big unions enables the leadership to winger John Smith. Smith pushes through limited defeat all challenges at Labour Party conferences. measures to reduce union influence in the Labour 1960-1: Crisis over unilateral nuclear disarmament Party (one member, one vote, rather than decisions policy. The right-wing leadership emerges triumphant by committees of delegates, to select parliamentary but shaken. Labour Party Young Socialists (launched candidates). in 1959) grows and radicalises (almost all the 1994: Smith dies. A labour movement by now heavily revolutionaries active at the time are in it). demoralised elects right-winger Tony Blair as his 1963: Former "Bevanite" Harold Wilson succeeds the successor. Blair moves quickly and symbolically to hard-line right-winger Hugh Gaitskell as Labour Party ditch Labour's Clause Four (notional commitment "to leader. Labour's profile tilts a bit more leftish. secure for the workers by hand or by brain the full fruits of their industry... upon the basis of the 1964-70: Labour government. At first enjoys wide common ownership of the means of production", working-class support, despite only scanty reforms. previously printed on all Labour Party membership Later becomes discredited (support for US in cards). Vietnam, attempt to push through anti-union laws, etc.). Meanwhile there is sizeable extra-Labour 1997: Blair wins election with a promise to retain the radicalisation - industrial militancy, students - and Tories' anti-union laws. He does that and alos follows many Labour party activists drop out or cease largely Thatcherite policies on other fronts. Blair attending Labour meetings. declares: "I want a situation more like the Democrats and Republicans in the US. People don’t even 1970-74: Returned Tory government, at first with question for a single moment that the Democrats are proto-Thatcherite hard line. Big industrial battles. a pro-business party. They should not be asking that Unions shift towards the left in the politics inside the question about New Labour." (Financial Times, 16 Labour Party. Some revival of local Labour Parties. January 1997). Blairite Stephen Byers floats the idea 1 of an open and complete break of Labour from the Revolutionary Communist Party after that. The unions. leadership may occasionally still be heard to say something similar. But side by side with this they do Instead, at the 1997 conference Labour adopts new (and fail to do) things, and adopt positions which rules called "Partnership in Power". The union say at place this view in question. conference remains (at 50%, rather than nearly 90% before), and unions can still put some motions (only They talk about the 'socialist' consciousness of the four), but conference heavily downgraded in favour of British labour movement; they talk about the future an impermeable "National Policy Forum". in terms of a 'stages theory' of development, with the mass revolutionary Bolshevik party emerging, if at all, at the end of the long, long tunnel ahead; they 1966: FROM "WHAT WE ARE AND WHAT WE MUST completely exaggerate the weakness of the BECOME" bourgeoisie and its state in such a way that clearly it would not need the organisation of a proletarian 'counter-state', the combat party, to defeat them. (All well and good... if true.) And finally, as we think the "CRISIS OF LEADERSHIP" last section shows, they have abandoned all talk of seeing ourselves as an independent grouping, striving to function in the living processes as a conscious, The experience of the working class in Russia, active force; they settle down to wait passively in the Germany and Spain led the Trotskyist movement (as Labour Party. From this flows their glorification of the earlier the Communist International) to declare that Labour Party and the existing labour movement. We only the construction of democratic centralist parties, must consider these things in detail. fully grounded on the theory and practice of Marxism/Leninism, could lead the class to power. It denounced those who said there could be an absolute THE LABOUR PARTY AND SOCIALISM maturity of the working class which could lead to an automatic transition to power. The most magnificent ILLUSIONS IN THE LABOUR PARTY risings in Germany, Spain (and to some extent Britain) had been led to frustration and defeat by their own conservative apparatus. The fight therefore The document issued March 1966 begins by stating was to overcome the 'crisis of leadership' in the that 18 months of Wilson's government has confirmed working class - to create parties that would embody the analysis made by... "The Marxist Tendency of the the historical interests of the working class. role which would be played by the Labour government This is our task: this task will be completed or the in a period of difficulties for British capitalism..." working class in the future will go down to defeat in Later, on page 8, it adds: "One thing has been Britain as in Europe. There must be no equivocation demonstrated beyond possibility of refutation. The here, no easy, false optimism here. The issues must illusions in certain so-called Marxist circles that this be stated clearly. The outcome of the future battles was a left Labour government, in the early will only be victory, if the advanced layers can intoxication of Labour victory, have been dissolved by organise themselves into a class-conscious Marxist the realities of events." party. Yes, well, who were those people who fostered The Labour Party, Clause IV and all [Clause IV, illusions in a left Labour government? A document adopted in 1918 and scrapped in 1995, committed issued early in 1964 by the RSL, and written (we the Labour Party - on paper - to common ownership believe) by the then General Secretary (Jimmy of the means of production], is an abortion from the Deane) says [The Labour Party in Perspective, p 3]: point of view of the needs of the working class. "It is clear that there is the possibility of a Labour History will view the Labour Party as an organism government being elected in the next election. This through which a détente was established for a government would come to power in conditions of an number of decades between the partially roused upswing in the economy which until the early part of proletariat and the bourgeoisie in the centre of the 1963 had been more or less stagnant and which, in British Empire, in the period before the world relation to the other European countries had fallen pressures of capitalism upset the balance. It will behind. This is true even though this upswing is record one of two outcomes from this. Either a threatened by a balance of payment crisis and beating down of the working class, or a inflationary tendencies.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Jacob (Jack) Gaster Archive (GASTER)
    Jacob (Jack) Gaster Archive (GASTER) ©Bishopsgate Institute Catalogued by Zoe Darani and Barbara Vasey 2008, 2016. 1 Table of Contents Ref Title Page GASTER/1 London County Council Papers 6 GASTER/2 Press Cuttings 17 GASTER/3 Miscellaneous 19 GASTER/4 Political Papers 22 GASTER/5 Personal Papers 35 2 GASTER Gaster, Jacob (Jack) (1907-2007) 1977-1999 Name of Creator: Gaster, Jacob (Jack) (1907-2007) lawyer, civil rights campaigner and communist Extent: 6 Boxes Administrative/Biographical History: Jacob (Jack) Gaster was the twelfth of the thirteen children born to Moses Gaster, the Chief Rabbi of the Sephardic Community of England, and his wife, Leah (daughter of Michael Friedlander, Principal of Jews’ College). Rumanian by birth, Moses Gaster was a distinguished scholar and linguist. He was also keenly active in early twentieth century Zionist politics. Never attracted by Zionism and from 1946, a supporter of a “one state” solution to Israel/Palestine, Gaster still never broke with his father, merely with his father’s ideas, becoming acutely aware of working class politics (and conditions of life) during the General Strike in 1926. While his favourite brother, Francis actually worked as a blackleg bus driver, Jack Gaster sided with the strikers. It was at this time that he joined the Independent Labour Party (ILP), then headed by James Maxton. Despite his admiration for Maxton (who remained with the ILP), as a leading member of the Revolutionary Policy Committee (RPC) within the ILP, Jack Gaster led the 1935 “resignation en masse”, taking a substantial group within the ILP with him to join the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB).
    [Show full text]
  • Contents: a Call to All Communists
    Communist Theoretical Journal — Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement Contents: A Call to All Communists - The Economic Crisis (Pt.2) - Should We Stand in Elections? — Lessons of the Falklands War — Le Cornmuniste: From Millerandism to Mitterandism - Reviews on: Sweet Freedom and Ethiopia — Letters Number Three Price: £1.00 TheLeninist Communist Theoretical Journal — Number Three Editorial Statement page 1 A Call to All Communists Correspondence Our call for genuine communists to join the Communist Party of The Leninist, Great Britain and the world communist movement. And four BCM Box 928 questions to the New Communist Party, the Workers Party, the London WC1N 3XX Revolutionary Communist Group, Proletarian, the John Maclean Collective, and Straight Left. Finance Frank Grafton page 6 We need donations — large and The Economic Crisis and its Political small. Each edition costs around £1,000; help us to ensure that Effects in Britain (Part Two) the next edition comes out and Part two deals with the developing crisis of imperialism, the post- that we can expand our second World War developments, the position of the medium activities. Take out a monthly developed capitalist countries, and finally the growth of class or weekly standing order. struggles in Britain. Payable to The Leninist Magazine' Co-op Bank P.O. James Marshall page 21 Box 163, 110 Leman Street, Should We Stand in Elections? London El 8HQ, account What position should communists have towards the Labour Party? number 501 89913, Bank How should communists approach election campaigns? We put the sorting code 08-03-08. Write to Leninist position on questions which have become major sources of us to let us know you are contention within the Communist Party.
    [Show full text]
  • Leninist Communist Theoretical Journal — Spring 1982, Number Two
    Communist Theoretical Journal — Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement Contents: The Communist Party Congress - The Polish Crisis — Afghanistan - The Economic Crisis — Feminism or Class Struggle? Reviews on: The Labour Party, Ireland, and Austria 1918-34 — Letters Spring 1982 No.2 Price: 1:1.00 'Leninist Communist Theoretical Journal — Spring 1982, Number Two Editorial Statement page 1 After the Congress A look at the 37th Party Congress of the Communist Party, its Correspondence trends, its significance. Did the left of the party advance or retreat? Which way forward and how to fight opportunism'? The Leninist, P.O. Box 429, London, NW 11. James Marshall page 4 The Polish Crisis, The Role of Imperialism, Finance and the Fight for We need donations — large and small. Each edition costs Proletarian Internationalism around £1,000; help us to The background to the economic and political crisis in Poland, how it ensure that the next edition came about and why counter-revolution became a threat. We outline comes out and that we can why both the right-opportunist and centrist trends in the Communist expand our activities. Take out Party do not have the answers, and why they both fail to carry out a monthly or weekly standing true Proletarian Internationalism. order. Payable to 'The Leninist Magazine' Co-op Bank P.O James Marshall page 18 Box 163, 110 Leman Street, The Paradox of Afghanistan London E1 8HQ, account number 501 89913, Bank The Afghan Revolution, the split in the PDPA, and the role of Amin. Why the Soviet Union intervened. The differences over the question sorting code 08-03-08.
    [Show full text]
  • As the Number of Kids Living in Poverty Rockets to 4.1 Million, Corbyn Warns
    PAGE 8 SOLOMON HUGHES: LABOUR RIGHT ARE TAKING THE PARTY BACKWARDS FOR PEACE AND SOCIALISM CINEMA: A WRINKLE IN TIME PAGE 13 £1 Friday March 23 2018 Proudly owned by our readers | Incorporating the Daily Worker | Est 1930 | morningstaronline.co.uk As the number of kids living in poverty rockets to 4.1 million, Corbyn warns May’s government BRITAIN’S HAD ENOUGH Labour launches local elections campaign with attack on damaging Tory austerity by Marcus Barnett ain’s youngsters and represents Mr Corbyn accused the Tories “Labour in government an 100,000 increase on last year. of demanding that voters “pay would do things very differ- The statistics were branded more for less” by imposing a ently. And Labour councils JEREMY CORBYN castigated the “shocking” by shadow work and 6 per cent rise in council tax. across the country are doing Tory government yesterday for a pensions secretary Margaret He pointed out that, since things very differently right litany of failings as official figures Greenwood, while charities and 2010, over 400 libraries, 600 now.” revealed that almost a third of anti-poverty campaigners said youth centres and a fifth of all Mr Corbyn noted the differ- British children live in poverty. they were a sign that government women’s refuges have been ence between Tory and Labour Launching his party’s cam- policies had not been helped. closed. local authorities in Greater paign for the May local elections TUC general secretary Frances On top of that, 1.2 million Manchester, where Salford’s in Tory-controlled Trafford, the O’Grady said: “If you work hard, elderly and disabled people are Labour council pays staff the Labour leader went on the offen- you shouldn’t have to worry not receiving the necessary living wage and Tory-controlled sive against Conservative cuts and about making ends meet, but care they are entitled to.
    [Show full text]
  • Weekly Worker 940 November 29 2012 3 EGYPT
    Paper of the Communist Party of Great Britain weekly Lawrence Parker’s book: n Letters and debate workern Pharaoh Mursi llluminating the factional n Workers Power struggles of the CPGB 1945-91 n Rotherham fostering No 940 Thursday November 29 2012 Towards a Communist Party of the European Union www.cpgb.org.uk £1/€1.10 The madness of a dying system weekly 2 November 29 2012 940 worker LETTERS Letters may have been version of socialist revolution? Not beforehand, avoided buildings of of revolutionaries on campus would Respect, but this has been sidelined shortened because of only will we all be dead by then: the political significance and proceeded be an important step in this direction. by our magnificent, positive space. Some names human race itself is likely to have down almost empty streets, as it Callum Williamson campaign with the Respect battle may have been changed become extinct as well. meandered away from central London London bus, advertising truck and campaign Andrew Northall south of the river Thames. The rally groups in every ward. SPGB enigma email in Kennington Park did not go as the Loopy Polling conducted in the Croydon I was pleased to see Jon D White’s NUS would have hoped. President The Socialist Workers Party’s habit North by-election suggests that Lee quite reflective letter about the Sort it out Liam Burns was heckled and forced of bending in the wind to every Jasper, the Respect candidate, is Socialist Party of Great Britain, and I must thank Heather Downs to leave the stage.
    [Show full text]
  • From Mainstream to Minor and Back: the Irish Labour Party, 1987–1992 SHAUN Mcdaid & KACPER REKAWEK ABSTRACT This Article C
    University of Huddersfield Repository McDaid, Shaun and Rekawek, Kacper From Mainstream to Minor and Back: The Irish Labour Party 1987-1992 Original Citation McDaid, Shaun and Rekawek, Kacper (2010) From Mainstream to Minor and Back: The Irish Labour Party 1987-1992. Irish Political Studies, 25 (4). pp. 625-642. ISSN 0790-7184 This version is available at http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/13741/ The University Repository is a digital collection of the research output of the University, available on Open Access. Copyright and Moral Rights for the items on this site are retained by the individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full items free of charge; copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided: • The authors, title and full bibliographic details is credited in any copy; • A hyperlink and/or URL is included for the original metadata page; and • The content is not changed in any way. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/ From Mainstream to Minor and Back: The Irish Labour Party, 1987–1992 SHAUN McDAID & KACPER REKAWEK ABSTRACT This article charts the Irish Labour Party’s (ILP) journey from a minor to mainstream political party between 1987 and 1992. This is arguably the most turbulent period in the party’s electoral history, when the ILP performed significantly below its average result, before making unprecedented electoral gains.
    [Show full text]
  • Saothar Index.Pdf
    .~ . -. ,i. '. J , . ,t'_· "';.. .,. ~ I 7~ l. t /' .'" .,' "'j - 1.'.'- .. ". " .. ;pubJi~h~d.~ith th~i~'~;poi~ bL 'l!!riMi!!J ," ..... .... >MSPc .' '". l'- ~ -~ ... ~ • I ' ? " Cu~ann Stair Lu{'hl Saothair na hEireann Journal ~f the Irish Labour History ~Iety Saothar 3 An Index to Sabthar 1973-2000 ISSN 1393-9831 SA01~hAR 17 sAorhAR 18 ,,' -An Index To 'I I I.' SAOTHf\R Journal Of The Irish Labour' History Society "".,..,.:.: And Other ILHS Publications, 1973-2000 ') . "' :~" ;. ~,:' compiled by Francis Devine , .,,- :' Irish Labour History Society: Saothar Studies 1, 2000 . "~.: " . ~ " "'-::.. .... 11 l' ~ first published by the Irish Labour History Society Beggars Bush, Haddington Road, Dublin 4, Ireland' September 2000 ISSN \393-9831 with the support of MSF designed and printed by Elo Press Ltd., Dublin 8 front cover: . The typeface design for Saothar was by Peter Biddulph, a graduate of the National College Of Art And' Design. Saothar 5, 1979 was the first appearance of this typeface in print. , :" . • <~; .. back cover: Ancient trade banner of the Dublin Letter Press Printers, painted in the early nineteenth century and already 'well worn in 1875 when £20 had to be spent preparing for the O'Connell Centenary; Lii~t· public appearance was Connolly Commemmoration, May 1930. Theme of Christmas card issued by Dublin's Typographical Building Society in 1950s. Illustrated inside cover of Saothar 12, 1997. Contents Introduction 5 Saothar And Its Contribution To Irish Historical Studies by 1. 1. Lee 8 Saothar, The Irish Labour History
    [Show full text]
  • Political Pseudonyms
    BRITISH POLITICAL PSEUDONYMS Suggested additions and corrections always welcome 20th CENTURY Adler, Ruth Ray Waterman Ajax Montagu Slater [in Left Review, which he helped create & edited in 1934] Ajax Junior Guy A Aldred (in the Agnostic Journal). Allen, C Chimen Abramsky [CP National Jewish Committee] Allen, Peter Salme Dutt [née Murrik aka Pekkala; married to Rajani Palme Dutt] Anderson, Irene Constance Haverson [George Lansbury's granddaughter, Comintern courier] Andrews, R F Andrew Rothstein [CPGB] Arkwright, John Randall Swingler [CP writer] Ashton, Teddy Charles Allen Clarke. 1863-1935. [Lancashire dialect novelist and socialist] Atticus William MacCall [pioneer anarchist, reviewer for The National Reformer] Aurelius, Marcus Walter Padley [author of Am I My Brother’s Keeper? Gollancz 1945; Labour MP and President of USDAW] Avis Alfred Sherman (before he became a close advisor to Margaret Thatcher, he had been in theCP in the 1940s, and used this name to write on Jewish issues) Barclay, P J John Archer (Trotskyist civil servant) Baron, Alexander Alec Bernstein [novelist] Barrett, George George Ballard [anarchist] Barrister, A Mavis Hill [Justice in England, LBC, 1938] Thurso, Berwick Morris Blythman [Scottish radical poet, singer-songwriter] B V James Thomson [Radical poet and reviewer] Bell, Lily Mrs Bream Pearce [in Keir Hardie’sLabour Leader] Bennet or Bennett Goldfarb [ECCI rep. to GB & Ireland; Head of Anglo-American Secretariat, C.I.; married Rose Cohen, CPGB. Both shot in 1937] Aka Lipec, Petrovsky, Breguer, Humboldt Berwick,
    [Show full text]
  • Engineering Your Own Soul: Theory and Practice in Communist Biography and Autobiography & Communism
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by RMIT Research Repository Engineering your own soul: theory and practice in communist biography and autobiography & Communism: a love story An exegesis and creative project submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Jeffrey William Sparrow BA Lit (Hons) School of Creative Media Portfolio of Design and Social Context RMIT University January 2007 1 Declaration I certify that: • except where due acknowledgement is made, the work is mine alone; • the work has not been submitted previously, in whole or in part, to qualify for any other academic award; • the content of the thesis is the result of work which has been carried out since the official commencement date of the approved research program; • any editorial work, paid or unpaid, carried out by a third party is acknowledged. Signed ___________________________ Jeff Sparrow, January 2007 2 Abstract The creative project Communism: a love story is a piece of literary non- fiction: a biography of the communist intellectual Guido Carlo Luigi Baracchi (1887-1975). It investigates Baracchi’s privileged childhood as the son of the government astronomer and a wealthy heiress, his career as a university activist, his immersion in Melbourne’s radical and artistic milieu during the First World War, his role in the formation of the Communist Party of Australia, his changing attitudes to communism during the 1920s and 1930s while in Australia and overseas and his eventual identification with the Trotskyist movement. The project explores the different strands of thought within Australian communism, the impact of Stalinisation on the movement both in Australia and overseas, and the personal and political difficulties confronting facing anti-Stalinist radicals.
    [Show full text]
  • A Rhetorical History of Gay Liberation and Socialist Feminism in the New American Movement Between 1970 and 1980
    Syracuse University SURFACE Theses - ALL May 2019 “A growing excitement that ‘something was happening’”: A Rhetorical History of Gay Liberation and Socialist Feminism in the New American Movement between 1970 and 1980 Chris DiCesare Syracuse University Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/thesis Part of the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation DiCesare, Chris, "“A growing excitement that ‘something was happening’”: A Rhetorical History of Gay Liberation and Socialist Feminism in the New American Movement between 1970 and 1980" (2019). Theses - ALL. 319. https://surface.syr.edu/thesis/319 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses - ALL by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Abstract This project charts a rhetorical history of the New American Movement’s (NAM) organizational debates on gay liberation and socialist feminism between 1970 and 1980. NAM was a socialist feminist organization active across the 1970s in the United States that sought to create a mass movement through a conception of a particularly “American Socialism.” Through a periodization of NAM’s archival history, I highlight how NAM members were able to work in coalition with a wide range of individuals and groups both within and outside of the organization to build a socialist feminist conception of gay liberation. Drawing on original archival research performed at four archives in the United States in collections of speeches, internal memos, personal and organizational correspondence, newsletters, and discussion notes, I argue that NAM’s adoption of a socialist feminist approach to gay liberation augments “siloed” rhetorical approaches to social movements in the 1970s in as much as NAM members, as well as their theories and practice, worked out of, within, and with autonomous liberation movements.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction: the Rise and Decline of British Bolshevism
    Notes Introduction: the Rise and Decline of British Bolshevism 1. C. Bambery ‘Introduction’, in B. Pearce and M. Woodhouse, A History of Communism In Britain (London: Bookmarks, 1995 edn), p. iv. 2. D. Gluckstein The Tragedy of Bukharin (London: Pluto Press, 1994), pp. 171–81. 3. R. Darlington The Political Trajectory of J. T. Murphy (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1998), p. 136. 4. K. McDermott, ‘The history of the Comintern in the light of new docu- ments’, International Communism and the Communist International 1919–1943 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998), p. 33. 5. E. Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes: the Short Twentieth Century 1914–1991 (London: Michael Joseph, 1994), p. 71. 6. S. Fielding, ‘British Communism: Interesting but irrelevant?’, Labour History Review 60/2 (1995), pp. 120–3; also J. Saville, ‘The “Crisis” in Labour History: a Further Comment’, Labour History Review 61/3 (1996), pp. 322–8. A. Thorpe, ‘Comintern “Control” of the Communist Party of Great Britain’, English Historical Review 63/452 (1998), pp. 610–36; J. Klugmann, History of the Communist Party of Great Britain: Volume 1. Formation and Early Years 1919–1924 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1969); J. Klugmann, History of the Communist Party of Great Britain: Volume 2. The General Strike 1925–1926 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1969); F. King and G. Matthews (eds), About Turn: the Communist Party and the Outbreak of the Second World War (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1990). 7. P. Anderson, ‘Communist Party History’, in R. Samuel (ed.), People’s History and Socialist Theory (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1981), pp. 145–57; K.
    [Show full text]
  • Dfa-Final Pdf
    ARCHIVES OF WORKING-CLASS LIFE THE LABOUR MOVEMENT, WORKING CLASS CULTURES AND CONFLICT IN NORTHERN IRELAND SINCE 1945 A Department of Foreign Affairs Reconciliation Fund supported scoping study, in collaboration between Queen’s University Belfast and Trademark (ICTU) Belfast. ‘Indeed there are substantial grounds for ARCHIVES OF the argument that social class rather than ethnoreligious affiliation WORKING-CLASS should be the principal author of political belief and practice in Northern LIFE Ireland. Socio-economic status certainly has THE LABOUR MOVEMENT, WORKING rather greater bearing than ethnoreligious CLASS CULTURES AND CONFLICT IN distinction upon the distribution of essential NORTHERN IRELAND SINCE 1945 life chances within the six counties. Given the nature of the inequalities within Introduction and Acknowledgements contemporary Northern Irish society one would This project is the result of a collaboration between the Institute for not have to be a raving Collaborative Research in the Humanities at Queen’s University Belfast reductionist to anticipate and the Irish Congress of Trade Unions’ research, training and anti- that social class might sectarian/anti-sectarian unit, Trademark, supported by funding from the constitute the most Irish Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA). The project entailed a series important source of of ‘Queen’s in the Community’ events on working-class history, held in political identity in the communities throughout Belfast. It also supported a conference, on province.’1 trade unionism and the future
    [Show full text]