Communist Theoretical Journal — Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement

Contents: A Call to All Communists - The Economic Crisis (Pt.2) - Should We Stand in Elections? — Lessons of the Falklands War — Le Cornmuniste: From Millerandism to Mitterandism - Reviews on: Sweet Freedom and Ethiopia — Letters

Number Three Price: £1.00 TheLeninist Communist Theoretical Journal — Number Three

Editorial Statement page 1 A Call to All Communists Correspondence Our call for genuine communists to join the Communist Party of The Leninist, Great Britain and the world communist movement. And four BCM Box 928 questions to the New Communist Party, the Workers Party, the London WC1N 3XX Revolutionary Communist Group, Proletarian, the John Maclean Collective, and Straight Left. Finance Frank Grafton page 6 We need donations — large and The Economic Crisis and its Political small. Each edition costs around £1,000; help us to ensure that Effects in Britain (Part Two) the next edition comes out and Part two deals with the developing crisis of imperialism, the post- that we can expand our second World War developments, the position of the medium activities. Take out a monthly developed capitalist countries, and finally the growth of class or weekly standing order. struggles in Britain. Payable to The Leninist Magazine' Co-op Bank P.O. James Marshall page 21 Box 163, 110 Leman Street, Should We Stand in Elections? London El 8HQ, account What position should communists have towards the Labour Party? number 501 89913, Bank How should communists approach election campaigns? We put the sorting code 08-03-08. Write to Leninist position on questions which have become major sources of us to let us know you are contention within the Communist Party. crediting our account. Bill Cobban page 24 Subscriptions Lessons of the Falklands War Britain and Ireland Four What caused the Falklands Crisis'? We argue that Argentina was not issues (*one year) £5.00 Single fighting a war of national liberation or reunification and that the issue £1.00 (plus 25p. postage) tasks of communists in both Britain and Argentina should have been Institutions four issues £10.00 to work for the defeat of ones 'own' ruling class. All Other Countries Four Le Communiste (with an introduction by issues (one year) Surface Mail Michael McGeehan) page 27 £6.00 Surface Mail (single From Millerandism to Mitterandism. issues) £1.00 (plus 50p. postage) Institutions four issues £12.00 We reprint two articles from Le Communiste, a paper fighting to win the Communist Party of France back to Marxism-Leninism. The Air Mail•(sealed) Four issues articles should put paid to any illusions maintained by communists in £10.00 Single issue t1.00 (plus Britain about the PCF and the Mitterand government. £1.50 postage) Institutions four issues £20.00 Cheques, Postal Orders and page 29 International Money Orders: Reviews payable to The Leninist Liz Culvert — Women's Freedom and Sweet Publications. Overseas payments not using IMO add Revolution equivalent of £1.00 to cover Joseph Wright — Whose Revolution in bank charges. Ethiopia?

Copyright September 1982

Printed by Morning Litho Printers Ltd. (TM.) Published by The Leninist Publications Letters page 31 ISSN 0262-16,19 EDITORIAL STATEMENT A Call to all Communists

We call upon all genuine communists to join the Communist Party of Great Britain; in particular those in the New Communist Party, the Workers Party, the Revolutionary Communist Group, Proletarian, and the John MacLean Collective. We ask these groups and Straight Left to answer the following questions.

1) What is the Communist Party of Great Britain? Will you join This group, like the Appeal Group, a split from the CP in 1971, it? and the Vanguard Group, a split from the NCP in 1979, (both 2) Is organisational unity with elements under the influence of now defunct), is left-centrist, pulled to revolutionary politics but opportunism always incorrect? at the same time unable to make the break from a tailist, 3) Is there a world communist movement? Who is in it? completely unscientific approach to the policies of the Soviet 4) What stage are we now in? party and state. Monstrously, because of our comradely And, each tendency is asked to outline its general criticism of the Polish party we are labelled "anti-Soviet". perspectives. We will publish their statements in the next edition like all left-centrists will inevitably face the choice, of our journal. They are sure to provoke great interest in the Proletarian back to the right or forward to Leninism; their present position revolutionary movement, initiating debates not least inside the is unstable and subjective and cannot survive in its present form various tendencies mentioned above. This•is an integral part of our open ideological struggle, which would, as we stated in the for long. The Revolutionary Communist Group: it emerged from the Founding Statement of The Leninist, have the healthy "effect of Revolutionary Opposition which was expelled from the drawing new forces into the party." But in order to be won to the International Socialists (now SWP). On its formation in 1974 it party these tendencies must be broken from their sectarianism; based itself on Trotskyism, a petty-bourgeois ideology from this we feel can be done only through comradely discussion and which it only broke in late 1976. Since then it has come to debate. recognise the Soviet Union, Poland, Cuba etc. as socialist states To build a healthy party, opposed to revisionism, with an important role to play in the struggle against opportunism and sectarianism, the slide to liquidationism must imperialism. But this view is not the result of anything other be firmly halted. It is for this reason that we are making our call than a Little England anti-imperialism, a view which leads the not only to forces outside the party, but also to the comrades RCG to place'all their eggs in the 'anti-imperialist struggle' and around Straight Left, for it represents the most dangerous to dismiss the proletarian class struggle in the advanced exponent of liquidationism because it does so from the left. capitalist countries and the world communist movement. Before continuing, let's have a brief detour and examine each The John Maclean Collective: they call themselves a group of of the six groups in turn. For although wanting them all to non-aligned Marxist-Leninists, who recognise the necessity to orientate themselves to the party, we have many disagreements build a revolutionary vanguard communist party. They have no with them to overcome before we can win them to Leninism. publications of which we are aware, but from what we The New Communist Party: a product of the centrist opposition, understand they are a group of revolutionaries who have broken it split from the party in 1977. It adopts an extremely narrow, with Maoism because of its betrayal of socialism and its even arrogant attitude towards all other revolutionary groups, capitulation to imperialism. this not being the result of its strength but of its weakness, a shield to protect its rapidly declining membership from the The Workers Party: it split from the Workers Revolutionary attentions of other groups. Having no sound theoretical basis, Party in 1979 in order to uphold the "revolutionary heritage of internal unity and cohesion can only be maintained through Lenin and Trotsky." But since then its position has evolved, bureaucratic-centralism — expulsions have thus become now referring to "Trotskyism" with inverted commas, as if common place. Its leadership has the insular and even paranoid there was no such thing as Trotskyism. psychology so characteristic of a sect. Despite this, because its So what are we confronted by? Straight Left is in the Party, it traditions and world orientation are determined by its placing is centrist-liquidationist. The New Communist Party is centrist, itself in the world communist movement, it must be considered part of the world communist movement but sectarian. part of it. Proletarian is left-centrist, and like the NCP, part of the world Straight Left: After the NCP split the remaining centrist communist movement and sectarian. The other groups we opposition were promised a monthly paper to rival The New would define as revolutionary sectarian groups. Worker and to heighten the inner-party struggle through We would distinguish the revolutionary sectarian groups building a base in the labour movement. But in the hands of from the petty-bourgeois left; this ranges from groups such as leaders such as Harry Steel, the paper, Straight Left, became a the SWP through the myriad constellations of Trotskyism - Frankenstein monster. Posing as a product of the Labour Party, the 1MG, WSL, Militant, RCP, Spartacists, WRP, — to the with an Advisory Board of left social-democratic parliamen- micro sects of Maoism and Enverism. The petty-bourgeois left is tarians and trade union bureaucrats stitched together to make opposed to the existing capitalist order but at the same time the sham believable. Like Frankenstein's monster, Straight Left maintains a bitter hostility to the Soviet Union and the world threatens to destroy its creator, for they are drawn inextricably communist movement. Despite some of these groups having towards liquiationism. Supporters of Straight Left in the party some influence in certain sections of the working class, they find themselves in a schizophrenic position: on the one hand represent alien class influences, so while we would fight to win they fight to reverse the decline in the party, stand opposed to individual members from these groups to communism, there the growth of revisionism and emphasise the importance of can be no question of them joining the party en bloc. internationalism, yet on the other hand the liquidationism of Such a move in the revolutionary sectarian groups would Straight Left leads them out of the party into the mire of the undoubtedly engender sharp ideological struggle through which Labour Party. the remnants of their petty-bpurgeois past and their sectarianism can be shed, and a bridge can be created over which Proletarian: a publication supported by a group of ex-NCP the position of Leninism can be found. Likewise with the members from its Wandsworth and Southampton branches. centrists: for reunification with the Communist Party in

1 The Leninist the NCP, against illusions in the Labour Party among the benefits from the mud-slinging against the Soviet Union, supporters of Straight Left; if these questions are fought on the through advanced workers using the dictum: who is the enemy basis of revolutionary communist unity a bridge to Leninism of my enemy is my friend. can be built. Despite this, some sectarians dismiss the party with a sneer and a casual wave of the hand, declaring that it is nothing more The Question of Method than a small version of the Labour Party. Such a contention is fallacious. The Labour Party is a Marxist analysis must be concrete; it looks upon all questions bourgeois workers' party. From its formation in 1900, as the and important factors in their development, dialectically. It Labour Representation Committee, it has pursued a consistent, never plucks momentary situations out of history proclaiming undeviating policy of class collaboration. It was created to their universal validity, but examines particular problems and advance the narrow interests of the labour aristocracy and the situations in the light of an overall analysis. burgeoning labour bureaucracy, interests which fully conform- The right-opportunists point to the long tradition of ed with the continuation and flourishing of British imperialism. bourgeois democracy, the decades of 'peaceful' development; Since then we have seen five Labour governments: 1923-4, undoubtedly true, but also undoubtedly not a permanent feature 1929=31, 1945-51, 1964-70, 1974-79, all with a justified image of of capitalism, as they might like to think. Our centrists likewise utter loyalty to British capital, all strike-breakers, all anti- elevate a particular facet of reality. For them, it's the growth of Soviet, all vigorously pro-imperialist. How could it be the economic power of the Soviet Union and the other socialist otherwise? The Labour Party was and is a bourgeois party. countries, and the victories of the national liberation movement. That the Communist Party is today under the influence of Yes, they point to a truth, but they relate to Soviet reality in a opportunism is true =- who would accuse us Leninists of being religious fashion, following every policy change like a shadow. unaware of this sad fact? But this opportunism has not become The result is a mockery of Marxism, a critical questioning ripe, has not passed over to the bourgeoisie and become science is reduced to a catechism to be learnt by rote then counter-revolutionary like the Labour Party. This is not regurgitated. Faced with the complexities of the class struggle, because of ideological strength, it's a question of the class problems in the socialist countries and ideological crisis in the struggle and the fact that British imperialism has yet to pass communist movement, their only 'iudependenr answer is to into a crisis of critical proportions. Only then is opportunism point to 'the stupendous progress of the Soviet Union'. 'All we faced with the fateful choice of revolution or counter- have to do is follow the Soviets.' revolution. They are thus incapable of leading an ideological offensive The development of opportunism, of bourgeois ideas in the against the ever-growing forces of revisionism. It is because of workers' movement, is inevitable while imperialism exists. Its this that we see the centrists visibly run away from the revisionist growth is particularly virulent in `peaceful' times. While challenge — into the wilderness goes the NCP, Straight Left one capitalism booms, revisionism flourishes, surreptitiously foot already in the Labour Party. Yes, the world is moving worming its way into every crevice of our movement, eating towards socialism and communism, but this requires struggle Marxism from within, destroying its revolutionary content, and theoretical development; it is not written in the stars and no leaving a social-reformist husk. numbers of 'Long Lives' or 'Hails' will take us an inch nearer The depth of opportunism in Britain should come as no our goal. shock to Marxists; it is something that is the product of The revolutionary sectarian groups emphasise the impor- historical development itself. It can and must be fought but it tance of 'ideological purity' and point to the opportunism in our can never be completely eliminated while capitalism still party today. But instead of using this as a starting point they, breathes. Engels was only too aware of the basis of like the right-opportunists and centrists create a one-sided, opportunism; the working class aristocracy "shared in the passive analysis, devoid of dynamic and struggle, with which benefits" of "England's industrial monopoly" (The Condition they opt out of reality. From their wilderness the sectarians of the Working Class in England 1892 Preface, p.34 London impotently make calls to the masses but are unable to make any 1972). This condition, originally peculiar to Britain became real impact. generalised, fuelling the growth of revisionism and opportun- They castigate the opportunism so prevalent in the ism in the Second International, leading to its eventual split in communist movement, but using undialectical theory, they 1914, into a revolutionary internationalist wing, which became throw the world working class out with the opportunist the Third International, and the social-imperialist wing, which bathwater. Merely pointing to a sin does not cure it, and in only today in the form of the Socialist International has become a doing this they commit the greatest sin for a revolutionary, that tool of Western European imperialism. is standing aloof from the workers' movement. Only barren In our modern era we have witnessed a boom of pedants can not see that the world communist movement is the unprecedented, length and dynamism. In Britain, the least politically organised working class in the world today. Tens of dynamic of the imperialist powers, economic growth averaged millions of class'conscious workers belong to it, parties are 2'/2% per annum throughout the 'fifties and 'sixties, higher organised in most countries and it has established power in than any other comparable period. Between 1948 and 1966, sixteen states. This is as much a reality as the existence of unemployment averaged only around 2% of the workforce opportunism, elevating to supreme importance one or the other (today it's 14%). And, amazingly, the claim in 1954 by the Tory can only lead to doctrinairism, either of the centrist or Chancellor Rab Butler that living standards would double in 25 revolutionary sectarian type. years proved to be no idle boast. The boom acted like the sun and the rain, but it was the The Communist Party policies pursued by the party in the 'thirties and 'forties, the end The Communist Party of Great Britain is part of the world of communist organisational unity with the dissolution of communist movement; it is not a sect which declares itself a Comintern in 1943, and the collapse of international ideological party when its membership exceeds the dizzy height of one unity, which predated 1943, that was the fertile soil. The effect hundred. As a party it has an organic relationship with the on our movement could not be anything else but the luxuriant working class, and thus organises a significant section of the growth of opportunism. ' vanguard of the class. This combination of international links and its ability to organise class-conscious workers enables it to play an important role in the struggle of the working class. It Which class rests on a living tradition as a militant party of class struggle with a history that stretches back to the early 'twenties; it is Some claim that opportunism in the Communist Party is based closely associated with the October Revolution, and it even mainly on its changing class composition. "It's a middle class

2 A Call

party!" they exclaim. hegemony over the working class itself is the central strategic To support this, quotes from Lenin about school teachers in question we face. In Russia, once the Bolsheviks had achieved 1900 Russia are produced in the manner of a magician pulling the leadership of the working class they were still confronted white rabbits out of a hat. Our doctrinaires reduce Marxism to a with the necessity of a class alliance with the peasant masses. In theological art, a parody of living socialist theory which is the advanced capitalist countries it is the tactics of gaining based on concrete analysis. Their image of the working class hegemony over the working class, such as the United Workers' seems to be based on Andy Capp and Lowry paintings. Front, that must exercise us; we have little need to emphasise Automation, new bio-, micro- and robot- technology will class alliances. For opportunism to be defeated in the eventually consign their working class to the museum of Communist Party requires ideological struggle. In the course of history, along with the peasantry, bargees and charcoal this, it is the ideological junk which has come in with the newly- burners. For the working class, according to our comrade proletarianised strata that must be expelled, they themselves doctrinaires, is not the class of modern wage labourers who must be won to the realisation that all forms of petty-bourgeois having no means of production of their own are reduced to ideology are nothing but useless baggage. It is alien ideologies, selling their own labour power in order to live, for them it is not alien classes that must be expelled from the party. confined only to industrial manual labourers. The development of capitalism, especially in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, created a new middle Unity with opportunists strata, the office and profesisional workers. They occupied an intermediate position between the two great classes, the It was only with the outbreak of the First inter-imperialist world proletariat and the bourgeoisie, adopting a bourgeois outlook, war that the ideological differences in the international socialist defence of the material but drawn to the proletariat as the development of production movement became organisational. In deprived them of their independent position and converted them privileges which the labour aristocracy and bureaucracy had gained during the 'peaceful' development of imperialism, the into wage slaves. The long post-war boom had the dual effect of fuelling the growth of opportunism and massively increasing opportunists sided with their 'own' bourgeoisie, urged workers the size of the working class through the process of to the slaughter and became counter-revolutionary. proletarianisation. The middle strata, the professionals and the In 1914 opportunism became fully social-chauvinist and petty-bourgeoisie increasingly found themselves reduced to the definitely passed from the camp of the proletariat to that of the rank of the working class. Capital demanded an ever more bourgeoisie. As a result, the call was made by the Bolsheviks educated work force, a fact reflected in the explosion in 'white and others of the revolutionary internationalist wing of the collar' trade unions and the growth of a highly skilled strata of socialist movement to replace the rotting corpse of the Second the working class, drawing into it the sons and daughters of International with a new Third International. It was with its both the manual workers and the middle strata. formation in 1919 that the ideological schism was fully The Communist Party was also inevitably affected by these expressed; with both the right-opportunists and the centrists developments, in its membership composition. We do not have like Kautsky and Bauer. detailed break-downs of the membership of the party, but For some narrow-minded sectarians this split is enough. according to the sociologist Kenneth Newton, the Congresses Nothing more needs to 'le said! Blowing the dust of their of the party are "a rough cross-section of the total Collected Works of Lenin, they find what they have been they exclaim. "This proves membership" (The Sociology of British Communism, London looking for — a quote. "Eureka!" it!" Then, smugly, they proceed to lecture us that Lenin 1969 p.44). Looking at the Congresses, we can see that although the relationship between industrial and non-industrial workers himself was utterly opposed to any form of organisational unity has changed, when we consider the changes in the nature of the with opportunists. working class, and the decaying division between mental and In the struggle the Bolsheviks conducted, there were, manual labour, it can be seen that the party is overwhelmingly between 1903 and 1912 periods of several years in which they proletarian. The percentage of delegates who could be were united, at least formally, with the Mensheviks in a single considered part of a middle strata, such as university lecturers party. In remote parts of the country it was only in 1917 that the and professionals, is very small: at the 1979 Congress they only organisational split between the two wings of the movement numbered 30 out of a total of 319 delegates, in other words less became complete. But while united with the opportunists there than 10% of the total. was an unyielding ideological struggle against the Mensheviks While Leninists would be the first to recognise the strategic as a bourgeois influence in the workers' movement. importance of certain sections of the working class, such as car Both the First and Second Internationals contained workers, miners and railway workers, we emphasise the vital tendencies that were thoroughly permeated with opportunism. question of workers overcoming their sectional interests. This In the First International, as well as the Marxists there were can never come about by calling on the working class as a whole the English trade unionists, the Anarchists, the Blanquists, the to unite around some sectionally defined "advanced workers"; Proudhonists, and the Lassalleans. Although the Second only through the leadership of a vanguard party can the class International expelled the Anarchists at the 1896 London come to realise itself fully as a class. The struggle for workers' Congress, seven years after its foundation, under its banner it unity must be the struggle for the hegemony of the vanguard organised forces as diverse as the Russian Bolsheviks and the over the class. This can never be achieved by classifying new British Fabians. sections as middle class". Draughtsmen, nurses, teachers, So we can see that history provides us with rich evidence of computer programmers and technicians must be won to the organisational unity between revolutionaries and opportunists. realisation that they have every interest in the dictatorship of What makes this principled for revolutionaries is the unbending the proletariat because they are proletarian. Those who insist struggle they conduct while being organisationally united. on incorrectly categorising them as "middle class" should The dissolution of Comintern, the end of Cominform, the follow through the logic of their position and call for their inability to organise conferences of the world communist expulsion from the ranks of the party. Once this is achieved they movement (even on the lowest common denominator basis of the 1957, 1960 and 1969 meetings), the call from the Italian and should then look for a class alliance with them, as the Bolsheviks allied themselves with the Left Socialist Revolu- Japanese parties for the closing of the World Marxist Review, all tionaries who represented the petty-bourgeois masses. Such a bear witness to the fact that the world communist movement's proposition in Britain has no basis, because the working class ideological unity is a thing of the distant past, but of themselves consists not of a mere 10% of the population as in pre- they do not mean.the end of the world communist movement, or for that matter the end for the need for international co- revolutionary Russia, but more like 75%; for us, the strugglefor ordination.

3 The Leninist

To turn one's back on this movement is to turn away from bourgeois ideas in the labour movement, and our first task, as the working class itself, a greater sin than any opportunism we made clear in the Founding Statement of The Leninist, is to present in the world communist movement. Sectarian defeat the liquidators. They come from two directions: the aloofness can only divert revolutionaries into the wilderness, Euro-communists, who are the leading revisionists, eating thereby strengthening the position of right-opportunism. It is Marxist theory away from within, striving at the same time to the world communist movement, the politically organised dissolve the party into the petty-bourgeois milieu; and: world's working class, that is pivotal for the world revolution to Straight Left, the liquidationist-centrists, who from the other be successful. To stand aside from this movement is to weaken wing of the party desire to become some sort of pro-Soviet the struggle for socialist revolution. No pious references to its Militant in the Labour Party. In the ideological struggle against past and present blemishes can alter this fact. these liquidationist trends, all pro-party trends must be united. Being in, fighting in, the world communist movement is no To be pro-party, in the full sense, requires a commitment to an subtle academic debating point to be ruminated over in the active struggle against liquidationism. There is a pro-party fashion of learned dry professors. We are in it because it is our position and there is conciliation, they are not the same. movement. We fight against all bourgeois influences in it, as an absolutely necessary prelude to the struggle for state power itself. For unless the ideological battle is conducted and Party Discipline concluded successfully, the socialist revolution will remain a Although there are deep divisions in the party this in no way dream, a beautiful one, but a dream nonetheless. negates the necessity of fightingfor democratic centralism as the Ideological struggle in the communist movement must not corner-stone of party organisation. Centralism and democracy be carried out in the manner of the sycophantic theologian but complement each other and together constitute the foundation in the spirit of Lenin. He emphasised that "Communists are of party organisation and work. The acceptance of centralism duty bound, not to gloss over short-comings in their movement without democracy, or of democracy without centralism means but to criticise them openly so as to remedy them the more to reject unity in action. Centralism means that the party has a speedily and radically." (V.I.Lenin, C. W. vol.31, p.184). leading body, a set of rules, that party organisations are In Britain the struggle for socialism is greatly enhanced by subordinated to higher ones, and in essence the minority submit party unity. Our forces are tiny, to demand a split would be to to the majority and therefore decisions on actions by the demand suicide — something we have no intention of doing. majority are mandatory. Democracy means that all important Leninists are not motivated by the `principle' of organisational decisions are arrived at as a result of full discussion by all party `purity'; organisational matters are determined by and members. And that once these decisions have been carried out subordinated to the overall struggle. all have the right to critically examine the action in the light of If organisational matters were combined with a hiding of experience. fundamental ideological differences, if we stood in front of the Democratic centralism presumes freedom of discussion of workers and concealed our abhorrence of certain positions in party policy on the basis of criticism and self-criticism, as a basis the party, then we would be unprincipled. But this is not the case of exposing and eliminating defects in its outlook. As such -,– we fight openly. criticism and self-criticism constitutes one of the most important aspects of democratic centralism, serving the needs of the class struggle. The fight for democratic centralism Trendy Publications split the Russian revolutionary workers' movement in 1903. The Mensheviks opposed the concept of a disciplined party, Unfortunately today because of the growth of opportunism, where the minority submit to the majority and carry out party there is the tendency towards party publicartions becoming the decisions. They were in favour of federalism in the party and for possessions of particular trends. Look at Marxism Today to see allowing individual members to opt out of party actions and this truth; a few years ago you could read in its columns debate activity, to ignore majority decisions. The Bolsheviks between party members of different trends, now we have Euro- demanded that all members carry out party decisions under the communism and pOlemic from forces outside the ranks of leadership of a party organisation. For them, as their history communism. We even have some from outside the workers' proves, centralism provided the best conditions for the movement, like John Alderson, former Chief Constable of development of inner-party democracy. Their democracy Devon and Cornwall, having pages devoted to their reactionary strengthened the centralised leadership, enabling them to platitudes. The situation with Comment was little different, it achieve an iron disciplined unity of action. read rather like a Euro-communist House magazine, in which There are for instance, many examples of Lenin himself other trends were seldom seen. Although not officially a 'Party conducting debate concerning vital principles openly in front of organ', the Morning Star does print letters on subjects such as the masses. Perhaps the most striking case was in 1917. On Ireland and Poland from comrades who differ with the party returning to Russia after years of exile Lenin submitted his leadership. But its neutral journalistic style (enshrined as a views of the necessity of continuing the revolution, of the task of doctrine 'guaranteeing' success) inevitably moves it towards overthrowing the Provisional government, to the Central exclusiveness in the party, ironically in an attempt to be 'broad Committee. Although they rejected his views this did not left' prevent him from taking the question to the All-Russia It is therefore not surprising that comrades around Straight Conference of Workers' and Soldiers' Soviets, and then tc the Left would not be seen dead selling Marxism Today. Many are Petrograd Party Conference and finally to the Seventh now reluctant even to sell the Morning Star. They have some Conference of the Bolsheviks, where his position won the day. justification in not wanting to build publications to which they The prime aim of democratic centralism is unity in action. have little or no access. Lenin maintained that "the principle of democratic centralism.. When channels in the party press are not open other outlets implies universal and full freedom to criticise, so long as this are created, i.e., Straight Left. Other such publications are does not disturb the unity of a definite action; it rules out all bound to become more numerous unless the pages of the party criticism which disrupts or makes difficult the unity of an action press are open to all shades in our movement. decided on by the Party." (V.I.Lenin, C. W. Vol. 10, p.443). It is from the basis of a commitment to Leninism that we deal Before a specific action, open criticism of a proposed course is with all questions, but this said we shall give space to polemic legitimate, after it vital, but not during it. between comrades. Differences can therefore be studied and We will therefore oppose all those who sweep under the judged by communists, in Britain and around the world, and by carpet the problem of the large numbers of inactive members - all class-conscious workers. is their present state compatible with party rules? Likewise, we We have published The Leninist as part of the battle to defeat fully support the carrying-out of party actions, in demonstra-

4 A Call

tions, in giving out national, district, or branch leaflets, in small sects. Therefore we emphasise the need to break from selling the Morning Star, in fighting for party candidates during doctrinairism, from narrow-minded theoretical routinism; elections, and agitating in favour of specific party actions in Marxism-Leninism is a science that questions everything and front of the masses. that is open to all the new questions which inevitably confront us, with each turn of events. "Let us take an example." writes Lenin, "The Congress decided that the In ancient Greek mythology, Odysseus on sailing past the Party should take part in Duma elections. Taking part in elections is a very definite action. During the elections (...) no member of the Party island of the Sirens put wax pellets into the ears of his crew so anywhere has any right whatever to call upon people to abstain from that they would not succumb to their seductive songs. But so he voting; nor can 'criticism' .of the decision to take part in elections be could experience the ravishing melodies, he had himself lashed tolerated during this period, for it would in fact jeopardise success in the to the mast of the ship; he was therefore safe from yielding to election campaign. Before elections have been announced, however, their enticements. It is much the same with centristleaders; pro- Party members everywhere have a perfect right to criticise the decision party centrist, liquidationist-centrist, and sectarian-centrist, all to take part in elections. Of course the application of this principle in rush into Collets to buy their copy of The Leninist and other practice will sometimes give rise to disputes and misunderstandings; forbidden fruits. At the same time their followers are inculcated but only on the basis of this principle can all disputes and with a disdain for theory, trained in a doctrinaire fashion that misunderstandings be settled honourably for the Party." (V.I.Lenin, C. W., Vol 10 p.442-3). produces, it is hoped, the unquestioning acceptance of someone pumped full of tranquillisers. The result is often cynical dispair, Our complete commitment to unity in action is an integral part and eventually desertion into private life. of fighting openly on all questions of principle. But, in our view, The fact that centrism is in theoretical and organisational refusal to carry out party work, disruption or boycotting specific crisis is plain to see; splits, factions, and poaching abound. actions can only be regarded as tantamount to refusal to remain Many good comrades, still under the domination of centrism, in the party. are aware now that the 1979, 1981 or 1983 'plan' of winning a mathematical majority in the party was a fantasy. Most What stage? instinctively shy away from the liquidationist-centrist Straight Left option; but can the pro-party centrists lead the fight Theory gives an understanding of what stage of the struggle we against the ideological steamroller driven by comrades are in. If it is faulty, horrors abound: the Third Jacques, Johnstone, Bloomfield and Rowthorn? Judging by Congress of the NCP described a pre-revolutionary situation; their output so far, it seems improbable. the very name the Workers Party must provoke a wry smile, for `party' membership is counted in tens; and Straight Left'is fighting for yet another Labour government as the solution to A new call `our' country's ills. It is to avoid such travesties, to give us a sure revolutionary Inspired by the October Revolution the best elements of the perspective that we place such emphasis on the development of revolutionary and working class movement came together to our theoretical position. Our answer as to what stage we are form the Communist Party. These forces had previously often now in can be found in the article by Frank Grafton, The been in bitterly opposed organisations. The British Socialist Economic Crisis and its Political Effects in Britain. We argue that Party and the Socialist Labour Party (which between them the world capitalist system is heading for general crisis. Our provided the bulk of the C.P's membership) had completely task at present is to win the vanguard to the cause, of different views on the Labour Party and parliamentary activity. revolutionary politics through ideological and political These and other differences were resolved through the fraternal. struggle. But talk of a revolutionary or pre-revolutionary aid of Comintern and comradely debate. Likewise, disagree- situation now, of building the mass revolutionary party now, ments amongst the other groups forming the party were ' has more to do with the leadership of sects attempting to keep resolved and unity forged. As a result, the newly formed CPGB their followers on the boil and in their group (or even `party'), attracted into its ranks the most healthy elements from all the than with serious political analysis. existing revolutionary groups as well as from the left of the I LP, As our task is one of preparation, we concentrate on and many of the syndicalist inclined leaders of the Shop developing understanding of central theoretical questions: the Stewards' and Workers' Committees (established to bypass the coming general crisis of capitalism; problems in the socialist labour bureaucracy during the war) came to the party. countries; the fight against opportunism and the necessity of In July 1920 the BSP issued The Call fora Communist Party. working class unity. We must study these questions in great It invited all other revolutionary groups to join in the formation detail going from mere appearance to the essence of the of a revolutionary party which would seek affiliation to the problems. Observed reality as spun forth one-sidedly by so Third International. The Call outlined three major principles many groups is totally inadequate. We have to understand the which can again become a rallying point for all communists. essential characteristics, the interconnections, the laws, that They were: underlie the observed facts. It is from this understanding that 1) Communism as against Capitalism revolutionaries can confidently face the task of changing the 2) Soviets not Parliament world. This fight will of itself again strengthen our knowledge 3) The dictatorship of the proletariat of reality and thus our ability to change it. For ideas formed in It is on the basis of these three principles that communist people's minds depend on prior existence of material things and unity can be built, but this cannot be created with a wave of the relationships, but they have an active role once arisen, reacting magician's ward. It is something that has to be painstakingly back upon the material conditions. nurtured ideologically and forged in the heat of the class In Russia, in the years 1903 to 1917, the Bolsheviks struggle. Grand proclamations of party unity, given the present confronted rich and varied conditions. War and peace; small deep divisions, can only be a sham, destined to shatter at the propagandist circles and Soviets; revolution and reaction; legal first serious test. and illegal work; exile and state power. Russia's lessons were The conditions in which the early Communist Party emerged general; all the general contradictions in capitalism could be were full of possibilities, but they were not revolutionary. This found there. time communist unity will be forged in a world that is very One thing above all made abundantly clear in Russia is that different. Not only is there now a community of socialist states, revolution has its peaks and troughs, and that in the light of but British capitalism no longer has the world's largest empire them an infinitely flexible attitude towards tactics must be to fall back upon in order to cushion itself as it had in the last shown. Elevating one tactic or the other can only result in the general crisis of capitalism. parody of party building practised by the theosophic leaders of This time things will be very different. U

5 The Economic Crisis and its Political Effects in Britain (Part Two)

Frank Grafton the obstacles to capitalist development, become characterised by the diminution of monopoly The crisis of imperialism restrictive practices, and this was considered quite possible by Lenin, when he stated as early as 1916 The emergence of imperialism at the beginning of in Imperialism: this century represented a qualitatively higher "Certainly, monopoly under capitalism can never completely, stage than the era of competitive capitalism; and and for a very long period of time, eliminate competition in the the first general crisis of imperialism (1914-1948) world market... certainly, the possibility of reducing the cost of had a far greater revolutionary impact than the production and increasing profits by introducing technical ten-year recurring crises prior to 1870 with the improvements operates in the direction of change." (V.I.Lenin. creation of the Soviet Union after 1917 and the CW Vol 22. p.276 Moscow 1977) socialist system after 1945. Furthermore, imperi- It thus arose, that at the zenith of the imperialist alism rose to a higher economic and political level epoch during the 1950s and 1960s, monopoly during the post second world war boom and is capitalism experienced a phenomenal growth of approaching a future world general crisis of even free trade and competition. greater revolutionary proportions than the deca- Lenin described imperialism as growing out of des during and between the two world wars. the general process of capital accumulation, and The development of imperialism as the highest showed monopoly to manifest itself in the stage of capitalism is still determined by the following ways: (1) concentration of industrial general laws revealed in Marx's Capital, and if the capital to form cartels, syndicates and trusts. (2) general tendency underlying capitalist develop- concentration of bank capital and its merger with ment towards crisis is the falling rate of profit, monopoly industrial capital to form finance then it manifests itself specific4lly at the capital. (3) the seizure of raw material resources by imperialist stage as the tendency towards mono- monopoly capital and the financial oligarchy. (4) poly. Capitalism in the nineteenth century the division of the world market between championed free trade and competition by waging international monopolist associations, where the open war against all monopoly barriers to its export of capital as against the export of development. Capitalism then, was carrying out commodities becomes the characteristic means of the overthrow of Feudal society, sweeping aside all expansion. the fetters of absolutism and the Landed classes. Imperialism grew out of the era of competitive `Liberty, Equality, Fraternity' was the revolu- capitalism, at a time when advanced industrial tionary slogan of the bourgeoisie. But out of the capitalist development was confined to Britain, competitive struggle of both economics and Germany and the US, and to a lesser extent, politics, grew monopoly. It may seem paradoxical, France, Russia, Japan and Italy. Imperialism but at the height of the competitive capitalist expanded from the end of the nineteenth century to era during the 1850s and 1860s, England enjoyed a the middle of the twentieth century in the manufacturing and trading monopoly, as the particular form of building colonial empires and `Workshop of the World'. In the imperialist era, dominating semi-dependencies. The extreme monopoly not only grew out of free competition, backwardness of Africa and Asia provided the but became the dominant tendency in all aspects major imperialist powers with easily oppressed, of capitalism. Monopoly was synonymous with exploited colonial populations and rich resources, the capitalist class finally winning total domination frOm which superprofits could be expropriated. Yet of state power and becoming reactionary, as it the form of the world imperialist system today is overthrew all the ideas with which it stormed the quite different, because although its inner mec- barricades of Paris, Berlin and Vienna. Monopoly hanism hasn't changed, imperialism has been grew and strengthened its grip duriltig the slide forced to adapt to the changing balance of world towards overproduction and crisis, but found its forces, with the rise of the socialist countries and fullest expression actually during the general National Democratic Movements. crisis itself. Monopoly became an absolute block to This article seeks to show that imperialism production between 1914 and circa 1948, giving today is more highly developed economically and rise to intense crises of economic collapse, politically than monopoly capitalism prior to 1950, imperialist wars and revolutionary situations on and that the basis has been laid for an even an international scale. sharper world revolutionary crisis, which Although the general tendency is towards threatens to finally break the back of imperialism monopoly, this does not preclude the possibility of as a system, and bring to an end the imperialist competition temporarily growing from monopoly. epoch. Secondly, imperialism intensifies class The phases of the economic cycle which remove contradictions to the highest degree, and thus

6 The Crisis

prepares the road to revolution. We must look to alisation as part of the settlement of the new our role as communists in leading and raising the postwar world order and opposed British and economic and political struggle of the working French attempts to continue colonial policy during class, and in recognising our tasks of bringing the the Suez crisis of 1956. However, it is important to class struggle to revolutionary fruition, we must note, that the decisive, consistent factor which has understand and use all forms of that struggle. swung the balance in favour of national liberation Lenin emphasised that in order for the proletariat to the present day, has been the growing strength to do battle with the bourgeoisie proper, it must of the socialist system, and in particular, the simultaneously wage a fierce ideological struggle political, economic and military resources of the against opportunism — the agent of the bourgeoisie Soviet Union. within. Only if all sides of the class struggle are fought, can a communist party be built and a Imperialist integration socialist revolution be won. The essence of postwar capitalist development is international integration. The reformation of a POST-SECOND WORLD WAR stable international monetary system at Bretton DEVELOPMENTS OF Woods in 1943 and the negotiation of a General Agreement of Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1947 IMPERIALISM both laid the basis for a renewed growth in world Imperialism emerged after 1945 into a period trade and prosperity. In the OECD countries (top where most blocks to capitalist development had twenty capitalist economies), annual growth of been removed, fundamentally due to the rising exports was an unprecedented 81/A between 1962 rate of profits throughout the 1950s and 1960s (See and 1973. Regulations on international flows of The Leninist No.2 The Economic Crisis Pt. One) capital were liberalised, with restrictions on holding paper currencies outside the country of For twenty years or so, nearly all branches of the origin being finally removed after 1958. The world capitalist economy were able to temporarily imperialist economies became more closely knit- offset the tendency towards monopoly and ted, giving rise to an integrated system of stagnation, which in combination with the imperialism centred on the US, Canada, Western scientific and technological revolution, resulted in Europe, Japan, and more peripherally, Australia, a complete transformation of the world economy. New Zealand, South Africa and Israel. The - Most of the major cartel agreements and trade movement of capital and trade between these tariffs restricting international markets and economies was facilitated by international ag- production were broken up during the late 'forties reement, transnational company operations, and and early 'fifties, through a tightening of anti- trade blocs such as the EEC and EFTA. Furthermore the demand by US imperialism for trust laws. The US Department of Justice, for political and military integration and imperial- instance, took legal actions against the operation ism's recognition as a whole of the Soviet Union of monopoly restrictive practices by the National and the socialist countries as the common enemy, Lead Company, Du Pont, Alcoa and ICI, and brought about the formation of imperialist furthermore, the US Federal Trade Commission military blocs against 'the threat of communism', published a document attacking the oil companies, primarily NATO. making it difficult for them to re-establish any The most 'important developments underlying formal international cartel agreement (See C. these changes was the formation of international Tugendhat. The Multinationals. Harmondsworth. financial organisations, with the IMF and the p.53. 1971). The US imperialist state was not World Bank At the apex, and the growth of acting against monopoly capitalism in doing this, transnational or 'multinational' corporations, but enforcing changes appropriate to the new which have brought about a massive qualitative change in the international division of labour. conditions of world economic growth. Transnational companies expanded by establish- The blocks to investment and profitability due ing subsidiaries in several countries, and exported to high interest rates had been effectively capital, not as interest-bearing capital (known as weakened with the collapse of the international portfolio investment), but as factories and credit system during the 1929-33 slump. Interest machinery. This became known as 'Direct rates fell to their absolute minimum, and although investment', and it was during the 1950s and 1960s they began to rise again during the 1950s, credit that direct investment became the most important was still relatively cheap and easy. form of capital export. Christopher Tugendhat, a Finally, the monopoly control of colonies by Tory MP with close connections to the City of Britain and France was ended by the London and a former correspondent with the Financial Times, notes in his book The Multina- successful rise of National Democratic Movements tionals: throughout Africa and Asia. The economic loss of these colonies, although fiercely resisted by the "The period since the end of the Second World War has seen a colonial powers was not immediately felt, due to complete transformation from the situation prevailing the particularly favourable conditions for econo- between the wars. It has been marked by an explosive expansion in international direct investment, which for much mic growth. In fact, US imperialism in particular, of the time has been rising at twice the rate of the world gross seized the opportunity to open up the Middle East, national product. The international company with subsidi- Africa and Asia to international oil and mineral aries in many countries is no longer a rarity; it is well on the investments, thus releasing a tremendous produc- way to becoming the characteristic industrial organisation of tivity in cheap raw material resources. It is in this the age." (C. Tugendhat. The Multinationals p.45) context, that US imperialism favoured decoloni- According to North-South, the report by the

7 The Leninist

Brandt commission published in 1980, transnati- . Figure 2 onal companies control between 1/4 and 1/3 of all U.S. percentage of total assets held by: world production and have total sales of all Top 100 companies Top 200 companies affiliates of about $830 billion. In trade, for 1925 34.5% example, 30% of British exports are accounted for 1929 38.2% 45.8% by trade between subsidiaries of the same 1933 42.5% 49.5% company, such as Ford (UK) and Ford of Germany 1939 41.4% 58.7% and Belgium. OECD figures estimated that direct 1954 41.9% 50.4% investments in 1966 totalled $90 billion with an 1939 41.4% 58.7 annual growth of 12% (The Multinationals p.21), 1954 41.9% 50:4% and this had risen to over $270 billion by 1975 1958 46.0% 55.2% (North-South p.187). The initial impetus for direct 1962 45.5% 55.1'r investment expansion came from the US, where 1965 45.9% 55.6% about 60% of all transnational companies were 1968 48.4% 60.4% based, rising from $7.2 billion in 1946 to $70.8 billion in 1969, of which $21.5 billion was invested U.K. percentage share of largest hundred firms in in Europe (US Department of Commerce). What net manufacturing output. we can say therefore, is that political and 1909 1935 1949 1958 1963 1970 economic integration of the world imperialist 16% 24% 21% 32% 37% 46% economy under the overwhelming hegemony of (Source: International Socialism 2;16, p.71) the United States, stemmed from a massive 'sixties, whereas 2/3 of all US direct investment in growth in trade and international direct invest- Europe was held by a mere twenty companies. ment, for which the giant transnational monopo- The effect of this massive concentration of lies were primarily responsible. By climbing to a capital on national economies, can be seen from higher level, world imperialism has in effect Figure 2. An incredible 2/, of both the US and UK prepared the way for a greater fall. economies are owned and controlled by just 200 Concentration and companies! This historic tendency towards con- centration accelerated towards the end of the centralisation 1960s, with a dramatic explosion of mergers Simultaneous with the international growth of throughout Western Europe. The driving force capital was its continuing concentration and behind this process was the demand for 'econo- centralisation, such that fewer capitalists tended mies of size', and was especially visible in Britain to control greater proportions of the economy. and France, where the Industrial Reorganisation This is closely associated with increasing produc- Corporation and the Institut de Development tivity, and contributes to the forces which in turn, Industriel were specially set up by the state to reduce the rate of profit. By the late 'sixties, the facilitate rationalisation. concentration of capital had reached such a high The general point which can be drawn, is that level that the factors counteracting the falling rate despite the increasing concentration and sociali- of profit were overcome. (See The Leninist No.2 sation of capital throughout the 'fifties and Part One.) The tendency for the rate of profit to fall 'sixties, the tendency towards monopply restric- once again resumed its determining influence over tive practice was inhibited, so long as the rate of the world capitalist economy. An idea of the profit continued to rise. Once the rate of profit growth of the largest transnational companies began to decline again, however, the drive for can be seen from Figure 1., which shows their monopoly in the face of rising overproduction sales output compared to the GNP of some of the actually accelerated the centralisation of capital smaller European economies. In fact 23 US and six through mergers and cartel agreements. It is to the European companies had sales of over $3 billion a decades of the 1970s and 1980s which we must year in 1969. The vast bulk of international turn, to trace the ever growing grip of monopoly on investments were held by the largest companies, the world market. with just Standard Oil (New Jersey), Ford and Ge- neral Motors alone holding 40% of US direct invest- Acceleration towards crises and ments in France, Britain and W.Germany during the monopoly Figure 1 The most visible milestone dividing the postwar boom with its relatively free development and Gross national product's Sales ($000m) competition, from the present period of overpro- ($000 m) 1970 duction and revitalized drive to monopoly, was the Holland 31.28 General Motors 18.75 quadrupling of oil prices by the oil cartel OPEC in Sweden 30.77 Standard Oil (N.J.) 16.55 Belgium 25.88 Ford 14.98 1973. The Bretton Woods International Monetary Switzerland 20.31 Royal Dutch/Shell 10.79 System had already collapsed in 1971, and the Denmark 15.57 IBM 7.50 Austria 14.37 Unilever 6.88 GATT agreements on free trade were coming Norway 11.39 Phillips 4.16 Finland 10.22 ICI :3.50 under extreme pressure in the imperialist eco- Greece 9.39 Hoechst 1.42 nomies, as export competition from Japan and the Ireland 3.89 Alcan Aluminium 1.36 medium developed capitalist economies of the Far (Source: C.Tugendhat, The Multinationals, p.20, Harmondsworth, 1971) East and Latin America intensified. Shipbuilding The Crisis experienced an absolute decline, with major dominate whole branches of the British-owned producers like Britain being forced to nationalise economy, as smaller rival capitals are absorbed or the industry and close down shipyards. Steel go into liquidation. This process is accelerated likewise developed immense problems of overca- during the periodic world recessions, for monopoly pacity, and in 1980, the EEC introduced Manda- is a means of off-loading losses onto smaller, tory Production Controls over member countries, weaker capitals, and with cutbacks of 15% for forcing a 14.2% cutback in output. Trade relations British manufacturing since 1980, these pressures between the US and the EEC have Since become have become especially fierce. strained, with the former reducing steel quotas During the postwar boom, the absence of from Europe in 1982. Similarly, the European barriers to expansion gave rise to an explosion in petrochemicals industry suffered a 30% fall in world trade and direct investments. Capital demand during 1980, as the rise in oil prices began export then was initially the domain of American to bite. The European Commission subsequently and British transnational companies, while West imposed duties on the much cheaper petrochemi- Germany and Japan concentrated almost ex- cals imported from the US. Another industry clusively on expansion through commodity which has come under pressure is textiles, where a exports. West Germany became the world's Multifibre Agreement was negotiated in 1977, to largest exporter of manufactured goods in the restrict exports to the EEC, from medium 1960s and is second to the US today, in total developed capitalist producers in Asia, such as exports with 10.5% of world trade, while Japan has S.Korea, Hong Kong and India. In the Car been rapidly catching up to become third largest Industry, European and American manufacturers with 6.3%. Consequently, both the US and Britain began to face a major challenge from the Japanese have suffered a relative decline in world trade companies, with British Leyland and Chrysler since 1945. As overproduction in the. 1970s, gave falling as the main victims. rise to restrictions on export markets, so the export Competition in the 1970s and 1980s has become of capital become more important for continued a dangerous and cut-throat affair, and so expansion. For WeSt Germany and Japan, this monopoly capital has acted to restrict it in order to has meant becoming major exporters of direct safeguard their superprofits, through mergers, investment for the first time, as a means of forcing out rivals and negotiating cartel agree- securing their massive shares of the world market ments. Today, whole branches of industry and against the growing threat of tariffs. For example, world markets are divided up between a handful of the West German car manufacturers Volkswagen transnational monopolies. For instance, 75% of began to invest in production in North and Latin the US car market is held by Fords and General America during the 1970s and now produces over Motors, as is the case with Nissan and Toyota in a million cars annually abroad. The growth of VW Japan. As a proportion of the world market, 10 car production in West Germany for 1980 was European car companies control 27.7% and down 0.2% on 1970 figures, whereas overseas. General Motors alone has 22.6% (Financial Times production had increased 109% over the same Jan. 12, 1981). World Aerospace is dominated by period. Similar trends are shown for Daimler- the American giants Boeing, Lockheed and Benz, which now controls 10% of US heavy truck McDonnell-Douglas, and IBM controls over 50% of production. (Financial Times October 19, 1981). the world computer market. But perhaps the Direct investment by Japanese companies have widest known example of monopoly are the seven until recently been quite modest, yet it nearly `international majors' which account for 80% of oil doubled to $8.9 billion in 1980/81, with the bulk of production outside of the US and Soviet Union - it in Indonesia ($2.4bn) and the US ($2.3bn). Direct Standard Oil (New Jersey), Mobil Oil, Chevron, capital exported to the EEC rose 38% to $798 Gulf Oil, Texaco, Shell and BP. Since the million for the same year, and figures published 1970s, Japanese companies have come by the Japanese Ministry of International Trade to the fore for the first time in many and Industry have shown an explosion of EEC- industries such as electronics and machine tools, Japan projects since 1979, involving joint rese- and the Japanese Ministry for International arch and development, co-operation in third Trade and Industry (MITI) has been promoting markets and capital investment in cars, machine joint projects and tie ups with American and tools and electronics (Financial Times, July 5, European monopoly companies. In this way, the 1982). For most medium developed capitalist Japanese companies have offset growing trade countries like S.Korea, which have also begun to restrictions and are integrating themselves in expand their share of the world market, the export with the monopolist associations, which are of capital is not really possible; restrictions on carving up the world market between themselves. their trade exports to the imperialist economies In Britain, the overproduction of capital and the are becoming a real block to their expansion from tendency towards monopoly and stagnation is which they find it difficult to escape, unlike Japan. particularly marked, with whole industries being The inability of medium developed capitalist forced to retreat from competition in the world countries to expand by becoming imperialist, is market. This is shown by the fact that British giving rise to an intensification of economic and Leyland, shipbuilding, aerospace, computers and political crisis within them, and makes them the Rolls-Royce have all been nationalised in the primary centres of instability and revolutionary 1970s and companies like ICI, General Electric, situations, which we shall look at in more detail in Courtaulds and British Petroleum have come to a later section.

9 The Leninist

All of this confirms our picture of the imperialist Export of finance capital economies, which have increasingly faced prob- The development of imperialism resulted in the lems of overproduction since the 1970s, and whose formation of finance capital from the merger of growth has generally come to rely, not on export industrial and bank monopoly capitals. Finance trade and direct investments, but on credit capital is the highest form of capital, and comes to transactions and the export of finance capital. dominate capital in general, because it is not This process stretches capitalism to its limits, and confined to any one sphere of production or as a result intensifies all class contradictions and exchange. Finance capital stands over the crises. reproduction of capital as a whole, controlling production, circulation of commodities and mo- Post-colonial development ney. Finance capital not only includes the Because imperialism is the stage at which international banks, which increasingly inter- capitalism outgrows national boundaries and vene in all aspects of the economy, but also the draws the whole world capitalist economy onto a giant transnationals, which all have special genuine international division of labour, it `finance departments' for investing funds inside accelerates the growth of industrialisation and the company as well as outside. And of course, the capitalist relations on a world scale. The National state itself becomes a major focal point of finance Democratic movements arose as a product of this capital as it intervenes in production via process. To say, however, that imperialism has nationalised industries, and directs investments been abolished with colonialism is merely to through public spending, National banks and consider the superficial and overlooks the essence grants to capitalist enterprises. Because capitalist of what imperialism is: accumulation can only continue during periods of "It would be absurd", Lenin says, "to deny that some slight overproduction through credit promotion i.e. the change in the political and strategic relations of, say, Germany lending of money capital (See The Leninist No.2), and Britain, might today or tomorrow make the formation of a and because the most critical link in the new Polish, Indian or other similar state fully `practicable". reproduction cycle becomes money-capital, so He goes ou, "finance capital, in its drive to expand, can `freely' buy or bribe the democratic or republican government finance capital intervenes in and dominates and the elective officials of any, even an 'independent country.' capitalist reproduction by controlling money- The domination of finance capital and of capital in general is capital. For this role, finance capital expropriates not to be abolished by any reforms in the sphere of political surplus value in the form of interest, which democracy." (V.I.Lenin The Socialist Revolution and Self increasingly takes the largest share of profit, and Determination. CW. Vol 22. p.145). in the most extreme case, finance capital extracts This is precisely what happened in many all profit as interest. former colonial countries, where foreign finance The export of finance capital due to overseas capital continued to rule by means of neo- bank lending has literally exploded in the 1970s, colonialism. This is still true to a large extent of to replace direct investments as the most Ireland and of many backward African states, important form of capital export. World annual where domestic capital is small-scale and weak, growth in international lending since 1976 has and where puppet regimes can be installed, such been around 20%, and Lloyd's Bank estimated it to Diem of South Vietnam and Mobutu of Zaire. have risen $315 billion in 1981 and says it will However, the victory of national bourgeois increase by $355 billion in 1982 (Financial Times movements in many countries has also given rise Survey. May 4th 1982). UK annual overseas to a process of industrialisation through combined investments stood at £462 million in 1967, trebled foreign capital investment and domestic capital to £1,290 million by 1975 and then quintrupled to formation. In many developing capitalist count- £6401 million by 1979, since which time all ries, the state has been recruited inorder to lay the barriers to movements of capital out of Britain foundations of infrastructure (roads, rail, schools have been removed. UK overseas profits as a etc.) and large scale industry, such as iron and percentage of gross trading profits rose from an steel, electricity and transport. In conjunction annual average of 171/2% for the 1960s, to an with this state capitalism has grown domestic average of 21% for the 1970s with a peak figure for monopoly capital, which is integrating with the 1974 of 26.6% (Economic Trends 1981). US state sector of the economy and with foreign statistics for overseas investment and profits finance capital. This is particularly characteristic show a similar trend, and furthermore, they are of those capitalist economies intermediate bet- broken down to differentiate between Direct ween the imperialist and under-developed capita- investments, Government investments (military list countries, which we refer to as medium- aid etc) and non-direct investments i.e. financial developed capitalist countries e.g. Brazil, South investments. As a proportion of the total US Korea, Argentina and Turkey. overseas investments, direct capital rose through- out the 1950s and 1960s as the largest category, to Newly industrialising capitalist a peak of 47% in 1970, from which it has since countries fallen to 39% for 1977. Financial investment Many developing capitalist countries have been however, has risen from around 25% for the 1960s, receiving greater attention since the 1970s, due to to become the largest share with 43% in 1977 their increasing competitiveness in export mar- (Historical Statistics of the US, and Statistical kets, and their importance as raw material Abstracts of the US). producers e.g. oil. Figure 3. from the UN Yearbook

10

The Crisis

Figure 3 _ challenge to the imperialist economies e.g. Index of production 1975=100 footwear, textiles, shipbuilding, and the oil 1967 1979 producing countries are poised to begin produc- Developed Developing Developed Developing economies economies economies economies tion of cheap petrochemicals used in plastics and Electrical machinery 68 37 136 160 synthetic fibres. South Korea is already the Transport equipment 80 34 124 127 Heavy manufacturing 75 49 126 130 world's third largest textile exporter, and as figure Manufacturing 77 58 123 125 5 indicates, is also the world's second largest All industry 76 61 123 120 shipbuilder. Infact figure 5 shows four major % Annual growth rates, 1967-1979 European countries have been displaced in the Developed Developing shipbuilding league by three medium developed Transport equipment 3.7 11.6 Electrical machinery countries and socialist Poland in the space of a 6.0 13.0 Heavy manufacturing decade. Now we turn to the question: has this 4.4 8.5 All industry 4.1 5.8 development in the medium developed capitalist (Source: UN Yearbook of industrial statistics 1979) countries been accompanied by the formation of of Industrial Statistics 1979 compares industrial domestic monopoly capital and finance capital? growth rates for the imperialist OECD economies Figure 5 with those of the developing economies. It shows The top five shipbuilders (mitliT) the developing countries to have the higher rates, 1970 1980 which in some spheres are double that of the Japan 22.6 Japan 12.5 imperialist economies' growth. Sweden 5.8 S.Korea 2.2 As a proportion of world manufacturing, the U.K. 5.1 Brazil 2.0 developing countries have a very small share, France 4.9 Spain 2.0 which has grown from 7% in the 1960s to 9% in W.Germany 4.3 Poland 1.6 1977, but because of higher growth rates, the World total 64.5 World total 33.0 developing countries have also increased the (Source: Lloyd's Register of Shipping) - proportion of their non-fuel exports as manufac- tures, from 10% in 1955, to 20% in 1965 and over Monopoly capital in medium 40% for 1975 (See North-South p.174). Much of this development is confined to about 15 medium developed countries developed capitalist countries, where up to 25% of The countries of Latin America, Africa and Asia the labour force is employed in manufacturing, are all drawn into the world system of imperialism and which receive 70% of all transnational by the export of capital, and it is through this company direct investment to developing count- agency that the working class of these countries ries (Brazil and Mexico alone receive 20%). Figure suffer the highest degree of exploitation. But 4. shows that although the low income countries many communists believe the imperialists to be fare badly compared to the imperialist economies, the sole oppressors and exploiters, as if countries the medium developed capitalist countries have like Brazil, South Korea and Turkey were simply actually overtaken them in the last decade in `dependent', in the sense of being neo-colonies or terms of growth rates for trade and GNP. For colonies. They sometimes reduce it further to the instance, South Korea has experienced annual United States alone oppressing all other countries growth rates of 9% since the 'sixties, as has Mexico in the world, and some have even described a since the late 'seventies. Brazil has increased country like Britain, as a colony of US imperial- value-added by manufacture from $11.9 billion in ism! This sort of analysis is far from the truth, and 1960 to $57.4 billion in 1980 (1980 dollars), and is often promoted in an opportunist fashion, to exports for the same period have increased from denounce the foreigner instead of one's own ruling $3.2 billion to $20 billion; but more striking are the class. figures for South Korean manufactured exports, Many communists point to the dominant which show a remarkable rise from $10 million in activities of all transnational companies in 196:3 to $11.2 billion in 1977 - over a thousand- developing countries, as evidence of them all fold increase! In certain industries, medium being neo-colonies, yet minor imperialist countries developed capitalist countries have made a major like Belgium, Denmark, Australia and Canada Figure 4 also depend on foreign transnationals, mainly Rate of growth of GNP/person (1977, dollars) American ones as the dominant form of 1950-60 1960-70 1970-80 monopoly enterprise, and even large sections of Industrial countries 3.1 3.9 2.4 the British economy are foreign owned. Does this Middle income 2.5 3.4 3.1 Low income 0.6 1.7 mean British is a dependent neo-colony of foreign 1.7 imperialism? This view totally ignores the fact Rate of growth of foreign trade that in all imperialist economies, including the US, domestic monopoly capital, foreign monopoly 1950-60 1960-70 1970-80 Exports Imports Exports Imports Exports Imports capital and the state become intertwined, to Industrial promote the integration of imperialism as a countries 8.7 9.4 5.7 5.1 system. Of course the British imperialist state has Middle income 5.5 6.8 5.2 Low income 5.0 5.0 • -0.8 3.2 a special role in defending British owned monopolies at home and abroad, but that doesn't (Source: World Development report. World Bank - for 1980 & 19811 stop it supporting the interests of Fords, Talbot-

11 The Leninist

Peugeot or Nissan with government grants, or Basin and is currently investing $60 billion in the defending US oil companies in the North Sea. For Carajas project, which will increase Brazilian iron British imperialism to become isolated from the ore production by 50%. (Financial Times Survey world imperialist system would be suicidal. Nov. 18, 1981). This is not to say, that US imperialism is not the South Korea has similar state holding compa- central, most powerful, most exploitative power in nies like Posco (iron and steel) and Korea Electric the world imperialist system, but to argue that all Company, which also runs the massive industrial other imperialist countries are merely oppressed complex at Changwon. During the 1970s, the state puppets, as against partners in plunder, is pure promoted the heavy industry sector, which was opportunist nonsense. dominated by the domestic monopolies Hyundai So what is the situation with medium developed Heavy Industry and Hyundai International. capitalist countries like Spain, Brazil, Turkey or Furthermore, the state holding company Korea South Korea? Are they simply neo-colonies, Heavy Industries and Construction was set up because American transnationals conduct major jointly by KECO, the Korea Development Bank operations there, or do they provide focal points of and S.Korea's Exim Bank. Car production and integration between domestic monopoly capital, power equipment are now dominated by the foreign monopoly capital and the state, to form domestic monopolies Hyundai and Daewoo, the state monopoly capitalism? Is there domestic former having developed the 'Pony' Korean car, monopoly capital in these medium developed and Daewoo being mainly involved with the capitalist countries, which is attempting to subsidiary Saehan Motor, jointly set up with integrate itself in with the world imperialist General Motors. (Financial Times Survey June 5, system? We say, yes, there is. For instance, most 1981). oil producing countries have formed state mono- In Turkey, 40% of production is run by state poly oil companies, which control pricing, enterprises, such as Tusas (military aircraft), production, and distribution of oil, such as Pemex Tumosan (engines), Taksan (machine tools), in Mexico and PDVSA in Venezuela, most of Temsan (electrical engineering), Testas (electro- which operate through the OPEC cartel, in order to nics) and Telsan (telecommunications). All of bargain from strength with the transnational oil these companies are encouraging investment by companies and the imperialist countries. foreign and domestic monopoly capital limited to In other sectors of the medium developed 49% private shares (Financial Times Survey. Sept. capitalist economies, the state performs the 25, 1981). In fact, the most profound and far- function of organising industry and allowing the reaching Marxist analysis of the development of participation of foreign and domestic owned monopoly and finance capital in a medium monopolies. In Mexico, the state is investing in an developed country is Turkey — Weak Link of industrialisation programme to build four indus- Imperialism, by R.Yiiriikoklu, first published in trial port complexes and is backing heavy 1978 by 4cinin Sesi. This book, which is also industry projects through the state development available in English, describes how in Turkey, bank Nacional Financiera. Steel production is "The period 1960-1970, is characterized by the controlled by the state holding company Sidermex, efforts of finance capital to establish its hege- and is to triple production over the next decade to mony. In this period, we witness restored cater for the oil and capital goods industries. The planning and growing state intervention in state oil company Pemex is to more than double general. A large number of mixed enterprises production for the export orientated domestic appeared. A mixture of what? A mixture of state, petrOchemical industry. Foreign investment is bank, industry, foreign and 'military' capital. The encouraged through joint projects, in which the Army Mutual Aid Corporation (OYAK) in Turkey, law imposes 51% ownership for Mexican capital, is a direct partner in this complex. The clique although cars and electronics are allowed 100% occupying the upper echelons of the army has foreign ownership. Subsequently, direct invest- merged, coalesced with finance capital." (R.Yii- ments have risen from $6.8 billion to $8.46 billion rilkoklu, Turkey — Weak Link of Imperialism. p.37 for the year 1979/80. (See Financial Times 1979, 4cinin Sesi Publications). Surveys Aug. 12, 1981 and Mar. 22, 1982). This describes a process which is going on in In Brazil, the economy is dominated by state nearly all medium developed capitalist countries, holding companies such as Electrobras (electri- and explains why in many of these countries, city) and Siderbras (steel), whicit comprises of fascism, the open terroristic dictatorship of several public companies controlling 60% of the capital, led by finance capital takes the form of domestic steel market. The fourth largest state military fascist juntas i.e. Chile 1973, Argentina enterprise CVRD (minerals), is the world's second 1976 and Turkey 1980, because the 'upper echelons largest exporter of bauxite and is soon to become of the army' have become an important part of the world's largest exporter of iron ore. It runs iron finance capital. Yiirtikoklu continues to show, ore pelletising plants and port facilities jointly that in the 1970s, the monopolies 'seized' the state, with foreign companies, and also runs the became integrated with it, inorder to manage their aluminium producing holding company MRN in interests in the economy and to increase the conjunction with the giant transnational mono- oppression and exploitation of the working class poly Alcan (19% share) and the Brazilian and people as a whole. He summerises with the company Votarantim Holding (10% share). CVRD definition: is also responsible for opening up the Amazon "Turkey is a medium level developed capitalist country under

12 The Crisis imperialist exploitation, a country which has not completed its industrialization and in which agriculture in particular is crisis, in whatever form it takes, is that it will still technically backward. Alongside this, it is a country in which result directly from the drive for imperialist the growth and strengthening of the monopolies provides the expansion and redivision. basis for the formation of finance capital and the merger of the Since the 1970s, the tendency towards stagna- state and the monopolies." (Ibid. p.40) tion, crisis and monopoly has returned with a The emergence of monopoly and finance capital vengence, intensifying all class contradictions. within Turkey and other medium developed Despite the strains of trade relations between capitalist countries is the central feature of these imperialist countries, they have succeeded so far countries and moreover is not contradictory to in their strategy, to integrate and fortify their their simultaneous exploitation by imperialism. system against the seige of political and economic Their 'dependence' on the world imperialist crisis. They have driven for expansion through system does not preclude the development of the export of capital, finance capital in particular, domestic monopoly, but actually encourages it: in order to expropriate greater profits and interest "Because the network of relations of the world capitalist from overseas investments. The major target for economy which emerged together with imperialism bears the this capital export is shown by Figure 6, which stamp of monopoly, it determined the situation and the forms indicates the world's largest borrowers of capital. of relations in all the countries within this system They are all medium developed capitalist and accordingly." (Ibid. p.43). socialist countries, and also happen to be the The medium developed capitalist countries are fastest growing economies today. (This is true for at the stage intermediate between the under- socialist countries, because they do not experience developed capitalist countries and the imperialist blocks due to the profit motive). Capital is still countries, a stage where domestic monopoly and exported as direct investment, but this increas- finance capital have not only emerged, but are ingly becomes invested between the imperialist attempting to seize the state and to utilise it as the countries themselves. In 1966, one third of direct agent for its economic and political domination investment was exported to the developing and expansion. countries, but this had fallen to a quarter of the Now we can begin to draw together some of the total by 1975. threads, to get an overall view of the world Because the interest rates which finance capital situation and the developing crisis of imperialism. expropriates tend to rise, the burden of indebted- ness in those medium-developed capitalist count- Imperialism today ries to which finance capital is exported becomes Imperialism emerged from its first general crisis excruciating, intensifying the class contradicti- into the postwar boom, and the outcome of these ons in those countries, squeezing the working new world conditions forced certain changes in class with the highest rates of exploitation, The the world imperialist system, partly because of the making them weak links of imperialism. new balance of world forces, which had been workers in medium developed capitalist countries forged during that general crisis, but also because suffer the double oppression of not only imperial- imperialism was developing to a higher level of ism, but also the domestic monopolies which also productivity and socialisation of capital on a strive for monopoly profits. As an aside, the events world scale. The colonies and semi-dependent in Poland (see The Leninist, No.2), show that countries gained their 'independence' and many although the workers there are not exploited by have subsequently developed capitalist relations, domestic capitalism, the socialist countries which such that even monopoly capital is no longer borrow capital are not immune to economic crisis. based solely in the imperialist countries. The The dilemma of monopoly capital in the medium imperialist powers themselves have further developed capitalist countries is that in general, it integrated their economies, such that a single is unable to expand outwards. It lacks the ability interdependent imperialist system has replaced to become imperialist, as a means to alleviate its the separate expansion of imperialist countries internal crisis. Figure 6 through empire-building. This factor, plus the rise The world's big borrowers of the world socialist system, has reduced Gross $bn Net $bn interimperialist rivalry, and reorientated the Mexico 49.9 40.0 imperialist countries to a common political and Brazil 45.6 41.0 military front against the Soviet Union and the Argentina 21.6 15.8 socialist countries. This is now the most visible Venezuela 21.3 3.4 antagonism in the world today, and the one which Spain 20.7 3.3 poses the greatest threat of world war. South Korea 15.6 12.9 It is on the basis of these transformations in the USSR 15.4 10.9 imperialist system and the world as a whole, that Poland 14.2 13.4 East Germany 9.7 7.8 imperialism now approaches a second general Yugoslavia crisis. The first imperialist general crisis mani- 9.6 6.9 South Africa 9.4 7.8 fested itself primarily, as world wars of redivision Chile 8.8 5.4 between imperialist powers, closely linked to the Greece 8.2 2.8 emergence of international revolutionary situati- Phillipines 6.9 3.7 ons, which in many countries turned into actual Hungary 6.9 6.1 revolution. What can be said of the future general (Source: Bank for International Settlements; World Bank Atlas) 13 The Leninist

interest rates and military strategy; divisions "The phenomenon of finance capital, whatever the general between imperialist governments are occurring economic level of a given country, brings with it a striving to now and will become more problematical in the expand outwards. And this striving has appeared in the future. Yet in the face of the threat, not only to a medium level developed capitalist countries. But finance single imperialist power, but to the integrity of capital in the countries at a transition stage is in all respects, in both capital and technology, very weak against the giant imperialism as a system, then the imperialist imperialist monopolies. So much so, that even the exploitation bourgeoisie must consciously act to moderate of their own countries, they must conduct under the wing of some class divisions and intensify others. Imperi- imperialism. For this reason, the countries at a transition stage alism must increasingly use force to expand and to are, in general, unable to realise the pressing need to expand safeguard its system from the threat of revolution, outwards. We say in general, because it is possible that new imperialist forces may emerge from among these countries. and the Soviet Union is a major obstacle to Given the operation of the law of unequal development, some of imperialism freely carrying out such acts of these countries are bound to join the imperialists, relying on aggression. Subsequently, confrontation between their vast lands, rich resources, or petrol etc. Certain countries imperialism and socialism must increase, and it is are making rapid progress in this direction. According to the Communist Party of Brazil, Brazil is one of them. But this does from this antagonism that the threat of world war not change the general direction. In general, this door is closed is greatest. for the countries at a transition stage." (R.Yurukoglu, Turkey It is within this world context of growing Weak Link of Imperialism v.32) economic crisis, revolutionary situations in the weak links of imperialism and the imperialist drive to expansion and war, that we can look at The developing capitalist countries have at- the developing crisis and class contradictions tempted to offset their growing internal crisis, by within Britain. calling for a redivision of the world market, for a `New International Economic Order', to which the imperialist countries have conceded so much hot THE CLASS STRUGGLE air, with the Brandt Report and the Cancun Before dealing in a more concrete fashion with Conference. The imperialists know, that to give Britain, it is useful to elucidate certain general concessions to the medium developed capitalist laws, which link political developments to the countries especially, will only exacerbate their economic crisis. The inner motivation of capita- own internal political situation. Some medium lism is the produciton and realisation of ever developed capitalist countries have attempted to increasing masses of surplus value, which are expand by force. According to The Cyprus then accumulated for the further expansion of Question, published by Iscinin Sesi, Turkish capital. To achieve this, capitalism must resort to finance capital is turning Northern Cyprus into a methods to increase the social productivity of colony, and we argue that the intentions of labour, which as Marx says, "... is the historical Argentine finance capital in the Falklands/Mal- task and justification of capital." (K.Marx. vinas were also expansionist and redivisionist. Capital Vol. III. p.259) The inability of these finance capitals to Yet it is precisely the development of the generally expand, forcefully or otherwise, gives productive forces, which come into conflict with rise to revolutionary situations. These countries the limits set by capital, its preservation and self- become 'weak links' of imperialism. In the 1970s, expansion. Increasing productivity manifests revolutionary situations arose in Chile, Argentina, itself in two ways: an increase in the mass of Portugal, Greece, Turkey and Iran. For some of cheapened use-values, which provide the basic these countries, the crisis has been temporarily materials and conditions for extended production, soothed by closer association with the imperialist such as machines, buildings, raw materials and economies of the EEC; for some of the others, the necessary goods for productive workers; and revolutionary situation has been temporarily secondly, a relative and absolute decline in the resolved in the negative, by counter-revolution, by number of workers employed by the means of fascism. The necessity for imperialism to expand, production, with improvements in new technique, will ensure that th'e crisis for the weak links of automation etc. The proportion of workers in the imperialism will intensify, and that revolutionary imperialist economies, who work directly in situations will return time and again, until they manufacture, has historically declined over the are resolved in the positive, by revolution. But this past thirty years, with a growth of non-productive same process reduces the ability of imperialism to and non-manufacturing jobs in the state, service expand, to export capital, as instability, crisis and sector and offices etc. revolution become endemic in the under and It is the competitive drive for profit, which medium developed capitalist countries. In order forces the capitalist to revolutionise technique, to for imperialism to safeguard its markets for trade reduce costs, and expand sales by undercutting and capital, it must intervene using violence. This the average market price. is the meaning of the 'Rapid Deployment Forces'. The general effect of increased social producti- In general, the drive for expansion and vity in the long term, gives rise to a tendency for redivision today still focusses on the contradicti- variable capital, which directly employs labour ons between capitalist countries, as the Falklands power, to shrink as a proportion of total capital. As war has shown. Even hostilities between imperi- value produced by living labour is the source of alist powers cannot be excluded, as tension surplus value, so this is expressed as the tendency between them rise over trade and capital markets, for the general rate of profit to fall. If the rate of

14 The Crisis

profit of a given size of capital is halved, then inorder the workers' wages, which reflect on average the to expropriate the same mass of profit as before, value of labour power, and the capitalists' surplus then that capital must double in size. It is this value, more commonly known as profit. For a impetus to accumulate inversely faster than the basic rendition of principles and variable factors rate of profit falls, that accelerates the process of involved in this process, Marx's pamphlet Wages, concentration and centralization, and gives rise to Prices and Profits is still unbeatable, and the the tendency towards monopoly in the present following explanation has been mainly taken epoch. from that work. For those capitals, which are too small, or There is a direct inverse relation between wages otherwise unable to compensate for the falling and profits, because a rise in one brings about a rate of profit with an increased mass of profit, they fall in the other and visa versa. In common experience an overproduction of capital. This language, the ratio of profits over wages is called means that capital is becoming over-accumulated, the rate of surplus value. We have already seen overproduction in relation to labour, such that the that the capitalist class must constantly raise the existing rate of exploitation of the latter is rate of surplus value i.e. the rate of exploitation, insufficient to comply with the conditions of and thereby force the value of labour power to producing 'normal' levels of surplus value. It is shrink. Historic evidence of this is best taken from alongside the falling rate of profit, which is US statistics, which go back as far as 1850, and synonymous with the overproduction of capital, although their accuracy cannot be relied upon, that a growing over-production of labour appears, they still illustrate a tendency. Figure 7 shows the who are "... not employed by the surplus capital US rate of exploitation for manufacture rising owing to the low degree of exploitation at which continuously from the 1870s to the beginning of alone they could be employed, or at least owing to the twentieth century, a period of massive growth the low rate of profit which they would yield at the for US capitalism, during which monopoly capital given degree of exploitation." (K.Marx Capital first arose. Confirmation that failure to raise the Vol. III. p.256.) rate of exploitation sufficiently, brings forth The fall in the rate of profit connected with disturbances in the production process and crises, accumulation, intensifies the competitive struggle is illustrated by the stagnating rates between 1909 between capitals, and gives further momentum to and 1953, which coincided with the general crisis the drive to increase productivity, thus the vicious of imperialism (1914-1948), whereas the postwar cycle continues and the slippery slope into crisis boom after 1953 is one of unprecedented increases becomes steeper. The more productivity, advances, in the rate of exploitation. the greater is the overproduction of capital, and The demand by the capitalist class to raise the the greater are the masses of unemployed labour, rate of exploitation is not necessarily accompani- who stand at one pole, opposite surplus capital at ed by a sharpening of the class struggle, as the the other. Unemployment has been rising univer- period after 1953 testifies to, because the worker sally since the 1970s, and now stands at an measures his share by consumption of use-values, average of 8-10% throughout the EEC countries by his standard of living, whereas the capitalist and North America, and is even higher in the measures his share, not by use-values, but by under-and medium-level developed capitalist co- value. The scientific, direct method of defining untries. value is to measure labour time. During the most Given the falling rate of profit, the only limit to favourable conditions for capitalist production, a a continuation of the capitalist mode of produc- rise in productivity provides an increased mass of tion, is the further expansion in the mass of cheapened use-values, which if consumed by the surplus value. This is a product of the rate of worker, reduce the value of his labour power, while exploitation and the mass of workers exploited at allowing his standard of living to remain the that rate i.e. S =s/v x V (V = mass of variable same, or even rise. During the 1950s and 1960s, capital employing labour power). Because increas- both workers' standards of living and capitalists' ing productivity connected with a rising organic profits in the imperialist economies, rose at an composition of capital is the same as relatively historically unprecedented rate due to increased fewer workers being employed by greater masses productivity in raw materials production etc. The of machines etc., and because the over-production Figure 7 of capital forces out labour from production, for Historic Rate of Surplus Value for US manufacturing whom the rate of exploitation is too low, then there is actually a tendency within a given 'mature' capitalist economy for the mass of productive labour to fall. This means that within the confines of the national capitalist economy, the capitalist class must primarily resort to increasing the rate of exploitation, as one of the factors for raising the mass of surplus value.

Rate of exploitation 0 11160 1180 1900 1920 1940 1940 The class struggle between capital and labour Years stems from the division of labour value between (Source: Historical Statistics of the US)

15 The Leninist

working classes condition in these countries was true for the forty years prior to the First World improved absolutely, despite their fall in relative War, when America, Germany and Britain wages and relative social position. competed to develop the world market and The Leninist No.2 published data for UK founded the new industries of the 20th century, manufacturing, which showed the rate of surplus such as cars, electrical power generation, aero- value to be 122% in 1955, and 170% in 1968. In planes, electronics (telephones, wireless), petro- terms of labour time for an 8 hour day, a chemicals etc.; with new techniques in mining, manufacturing worker laboured 3 hours 36 mass assembly (Fords) and work practises minutes for himself in 1955 and 4 hours 24 minutes (Taylorism) in order to help accelerate the process for the capitalist. By 1968, he only worked 2 hours of capital accumulation. All of this paved the way 58 minutes for himself and 5 hours 2 minutes for to the general crisis of imperialism (1914-1948). the capitalist; a transfer of 38 minutes labour-time Similarly today, we read in the bourgeois press of in favour of the latter, assuming a constant 8 hour the 'micro-electronics revolution', genetic en- day. It was this fall in the value of labour power, gineering and bio-technologies, of automated which removed all blocks to capitalist production factories and robots. These are the new industries during these years. By the late 'sixties, capital had, of the 21st century, the sort of techniques Marx been accumulated to immense levels, in fact it had spoke of, as being necessary to erode the division become over-accumulated. The high demand for between manual and mental labour, for building labour prevented the rate of exploitation from not simply socialism, but communism. The advent rising to sufficient levels thereafter. Furthermore, of the automated factory is laying the basis in the the general expansion and increased productivity 1980s, for an unprecedented explosion in social of the world economy was beginning to stretch the productivity, with all its effects on the rate of supply of natural resources, and therefore reduce profit and mass unemployment. The further this the benefits derived from productivity and process advances, the more catastrophic will the cheapness of raw materials. dimensions of the approaching general crisis be, By th 1970s, the conditions which allowed the and the greater will be the revolutionary threat to rate of exploitation to rise in a relatively 'peaceful' the survival of imperialism itself. manner had disappeared. Other methods had to The more the productive forces are developed, be increasingly used. Raising relative and the greater is the course into crisis determined by absolute rates of surplus value by increasing the class struggle. The demand by the capitalist intensity and length of the working day respec- class for a constantly rising rate of exploitation in tively; is a means of increasing surplus value, yet the period of overproduction, finds direct expres- allowing the worker to maintain the value of his sion in the tendency for the conditions of the labour power. In this case, it is not the worker's working class to deteriorate. The success of the standard of living outside the factory which capitalist class in enforcing this, is inversely necessarily suffers, but his physical health, due to proportional to the organisational strength and worsening work practices and conditions. In- resistance of the proletariat. The road to the creasing the rate of exploitation, furthermore, general crisis becomes therefore, one of intensify- becomes synonymous with the forcing down of ing class antagonisms, for the point at which a wages below the existing value of labour power. revolutionary crisis emerges, is determined by For example, wages express the price of labour when the class struggle breaks out into open class power, and are constantly effected by changes, not war. in the value of labour power, but in the value of money. Subsequently, the depreciation of money The Imperialist Factor due to credit expansion results in a general The intensification of class contradictions, and inflation of prices, and if wages lag behind, then the development of revolutionary situations does the worker experiences an absolute deterioration in not reach the same height in all capitalist his living conditions. He effectively receives a countries at the same time. Historically, the most wage cut. Efforts by the capitalist class and powerful imperialist countries have alleviated governments of both Conservative and Labour class tension inside their own borders, by Parties in Britain, to raise the rate of exploitation expanding outwards. Neither Britain nor the US by these methods have become systematic since have ever developed a revolutionary crisis this `In Place of Strife' in 1969. century which threatened the rule of imperialism, because both have exploited the whole world Productivity and crisis to a greater degree than any other imperialist We can state clearly now, that it is the process of power. Even today, Britain is still the world's increasing social productivity of labour which second largest exporter of capital, although there constantly comes into conflict within the limits of is no guarantee it will maintain this position for capitalist production, as expressed in the falling much longer. rate of profit, giving rise to an intensification of Returning to our discussion of the limits class contradictions. It is during periods, when imposed on capitalist production, we stated that of this tendency becomes decisive, that competition the factors which determine the mass of surplus rises to frenzied heights, and the capitalist class value, capitalism cannot increase the mass of accelerates the drive towards crisis by further labour exploited within the national economy, revolutionizing the techniques of production. This and must first resort to increasing the rate of

16 The Crisis exploitation. For an imperialist country, this is world. The working day is the longest in Europe. modified, because surplus capital which cannot be Unemployment is a 'social disaster' with up to 20- employed internally is exported, in order to exploit 25% of the labour-force. The offensive waged by workers abroad at a more intense rate, to finance capital to cut wages below even the expropriate superprofits. Even according to their minimum value of labour power, becomes a bloody own statistics, which do not reveal all the tricks offensive, once it resorts to fascism. The case of for sucking profits from abroad, the bourgeoisie in Chile, where malnutrition has become endemic Britain admit to extracting between 1/5 and 1/, of among children of the working class since 1973, is their gross profits from overseas. well known. In Argentina, wages were slashed by Countries where the proletariat suffer the 50% within two years of the Generals coming to highest levels of exploitation, and where domestic power in 1976, and according to the Financial capital has developed to a monopoly stage but is Times Survey, real wages in Turkey have fallen unable to expand in an imperialist manner, are 10-15% since the fascist Junta came to power in called medium-level developed capitalist coun- 1980, after they had already fallen 44% in the three tries. Before the First World War, only Britain, years previous. The report illustrates the fall in America, Germany, France, Russia, Japan and value of labour power thus: Italy had developed industrial capitalism to any "In February 1982 the many non-unionised workers on the extent, and all of them were developing monopoly minimum wage had to work 73 minutes to buy a kilo of bread, capital which strived for expansion outwards. compared with 44 minutes in 1963. Again in 1982 they would Tsarist Russia was the most contradictory in the have to work 14 hours and 12 minutes for a kilo of meat, sense that it was the fifth largest industrial power, compared with 6 hours and 17 minutes in 1963." (Financial Times Survey, May 17, 1982) with some of the greatest concentrations of factory production in the world; yet, industrial It must be remembered that all workers in Turkey capitalism had developed in an economic and are now effectively 'non-unionized' with the political framework dominated by backward pre- outlawing of the DISK trade unions. capitalist relations. The Tsarist state proved It is for these reasons that, "The working class ineffective against its imperalist rival during the and all working people are suffering under 1904 Russo-Japanese War, and acted as a block to unbearable conditions. For these reasons, the the free outward expansion of monopoly capital- under- and medium-level developed capitalist ism. Monopoly capital in Russia had no alterna- countries, Turkey among them, are becoming the tive but to expand 'inwards', by increasing the weak links of the imperialist chain. The class rate of exploitation of the working class at home, struggle in those countries is assuming unpreced- who also suffered imperialist exploitation from ented dimensions with frequent explosions". (R. British 'Textile, Railway and Oil' Capital and Yiiriikoklu, Turkey — Weak Link of Imperialism, French 'Loan' Capital. The outcome was the p.86) revolutionary explosions of 1905 and 1917. Lenin If Tsarist Russia was the country prior to 1914, termed Russia a 'weak link' in the chain of from which valuable lessons in class struggle imperialism, because it threatened to break even could be learnt, then it is the weak links of today before 1914, before the general crisis had matured. which we must study. We must learn from the Today, there is not one weak link, but many, in lessons of Chile, Portugal, Argentina and Turkey, the under- and medium-level developed capitalist all of which have been given in blood, and where countries. Many have developed monopoly and in many cases, the reasons for defeat have still to finance capital. The working class of medium- be fully answered. The world communist move- level developed capitalist countries suffer the ment as a whole must learn, so that mistakes are `double yoke' of imperialist exploitation as well as not repeated and the way forward in all countries that of domestic monopoly. An example of this is is more clearly understood. Revolution has not yet illustrated in Turkey — Weak Link of Imperialism: reached Britain or the imperialist countries, but it "The working class of Turkey is under very heavy exploitation. will come. A failure to prepare now will lead to In 1973, the rate of surplus value in the large manufacturing immense tragedies and needless defeats, which industry taken alone, was as much 400%. The figure for the can be avoided. whole of the working class is much higher. Moreover, the general tendency indicates that the rate of surplus value will THE CLASS STRUGGLE IN continue to increase." (R. Yiirtikoklu, Turkey — Weak Link of Imperialism, p.80) BRITAIN This figure of 400% compares with rates of Since the emergence of the developing world crisis surplus value of 178% in Britain and 224% in the in 1968, imperialism has been gripped by political US for the same year of 1973. (See The Leninist and economic convulsions, which increasingly No.2) The workers in Turkey and other countries threaten the very fabric of that system. Similarly at that stage, suffer much higher rates of in Britain, transition from the relative social exploitation than in the imperialist countries, and peace of the postwar boom has been heralded by it is here,that the tendency for the conditions of an upturn in class struggle and radicalisation of the working class to deteriorate, becomes most working class politics. Further exacerbations of openly expressed and absolute. Ytiriikoklu shows that crisis here are a result of Britain's relative real wages in Turkey to have declined between decline to other imperialist powers, as expressed 1971 and 1977, and for recorded industrial by the fall in its share of OECD export markets accidents to be one of the highest rates in the from 14.4% in 1964 down to 9.4% within ten years.

17 The Leninist

For the4mperialist bourgeoisie, the crisis leaves Figure g them with little choice. To maintain production of Real householc disposable income per head (UK) value and profit on a stable basis, they must 120 _ constantly raise the rate of exploitation. Unlike the 1950s and 1960s, this has given rise to the demand by capital for a cut in working class living 110 standards. Wages and profits have become Incl. Numbers diametrically opposed to one another over the past 1975.100

14 years. A rise in one has tended to force a decline 100 in the other. It is from the dynamic of this contradiction that the class struggle flows. As the crisis deepens, so the economic struggle of the working class assumes a more political character, 90 and at a higher stage, the trade union demand 0 must give way to the revolutionary demand. 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 If we look at Figure 8, we see the changes in real Real household disposable income per head (UK) household disposable income per head (allowing pay and conditions of these jobs have become for tax and inflation). Historically, this figure has progressively regulated by unemployment. They doubled since the 1950s, and it is only in the 1970s are no longer pampered by the imperialist that any significant fall occurs. In fact during bourgeoisie as a professional elite, but have 1974-1977 and 1981-82, living standards declined become proletarianised. It is for this reason that further than at any other time this century. The the student movement has also orientated itself support of the 1974 Labour Government by the towards the labour movement, as students are Trade Union leaders forced a retreat on all mass more than ever, likely to become highly educated actions by the workers in support of their living workers and members of trade unions. The image standards. This brought about a disastrous of a student blackleg driving a bus during the decline in the organisation and militancy of shop General Strike is long gone. stewards. The demise of our Party as it tailed those The ever broader base which trade unionism same Labour Leaders, removed any possibility of creates amongst the working class, inevitably sustaining a counter-attack against the capitalist draws greater masses of workers into the class and their Labour Government. industrial struggle for economic demands. As the During 1972-73 and 1978-79 however, living strike wave of the late 'sixties escalated into the standards rose faster than at any other time, early 1970s, it was the traditionally militant car primarily because the working class intensified its workers, miners, dockers and engineering workers fight for those gains. who took the lead. By 1973 however, the public From this we can state a relationship: the sector workers were coming out for the first time - conditions of the working class tend to fall, unless a potential army of millions with just a single counterposed by its class organisation and employer, the monopoly capitalist state. In that actions. The logic of capitalist development year, 128,000 civil servants were called out on their means that the class struggle must follow certain first ever one day national stoppage. Since then paths. The dialectic of this process forces it to a they have learnt through more recent struggles, higher level and we can now look at these the need for militant trade unionism. Again nine tendencies in more detail. years ago, 50,000 hospital ancillary workers took Firstly, ever wider sections of the working Figure 9 class are recruited to the organised labour movement. The British working class pioneered U.K. Working days lost U.K. Workers involved ('000 ('000) trade unionism, and has always maintained a higher level of organisation relative to other 1960 3024 817 workers in capitalist countries. In 1979, member- 1961 3046 771 ship of TUC affiliated unions stood at 131/2 1962 5798 4420 million — over half the total workforce — having 1963 1755 591 1964 2277 873 grown at a substantially higher rate after the 1965 2925 869 onset of crisis. Newly organised sections were 1966 2398 531 drawn into struggle. Over a million woman 1967 2787 732 workers have been recruited during the 1970s, 1968 4690 2256 bringing with them a resolute determination as 1969 6846 1656 was shown at Grunwick and Lee Jeans. Their 1970 10980 1793 demands for equal opportunities and equal pay are 1971 13551 1175 being raised inside the trade union movement, 1972 23909 1726 and it is to the working class in general, that many 1973 7197 1513 women have turned in their fight to participate 1974 14750 1622 1975 6012 789 equally in society as a whole. Trade unionism 1976 3284 670 among the millions of scientific, technical, 1977 10142 1155 educational and administrative staffs has grown. 1978 9405 1003 With the expansion of monopolies and state 1979 29474 4583 enterprises employing white-collar workers, the 1980 11964 842 (Source: Annual Abstracts of Statistics) 18 The Crisis selective actions and have now risen to the level of Figure 10 conducting a national strike campaign with all other health workers, involving over half a UK unemployment million. Furthermore, the threat of spending cuts 1600_ since 1976 and the fight against low pay, has united all public sector workers in strikes and demonstrations. It is this growing dissatisfaction and unrest 1200 Numb., among even the lowest and most backward strata unmnployod that underlies the tendency for strikes to involve (•000) wider masses of workers. Figure 9 shows the 800 growth of industrial actions since 1968, which in general have also become more prolonged and bitter.Despite downturns in activity, the underly- 400 ing developments periodically come to the surface, as in 1979. More days were lost and more workers took part in strikes during that year, than at any 0 time since the 1926 General Strike. The class 1960 1964 1968 1972 1976 1960 conflict then was not so intense or political as in (Source: Annual Abstracts of Statistics) 1972, but it was far broader. Another way in which this trend finds 1979 and May 1980. expression is the rising minimum level of Trade unionists are, more than ever, being industrial action necessary for success. In an confronted by the state, if only for the fact that imperialist country such as Britain, the economy they are employed by it and must negotiate with it is concentrated under the dominance of monopoly Over wages and conditions. The demand for "more ownership and the state itself, employing hund- pay" or no redundancies" by the miners, hospital reds of thousands in a single enterprise or workers or railwaymen, can very quickly become industry. For many sections of the labour transformed into a popularly styled rank and file movement, it is necessary to conduct national slogan against the Government of the day. Of strikes, in order to mobilize sufficient forces. In the course, this has no revolutionary content by itself, past twelve years, national industrial actions but reflects the growing sentiment of millions of have been taken by the Postmen and Dockers class conscious workers, as was the case with the (1970), Miners (1972 and 1974), the Building downfall of the Heath Government during the Workers (1972), Civil Servants (1973 and 1981), the miners' industrial action of 1974. Firemen (1977), Lorry Drivers (1979), Steelmen An increasing block to the working class over (1980), Railway Workers (1982) and Hospital the past twelve years, has been the fact that "... in Workers (1982). its merely economic actions, capital is the stronger Secondly, the class struggle must assume side." (K. Marx, Wages Prices and Profits, p.52, greater political character. In an imperialist 1974 Moscow.) This stems from Capital control- country, monopoly and finance capital have ling the conditions under which labour is bought already emerged to dominate economic and and sold. Capital strengthens its own hand by political life. The monopolies have coalesced with weeding out unproductive labour and swelling the the state to form state monopoly capitalism. ranks of the unemployed. As Marx commented, it Increasingly, the state intervenes in the class is not the 95 employed workers who ultimately struggle against the working class, and on behalf determine pay and conditions, but the five of capital as a whole. In 1969, the Labour standing outside the factory gates. Today, the Government proposed In Place of Strife, as a working class is disciplined by fear of redun- legislative means of restricting trade union dancy, with an all time record of over 3 million in activities. The response of the working class was the dole queues. Figure 10 shows the progressive immediate and political, with a protest strike on rise of unemployment since 1968, and it is this May Day of that year. The mounting opposition trend which has decisively weakened the econo- by the trade unions forced a total retreat by the mic bargaining power of the working class up to Wilson administration. The later attempt by the the present day. Moreover the trade unions have Tory Government to impose the Industrial consequently lost members and finance over the Relations Act after 1970 provoked the most past two, years, thus compounding their impot- intense period of directly motivated political ence. strikes in British Labour Movement history. Over Today the Labour movement has been effective- 3 million days were lost in strikes against that Act, ly paralysed by the onslaught of monopoly culminating in 1971, with one of the largest trade capitalism as represented by the Thatcher union demonstrations ever, and a threatened one Government. In order to overcome the resistance day General Strike in July 1972, when five of capital, it must elevate its struggle to greater picketing dockers were imprisoned in Pentonville. heights. The level of workers' actions necessary to Further days of national political protest and increase living standards ten years ago, is totally stoppages occurred on May Day 1973, with inadequate today. Capitalism and the Govern- support from 1.6 million workers, and two more ment is far more intransigent than it was then. against the Thatcher Government in November Inorder to overcome its economic weakness, the

19 The Leninist working class must again raise political demands. battle between the police and mass pickets will be To win more pay and to safeguard jobs, the use of fought. The 1980 law restricting pickets to six has militant mass actions must be developed; workers been infringed on many occasions, and it is merely must draw upon the experiences of mass picketing a matter of time and place, before the police choose at Saltley Gate, factory occupations as exemplifi- to enforce this law. Even during the low-key ed by the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders work-in, and picketing in the recent Health Workers dispute, 80 the mass political strikes and demonstrations of were arrested at Epsom. The bourgeoisie certainly the early 1970s. still remember the failure of the movement to A factor which was crucial at that time was the successfully defend the Shrewsbury Two. existence of a vibrant and militant shop stewards Another factor directing political forces onto movement. The trade union bureaucracies proved the streets and beyond the safe bounds of themselves to be unwilling then as now to lead and bourgeois legality, has been the increasing develop a mass political movement. There is no instability of the bourgeois parties and parlia- question that the strength of the Communist mentary democracy itself. The growth of various Party among politically conscious workers was nationalist parties and more especially the SDP- decisive in setting up the Liaison Committee for Liberal alliance has reduced the stability of single the Defense of Trade Unions, in calling for party government. Parliamentary stalemate which political strikes, in mobilising the engineering the Italian bourgeoisie have developed into a fine workers against the Industrial Relations Act, and art, threatens to paralyse Westminster Palace in in providing the leadership at the UCS. Conse- the future with endless petty wranglings. The quently, the weakness of the rank and file divisions within all major bourgeois parties, movement today is undoubtedly linked with the potentially exacerbate their unity in the face of subsequent decline of our Party. growing crisis. More important for the working Whether our Party rises to the demand for class has been the decline of the Labour Party as a leadership by the working class or not, the viable alternative for government. No longer can objective need for it remains. It is not impossible the TUC and Labour Leaders easily channel that the shop stewards movement will rebuild discontent between the safe banks of bourgeois itself without the Party. In that event, militancy parliamentary democracy. may yet prevail, but without the clear perspective In all the mass organisations of trade unions, of communist leadership. The problems posed by the Labour Party and CND, the demand for extra- that failing will become ever more critical with parliamentary direct action and civil disobedience time. is rising. This is not the invention of 'left' leaders Thirdly, the struggle of the working class must like Tony Benn and Arthur Scargill. Such leaders go beyond bourgeois legality. Tighter laws are responding to the demands of the masses, to against strikers, picketing, factory occupations the objective need of the class struggle to go and the closed shop force this to happen. The beyond the confines of bourgeois legality. experiences with the Industrial Relations Act As the crisis grows, so the objective conditions have taught the labour movement that to defeat mature. The masses, in defense of their class the 1980 Employment Act and the Tebbit Bill, the interests, are forced to raise the struggle from the law must be flouted and made inoperable. The economic to the political, to elevate their actions recipe for conflict is further intensified by the from the small-scale to the mass level, to go reactionary tendency for Finance Capital and its beyond trade union spontaneity and towards a monopoly capitalist state to become more anti- conscious proletarian revolutionary movement. democratic and militaristic. Ever since the These tendencies arise from the objective proces- founding of the Special Patrol Group, the state has ses of class struggle. As the objective factors ripen, been preparing for confrontation on the streets in so the consciousness of the working class becomes the event of civil unrest. The war in Northern increasingly decisive in determining the direction Ireland since 1969, has provided the army and the and the aims of the movement. As Marxists, we paramilitary police force with a live-ammunition recognise the historic task of the working class as training ground for military exercises, house being the socialist revolution. It is the role of the raids, riot control, mass political internment and Communist Party to impart to the working class interrogation. The slightest excuse of laying siege the necessary revolutionary consciousness to 'armed terrorists' is blown up into a full scale through ideological leadership, in order to carry dress rehearsal for an emergency. This was the out that task. case during the Three day week in 1974, when Our immediate objective in building that Party, armed troops and police moved into cordon off fully armed with a revolutionary perspective, Heathrow Airport with armoured cars and tanks. demands a resolute and determined struggle The outburst of discontent and anger against against all opportunist influences which seek to increasing police oppression by black and distract us from that purpose. unemployed youth during the 1980/81 riots was In the years to come, there is no doubt that another qualitative step in this process. CS gas Britain will face the emergence of a revolutionary was used in a British city for the first time, and situation as a result of the developing crisis of police have since been specially trained in the use imperialism. With that in mind, it is our task to of rubber bullets, water cannon, riot control and prepare ahead, and ensure the Party is in a strong equipped with fire-proof shields and clothing. position to lead the approaching socialist revolu- It is within this context that the next major tion. ■

20 Should We Stand in Elections?

`Alternative British Road to Socialism', differing from James Marshall the original or so it would seem, only in the emphasis placed on affiliation to the Labour Party. They stand For a number of years the policy of standing in opposed to independent electoral activity because they elections, both national and local, has become a see it damaging their affiliation strategy. "The party" major source of contention within the ranks of the argues comrade Dave Morgan "can only have an Communist Party. That debate on this is taking effective leading role if it wins the right to a place as an place can only be regarded as healthy, especially affiliated section of the Labour Party." (Discussion 37 as it raises some fundamental strategic questions No.I p.7). Comrade Brian Filling states that "It is confronting the entire working class movement sectarian when we act at elections as though they were in this country. mainly about Communist candidates" (Discussion 37 And such a debate in no way contradicts the No.2 p.11). principles of democratic centralism, unless it is continued during an actual election campaign. What is the Labour Party? There can be no doubt that the stimulus for the debate has been the inability of the party to gain a high, or even Writing to the Morning Star on the Hillhead by-election a 'reasonable' vote when contesting elections. Of course, Comrade Filling develops the 'Alternative British as the British Road to Socialism rests on the foundation Road', opposing not only proportional representation of an ever increasingly successful communist record in (which would damage the Labour Party's prospects) but, elections, the facts are extremely uncomfortable for the using the SDP threat, he argues that we must "rally to party leadership. When the British Road was first the defence of the Labour Party, now under right-wing written, it was against the background of the 1945 attack from within and without, and in the course of election triumph for the Labour party, and the this, expose the lie that we are against the Labour Communist Party's performance of over 100,000 votes Party." (March 11 1982). Underlying all the argumement and two MPs. Those days are long gone, the percentage is a false conception of the Labour Party, held not only by of the electorate voting Labour has steadily declined the leadership of our party, but by the 'alternative since 1951 and those voting Communist have dwindled leadership' as well. The 1977 British Road calls the into an electorally insignificant rump. The fall of the Labour Party the "mass party of the working class" Communist vote has reflected the general decline in the (p.24); comrade Dave Morgan calls it the "broad party's influence and its decay in activity and church"; comrade Noah Tucker says it is "the political membership. wing of the Trade Union movement"; and for comrade These conditions have led to increasing unease Brian Climie "The Labour Party was ... formed to unite among a wide spectrum of party activists concerning all sections of the labour movement ... that would be the contesting of elections, especially when this means independent of (the) capitalist parties." (quotes from opposing Labour candidates. This problem of party Discussion 37 No.1 p.8 and No.2 pp.22, 30). conviction was referred to by comrade Reuben Falber in We, on the other hand, follow Lenin's scientific a letter to the Morning Star, He called for "a determined definition of the Labour Party — it is a bourgeois effort to overcome hesitations and inhibitions within workers' party. (See comrade McGeehan's review the Communist Party on electoral work and a harder article: The Labour Party — a force for Revolution or and more consistent fight to advance the understanding Reaction? The Leninist No.2). Lenin argued that that winning Communist votes is an essential part of descriptions of the Labour Party as "the political the political struggle." (August 5 1981) For without expression of the workers organised in trade unions" electoral success the British Road is an irrelevance. were "erroneous" and that in reality, despite the Thus for the leadership the "giving the maximum working class composition of the Labour Party, it "is a possible number of people the opportunity to vote thoroughly bourgeois party ... which exists to syste- Communist, and the winning of seats" (Ibid) is a central matically dupe the workers." (V.I. Lenin C. W. Vol 31 strategic question, a question of principle. The p257-8) leadership feel they have no way out, they must fight for Those opposed to party electoral activity 'base' their maximum participation in electoral contests, they made position on a passage in the Communist Manifesto the British Road and they must lie on it. which declares that communists have "no interests Besides those party activists who simply feel that all separate and apart from the proletariat as a whole" (K . the hard work expended during elections is in no way Marx and F. Engels, Moscow f969 p61). They justified by the number of votes obtained at the end of monstrously pervert this to mean that communists the day, there are those who opposed the 1977 version of should not oppose the Labour Party in elections. the British Road to Socialism, as a "rationalisation" of Experience since 1848, when the Communist Manifesto the "consistent undermining of Marxism-Leninism in was written, shows all too clearly that it is only the our party" (Glen Baker, Comment April 16 1977). These communists who can express the interests of the comrades felt no commitment to the leadership's working class as a whole. Our comrades seem to have electoral strategy which they regard as reformist. transferred this role to the Labour Party, a party which However, since 1977 they have developed their was established to serve the interests of the labour alternative. Unfortunately this is not a revolutionary aristocracy and the growing labour bureaucracy, whose road to socialism carried through with the dictatorship interests. fully conformed with the growth and of the proletariat, no — what they offer is nothing but an continuation of British Imperialism. The Labour Party

21 The Leninist

was from its inception a social-imperialist party, drawing board. It is to this task that the tactic of the committed to the bourgeoisie, violently opposed to united workers' front is directed. Basically, it is a tactic workers at home and abroad. To use quotes from the through which communists join with the mass of Communist Manifesto about "the interests of the workers in defence of immediate, basic interests, proletariat as a whole" or even about communists not against the bourgeoisie. Everyday struggles, given the opposing "other working-class parties" as a cover for development of the crisis of capitalism, leads to the not standing communist candidates in elections is a workers being convinced of the need for revolution. To dangerous opportunist ploy. facilitate this it is important that Communists achieve "The Communist Party" declares comrade Susan not only propaganda victories but also organisational Michie "cannot and should not seek to replace the results. Thus the united front presupposes active co- Labour party ..." in fighting elections. "The Com- operation between the Labour Party, and our party. In munists' task should be to gain" leadership of the doing this independence of the Communist Party, its working class "within the Labour Party (by gaining the freedom of action in relation to the Labour Party, must removal of bans and proscriptions, and achieving under no circumstances he jeopardised. affiliation), not to stand candidates against the Labour To carry through a struggle for a united workers' Party." Likewise comrade Jeff Sawtell argues "The front and to preserve the Communist Party's absolute concept of a mass party has always meant a party of autonomy and complete independence, it is vital for the mass influence not an oppositional force that would leadership of the Party . to be strong, united and divide the working class. Let us unite the Party on the ideologically sound, being firmly based on Marxism- basis of the necessity of a Communist Party to work to Leninism. If this is not the case the danger of unite the class by uniting its political representatives liquidationism is great In Britain today the Com- with the people. To do this we have first of all to work to munist Party's' leadership is weak and riven with change the constitution of the Labour Party to enable it divisions; under such conditions the slogan of workers' to become a true federal party of the working class ..." unity can become one of conciliation with the agents of (both quotes from Discussion 37 No.2 pp.21 and 51). the bourgeoisie in the working class; the tactic of Yes, we must fight for working class unity, but this affiliation, applied now, can only amount to a call to will be achieved by a Communist Party mass in liquidate the party, especially as the block to liquidation membership and influence. Workers' unity is not unity lies not in the Communist Party, but in the Labour with the agents of the bourgeoisie in the workers Party. Their rules preclude communist affiliation, but if movement. This in no way means that the leadership's this obstacle were removed, or if communists were recipe for success through standing as many candidates allowed to join the Labour Party as individuals, there is as possible is correct. But our aim should be, in the words a great danger that the party's independence and of comrade Paul Fauvet: freedom of criticism would be sold for thirty pieces of silver. "to replace the Labour Party as the main working class force It is common now to view the existence of the in British politics ... to compete with and overtake the Labour Communist Party outside the Labour Party, and the Party: this only sounds like madness if you assume that Labourism is indelibly scored onto working class brains at lack of common candidates in elections as the problem. birth, and cannot be removed or transformed. But if you believe Nothing could be further from the truth, the problem is this, then why have a Communist Party? (Discussion 37 No.2 the continued ability of the Labour Party, despite being p.41) in government seven times, to hold on to the loyalty of workers. It is to overcome this problem that the tactic of Comrades like Dave Morgan, Brian Filling, Jeff affiliation should be considered, and it is for the same Sawtell and Susan Michie seem to have put all their reason that the call for a Communist Labour front revolutionary eggs in the reformist Labour Party would be made. These are tactics, subordinated to the basket. This course has been adopted by some centrists overal aim of destroying the influence of the social- because of their inability to develop a revolutionary democrats, and achieving communist hegemony over alternative to the British Road. Their failure in 1977 to the working class. If we look at the past we can see that block the further right shift, represented by the new electoral tactics varied constantly, in contrast to version of the British Road, combined with the split in today's monotonous diet. the opposition and the formation of the NCP, meant that these comrades followed what was for them the line of least resistance, that is towards the Labour Party. The The Party and Parliament progress of the Labour left, the emergence of Bennism, Although the Labour Party refused the Communist with the deepening of the capitalist crisis looked like a Party's applications for affiliation in the early 1920s, it shining beacon to the confused and bewildered. But initially allowed party members to join as individuals. Straight Left and other centrists were drawn to the Hence in those days party members either stood as Labour Party not as Leninists, determined to expose the Labour candidates, official or unofficial, or where they social-democratic leaders and win the masses to stood as Communist Party candidates they were communism, no they are like moths drawn to a flame. unopposed by Labour. This situation was not only the Although, the centrists castigated the leadership for result of the then rules of the Labour Party, but of the their parliamentary roadism they themselves now immense prestige enjoyed by the party and its leaders in indulge in exactly the same sin, for they both now look the broad labour movement. This was reflected in the towards the Labour Party as the source of progress to high percentage of the poll gained by party members. In socialism. the 1922 General Election seven party members gained a total of 52,819 votes, and two were elected — The United Front Tactic J.T.Newbold in Motherwell — standing as a communist Ever since the formation of the Communist Party in and S.Saklatvala in Battersea North — standing as an 1920, the necessity of confronting the problem of official Labour candidate. The following year, the Labour's mass support has vexed party leaders. For December General Election produced 76,741 votes for unless the mass of the working class is won to the the nine party candidates, and in 1924, standing for the banner of revolution, socialism will remain on the first time universally on a Communist Party ticket,

22 Elections eight candidates secured 55,355 votes (in seven advocate self-inflicted euthanasia. What a sorry state of constituencies there was no Labour opposition). affairs. It was not until 1929 that the Communist Party But all is not black, underneath the surface mighty deliberately sought to oppose Labour candidates. forces are operating, maturing the conditions for Standing on a platform of militant opposition to the revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, not Labourites, the twenty-five party candidates secured only in our country but throughout the world. The forces over 30,000 votes. A similar strategy was pursued in operating within capitalism create the conditions for 1931 under the banner of "Class Against Class" and the world Soviet Republic, and inevitably bring into "Forward to the Workers Dictatorship". This 'Third motion the now dormant working class masses, forcing Period' line was dropped by 1935 with the inception of them towards revolutionary politics. None who call the Popular Front strategy and Labour's debacle of themselves communists can doubt any of this, but in 1931. Calling for a "Vote for a Labour Government to order that we are ready for these developments we must Fight Capitalism" the party only stood two candidates; settle accounts within our own ranks and win the Pollitt in Rhondda East gained 13,655 votes to Labour's vanguard to the banner of Marxism-Leninism. 22,088 in a straight fight, and Gallacher won in Fife Liquidationism must be defeated. On the electoral West with 13,462 votes to Labour's 12,869 and the field battle can be joined on the question of the necessity Tories' 9,667. to differentiate between communists and social- By 1950 everything was thrown into the -electoral democrats. At the same time, we must fight on the ring, the party aimed to greatly improve on its 1945 crucial question of what platform communists should result, the leadership campaigned for 100 candidates, stand on: that of revolutionary Marxism-Leninism or but the result was shattering. Only 91,684 votes were social reform. Because we are not talking about winning secured compared with 102, 760 by 21 candidates in 1945 the masses (yet) but securing the vanguard itself, our (and two MPs). As a consequence, only 10 candidates campaigns inevitably must take on the form of stood the following year, and in 1955 only 17. It was only outlining the principles of communism. after the recovery of party membership following its We would advocate the standing of only a few collapse in the wake of the 1956 Hungarian events, that candidates in parliamentary elections. These should be the leadership again set their sights on a large number in constituencies where, despite the rhetoric from the of party candidates in General Elections, one eye firmly SDP about there being no safe seats, there would be no fixed on the minimum needed for time on radio and danger of letting the SDP/Liberals or the Tories win by television. our action. Certain constituencies spring to mind Our task is not to try to return to the past, we must immediately, those held by particularly vile traitors proceed from an analysis of the concrete features (such as Michael Foot in Ebbw Vale). Where there is no existing today. Electoral tactics must be determined in communist candidate, in our view, there can be no other the light of the ideological and organisational crisis in call but vote Labour. Those who claim that it has the party, and the need to combine independent thoroughly exposed itself over the past eighty odd years communist work with the necessity of building links are mistaken. Healey, Callaghan, Wilson and the like - with Labour Party activists and the broad working yes, but what of Benn, Race and Holland, let alone class. Clearly, in the immediate future their is little Scargill and Livingstone. Surely they have gained and chance of communist success in parliamentary elec- will gain yet more support from class conscious tions, we do not even command much leverage over the workers. To ignore this fact is to indulge in wishful Labour Party towards concluding any sort of reason- thinking. When advocating similar tactics Lenin able deal, we often find ourselves only being offered the summed up this approach in the following words: task of giving out Labour Party leaflets for Labour Party candidates. "At present, British communists very often find it hard even to approach the masses, and even to get a hearing from them. If I come out as a Communist and call upon them to vote for Our Alternative Henderson and against Lloyd George, they will certainly give me a hearing. And I shall be able to explain in a popular For us, the standing of communist candidates is manner, not only why Soviets are better than a parliament and obligatory, for it offers immense possibilities to that the dictatorship of the proletariat is better than the disseminate communist propaganda, thereby bringing dictatorship of Churchill (disguised with the signboard of us into contact with the broad masses of the working bourgeois 'democracy') but also that with my vote, I want to class. Lenin castigated those 'left' communists who, on support Henderson in the same way as the rope supports a principle, refused to participate in parliamentary hanged man — that the impending establishment of a activity, constantly pointing to the example of the government of Hendersons will prove that I am right, will bring the masses over to my side, and will hasten the political Bolsheviks: How they had operated in the Tsarist death of the Hendersons and the Snowdens just as was the case Duma, the Democratic Conference, Kerensky's pre- with their kindred spirits in Russia and Germany." (V.I.Lenin, parliament and the Constituent Assembly. How they left-wing' Communism, an infantile disorder, CW, Vol 31, used these institutions to espouse revolutionary ideas, p.88) entering them with the aim of smashing the bourgeois Such a course cannot be separated from the overall state machine, including parliament itself. Boycotting ideological struggle in the party. Only on the basis of a of elections or walking out of the parliament were solid commitment to Marxism-Leninism can we considered acts only to be carried out during a situation construct a secure foundation from which to build a where the masses were clamouring for revolutionary united workers' front. Only once we have settled change, (the Bolsheviks even fought the elections for accounts in our own ranks could we safely countenance the Constituent Assembly on the morrow of the Soviet launching a full-scale offensive for a Communist/ Revolution itself). Labour bloc in elections, let alone a fight for Communist But in Britain today, the disease communists are Party affiliation to the Labour Party. Until then - suffering from is not 'infantile leftism' but senile Stand candidates in national and local elections on a rightism. The right-opportunists, their tactics fossiliz- propaganda basis: Fight for a principled communist ed, seem incapable of now exercising even the slightest platform: Use the elections to build links with the degree of flexibility; the centrists have little better to masses: Support Labour candidates with critical offer, some of them such as those around Straight Left, communist propaganda: •

23 Lessons of the Falklands War

Bill Co bban growing class contradictions and internal instability. Alternatively, to offset the growing internal crisis, The only way to eliminate the threat of war is to domestic monopoly and finance capital has also shown eliminate class society. Once faced with the reality of a signs of attempting to expand 'outwards', beyond its war however, we must study it in an historical context, own borders. As the burden of imperialist exploitation to determine our immediate position towards the and interest rates rise, so the pressure to expand belligerents involved. In the modern epoch, wars fall overseas must increase. With international export roughly into two types; the reactionary, which are markets becoming more restricted, Argentine finance fought between imperialist plunderers for the division of capital has attempted 'emergency measures' to relieve spoils from exploitation; and progressive wars, which its internal economic and Volitical crises. The collapse are waged by the oppressed against the oppressor. In the of the largest Argentine-owned Holding company immediate past, these have predominantly been wars of Sasetu in 1981, illustrated the depth of that crisis. liberation against colonialism, but also include civil wars, such as the present conflict in El Salvador, and of The Argentine bourgeoisie are incapable of a course those waged by the proletariat against the progressive role today and have become reactionary to bourgeoisie. We recognise the justice, necessity and the core, with the rise of finance capital to a position of progressive role of these wars, in aiding the destruction dominance. This is further proved by its adoption of of reaction, and we openly support all such rebellions of the fascism, to forcibly suppress the revolutionary crisis by oppressed against the oppressor. So what was the terror in the interests of capital. A bourgeoisie which character of the recent war between Argentina and butchers and tortures 20,000 people and cannot openly. Britain? What was the aim and intentions of both admit to the fate of what is termed The Disappeared', countries? can hardly extend the torch of liberation and democratic Nearly all left tendencies condemned Britain's rights to 1,800 Falklanders. Those who call the control of the Falklands as a colonial vestige. Despite Argentine regime `bonapartist' or who divide it into Argentina committing the first act of aggression, `progressive' and 'conservative' wings, are disguising the British imperialist bourgeoisie sent the Task the essence of fascism, as counter-revolution in the Force to defend its prestige and dwindling world epoch of imperialism. The Argentine fascist junta is imperialist role. In addition to this, are the resources in reactionary in foreign politics as it is in domestic the South Atlantic which may be exploited at a future politics, and it waged the war against British time, the military strategic position of the Falkland imperialism as a reactionary imperialist war of Islands vis-a-vis important trade routes around the annexation. Horn and South Africa. The ideological differences What should the position of communists be towards within the Party and outside of it emerge when we such a war of plunder, despite the differences in size and consider the role of Argentina. The Leninist issued a strength of the belligerents? leaflet on the London May Day Demonstration and had The only principled communist position is to call for this to say about Argentina: the defeat of one's own bourgeoisie, to take advantage of any weakness of the ruling class during the crisis and to "The seizure of the Falklands was no war of national unification or liberation. Argentina is no 'banana republic', it is advance any opportunity for its revolutionary over- a medium developed capitalist country with a per capita throw. Moreover, the idea of putting an end to war in production nearer Spain than Turkey (both candidates for EEC general, through revolution, must be constantly propa- membership, both medium developed), as such it has gated. imperialist ambitions." (May Day Manifesto, The Leninist) So what positions did various parties, groups etc. take Argentina is one of the richest countries in Latin towards the war and their own bourgeoisie? First, is the America, where industrial production accounts for over utter treachery of social chauvinism here, which openly 45% of its GDP, and the mass of rural workers are not and unashamedly sided with imperialism. The leader- as usual, came out behind peasants, but employed as wage labour on the expansive ship of the Labour Party, monopoly capital under the hypocritical and ineffective latifundias of the pampas plains. Argentina is a medium-level developed capitalist country under impe- leadership of Michael Foot, whose reputation as a so- rialist exploitation and is over $30 billion in debt to called 'peace monger' has been justly torn up and foreign banks. Besides this intervention of foreign exposed as rubbish to even the most naive pacifist. No finance capital however, there has emerged domestic amount of bleating and pleading should be wasted on urging Foot to change his mind. The Labour Party monopoly and finance capital which has 'seized' the state, to form state monopoly capitalism. leaders have shown themselves constantly throughout history to be at one with British imperialism, and should Capitalism has matured within the boundaries of be exposed and condemned as such. Argentina to a relatively high stage, and since the Tailing on behind Foot, in a sickening attempt to development of crises throughout the 'seventies, strengthen its tenuous foothold inside the Labour Party, domestic monopoly and finance capital has sought to is the spineless and utterly corrupt Militant Tendency expand in order to continue capital accumulation on a stable basis. Expansion can operate 'inwardly', by who declare: intensifying the exploitation of workers, who already "The Labour movement should be mobilised to force a general suffer the 'double yoke' of imperialist monopoly and election to open the way for the return of a Labour government domestic monopoly, and which has given rise to to implement socialist policies at home and abroad (...) A

24 Falklands

Labour government could not just abandon the Falklanders and let Galtieri get on with it. But it would continue the war on quite rightly consider it their duty to avoid any head-on socialist lines." (Falklands War, Militant International confrontation with imperialism, but the very existence Review, Issue 22, p.4, June 1982) of imperialism creates the war threat. The Soviet Union These so-called Marxists use the social-chauvinist did not want war in 1941. Both Korea and Vietnam tactics of attacking the fascist character of the would have preferably gained their unified independ- Argentine junta, as an excuse for supporting British ence in a peaceful manner. Every other oppressed class and people would also prefer freedom without recourse imperialism. Similarly, the Liberation leadership split faced with a just ideologically when Stan Newens MP (chairman) and to war. But what is our attitude when Tony Gilbert (Secretary) condemned Argentine fascism, war of the oppressed against the oppressor: in Vietnam, no doubt for opportunist reasons, in a letter to the in South Africa, in Ireland, in the Lebanon and in El Morning Star: Salvador? Do we condemn the PLO, the ANC, the Vietcong or the IRA for threatening world peace? "... we have had no real analysis by either those for or against The problem facing our Party leadership, is that they the sailing of the Task Force from Britain. have declared the Falkland's issue, "... a question "Those who simply see this as the ending of colonial rule of closely connected with their (Argentina's — T.L) rights the Falkland Islands run smack into the danger of presenting as an independent nation (...) the content of the struggle the leader of the fascist junta as a 'liberator', or a fighter is still anti-imperialist." (Article by Tony Chater. against colonialism. "... There can be no possibility of mobilising mass support Morning Star, Editor, May 22nd 1982) Yet they did not against the dangerous war moves of the Thatcher government want to follow their own logic through to its Marxist unless we can expose the manoeuvres of the imperialist powers, conclusion and support what they should have declared the US, Britain and the Argentine have engaged in." (Morning as a just war on behalf of Argentina. Why is this? Star, May 18th, 1982) The reason is quite simple. The position of the Party leadership is imbued with social-pacifism, in order to But nowhere in the letter was there the demand comply with the bourgeois-pacifism of the Campaign to wage a campaign to expose British imperialism, nor for Nuclear Disarmament and the left-social democ- "defeat for one's own bourgeoisie", which is the only racy of Tony Benn. Pasifism does not recognise the possible proletarian basis for condemning the other connection between war and class society; it does not imperialism. link the struggle for peace with the revolutionary So what was the position of the leadership of the struggle to overthrow imperialism and class society; it Communist Party of Great Britain? In the initial does not recognise the necessity of supporting an statement by the Political Committee, it says: oppressed people in a just war. Pacifism as an ideology "We support the call by the UN Security Council, for makes imperialist war more inevitable, by disarming withdrawal of Argentine forces and a negotiated settlement the working class of any revolutionary perspective for through the United Nations which takes into account that peace. In Britain today, the peace movement is mass, Britain's claim to sovereignty is a hangover from this country's but it is predominantly pacifist. In saying this, we do colonial past and should be ended." (Published in Comment, not condemn it or ignore it. It means we pose ourselves May 1st 1982). a task as communists to win those in that movement to In these and other articles by comrades Gordon the struggle (violent if need be) to overthrow McLennan and Gerry Pocock in the Morning Star (May imperialism. Our Party leadership consciously sur- 1st and June 19th 1982 respectively), the Party rendered any principled position in order to tail and leadership was extremely reluctant to openly declare ingratiate itself with pacifism. their support for Argentina's claim to sovereignty. They What should our attitude be towards disputes over merely hinted at it. They circumvented this problem, sovereignty between 'slave-holding nations' and to principly because they wished to avoid having to wars of annexation? We support Lenin's principled support a supposedly just war against Britain. They did position of "The Right of Self-determination", which he not want to be seen publically supporting the Argentine struggled for over a protracted period, coming into junta in war. conflict with Rosa Luxemburg on many occasions. We For example, Gerry Pocock, the International believe the Falklanders should have this right. This is Secretary of the Party said: not to say we welcome the creation of small states . Logically, the Falklands should eventually integrate "The question of sovereignty of the Falklands or anywhere with Argentina, but it would be a grave injustice if this else, cannot be determined by the nature of the regime asserting a claim, or by the means used to pursue it (...) But it is were done by forced annexation. also wrong simply to ignore the Argentine military seizure as The only interest the Argentine workers have, is in some ultra-left and sectarian elements do. For them the exposing the imperialist ambitions of their own Argentine right to sovereignty was paramount above every bourgeoisie and calling for its defeat. In carrying this other consideration, and led to the production of divisive and task out, they must declare their support for the right of offensive slogans that created some confusion in the anti-war self-determination. Only then will they win the support movement." of the Falklanders for the Argentine revolution. By "divisive and offensive slogans'.', comrade Pocock An argument often used by socialists and commu- was referring to petty bourgeois groups like the nists to support Argentine sovereignty over the Revolutionary Communist Party, who called for an Falklands/Malvinas is the historic character of the Argentine victory. Comrade Pocock continues: islanders as colonial settlers. Do white settlers in Australia, New Zealand or America have no rights to be "It is important to condemn the Argentine action. It was in where they are now? Of course colonialism has resulted total violation of the principle that must guide international in a mass of injustices towards the native population, relations; non-recourse to force to resolve disputes and conflicts especially in Israel and South Africa where oppressed between nations, alongside maximum use of the UN." (Morning Star, 19th June 1982) peoples are denied even political rights. But we must also look at the situation as it exists today. 1,800 people The problem with this position, is that he omits to live on the Falklands and they constitute the majority of pinpoint the source of war. He does not show that it is a distinct geographical and cultural population. This the militaristic and reactionary nature of imperialism does not mean we support as communists, their desire to that is the driving force for war. The Socialist countries remain with British imperialism, nor any actions or

25 The Leninist claims by British imperialism to secure that link. Our The New Communist Party on the other hand got off role is to expose and defeat British imperialism. We to a flying start by literally stumbling onto a demand the withdrawal of British imperialism from `principled' position without thinking. The New Worker all colonial territories, as a necessary condition for all Editor had this to say at the beginning of hostilities on oppressed peoples as a whole, to exercise their right of the 2nd April: self-determination. "At issue is a battle between two third-rate imperialisms, the What was the position of the Communist Party of US-directed quisling regime in Britain and the equally US- Argentina? The Declaration of its Central Committee directed dictatorship in Argentina. 'Which one for us?', ask the on April 3rd, 1982, stated: 1,900 Falkland Islanders, and we reply that they have the same "The Communist Party fully supports the recovery of the Islas rights to independence, to freedom and to self-determination as Malvinas after 150 years of imperialist domination by Great everybody else." (The New Worker, Editorial, April 2nd 1982) Britain. In Argentina, as elsewhere in the world, we have thus eliminated a colonial enclave against which the Argentine It finally seeped through to The New Worker People had always fought." (Comment, May 1st 1982, p.9) Editor and the New Communist Party, that they We as Leninists consider it our proletarian interna- were somewhat out of step with the world communist tionist duty to openly condemn this statement by the movement and the Communist Party of Argentina in leadership of our fraternal Party in Argentina, as an particular. The NCP statement on the Falklands unprincipled surrender to vile social-chauvinism. It has adopted on May 8th 1982, said: associated itself with the reactionary interests of its "The dispute between British imperialism and Argentina own monopoly bourgeoisie. While correctly attacking (neither imperialist nor fascist — The Leninist) can only be British and US imperialism as "... seeking to seize the resolved by Britain relinquishing all claims to the Islands and vast resources of the region (oil, minerals etc.) and to conceding via negotiations under UN auspices sovereign establish military bases there, as part of its aggressive rights to Argentina in a form that is in keeping with the UN foreign policy..." (Ibid), it totally fails to expose the resolution against colonialism." (The New Worker, May 14th connivance and co-operation of Argentine monopoly 1982.) capital with imperialism. Was it not the Argentine junta which was party to a proposed South Atliantic Treaty So what are the lessons of the Falkland's War? Our Organisation with the US and South Africa? Equally, position of defeat for ones own bourgeoisie, as the they do not make any suggestion that perhaps the means of creating revolutionary° opportunities, has Argentine junta was seeking to annex the Falklands, been backed up by post-war events in Argentina. in order to expand and strengthen its regional and Contrary to the position of petty bourgeois groups like military pact with US imperialism. Moreover, the the IMG and RCP, who argued that the Argentine leadership of the Communist Party of Argentina has bourgeoisie would be weakened by victory (!), defeat posed no revolutionary tasks for its working class, by has brought a growing political crisis within the ranks calling for the defeat and overthrow of the Argentine of the fascist jUnta, with Galtieri and the Air Force monopoly capitalist state. Commander being replaced. The three armed services The working class in Argentina has been dominated have been unable to agree up to now on a reformed junta, by Peronism, a bourgeois ideology, for over 30 years. and are breaking up into several tendencies — one The Communist Party should have sought to expose the preferring further fascisation and another wanting a peronist trade union leaders as agents of the return to bourgeois democratic rule. The Financial bourgeoisie. Given the ideal opportunity to do this, what Times, reported the regime as, "... showing increasing does the Party leadership do? It tails the peronists. signs of disintegration." (Financial Times, August There is no hope for communism in Argentina, so long 20th, 1980). as opportunism dominates in this way. The situation Meanwhile, mass action of the working class has there demands an ideological struggle for Marxism- risen with a 24 hour pus and train strike on August 18th Leninism inside the Communist Party immediately. and a mechanics strike the following day. The moderate Equally disgusting is the unprincipled performance peronist leaders of the General Confederation of Labour of the centrists in this country, who if not tailing behind were described as, "... under pressure from their rivals opportunism in the British working class, latch onto and an increasingly militant membership." (ibid) centrist positions emanating from the world communist Things change very quickly in a developing revolu- movement. tionary situation, which is precisely what is now The centrist-liquidationist tendency in our own Party happening in Argentina. Had the Communist Party Straight Left, condemned British imperialism while there adopted a Leninist position, it would now have backing the Argentine monopoly bourgeois claim to indeed been unpopular during the war, as were the sovereignty. In order to keep in line with `general Bolsheviks during their 'July Days'. Yet the working opinion' in the world communist movement and the class is rising in anger, and a principled revolutionary `Third World', Straight Left disguised the reactionary position by the Communist Party five months ago could nature of Argentine finance-capital, even to the point of have now been channelling that discontent into definite `disproving' its fascist character: revolutionary mass action. "The Argentine government is a mixture of nationalists and The second lesson concerns Britain. It was never conservatives with fascist elements (...) The working class likely that 'our' bourgeoisie would suffer a revolu- movement in Argentina distinguishes between these contend- tionary crisis as a result of this war. But we should now ing elements in seeking to open the door to progress (...) Calling look to the future and show the Falklands war to be an the Argentine military government fascist is just the latest in a illustration of imperialism's drive to war. The threat of long line of excuses for defending our imperialism, and bosses, world war looms ever closer, and it is our duty to draw against other capitalists." (Harry Steel, Straight Left, No.39, lessons from small wars, in order to prevent world wars. May 1982). So long as imperialism exists, each finished war sows For our comrades in Straight Left, not calling the seeds for a new war. The only way of eliminating that "Argentine military government" fascist is just the threat althogether is to link the demand for peace to the latest in a long line of excuses for opportunism in the struggle against imperialism. Only the revolutionary world communist movement. overthrow of imperialism can safeguard world peaces

26 FROM MILLERANDISM TO MITTERANDISM

Initially, the new administration introduced a few Michael McGeehan reforms including increased pensions and other allowances, an extra weeks holiday and a shorter (by one When the elections to the National Assembly in June hour) working week. However, it did not take long for 1981 resulted in an absolute majority for the Socialist that 'sugar' to dissolve and for the workers to taste the Party, complementing the prior election of Mitterand in bitter pill. Last November the government re-imposed May, the Morning Star greeted these events with Giscard d'Estaing's 1% levy on wages; by the end of that undisguised glee. On Mitterand's election, their editorial year unemployment had been allowed to reach a record 2 glowed with optimism for "real, lasting fundamental million; and this July they ordered a wages freeze. change" (Morning Star May 12 1981) and went on to But of course, the working class is unlikely to meekly suggest that "Mitterand's breakthrough might be accept austerity. Already, France's largest union emulated here in Britain", it being "well on the cards" federation, the CGT, has rejected the wage freeze that the Labour Party would lead such changes. But with outright. But there is a major block to any developing the inclusion of four PCF ministers in the government resistance — the position of the PCF in having 4 they positively boasted of such an "historic" occasion. ministers in the government. Moreover the Star confidently predicted that "It is going It is well-known that the CGT is dominated, especially to be a great contrast — the Thatcher government here in at the middle and leadership levels, by the PCF. It is Britain struggling with the working class to drag our therefore obvious that the CGT will be restrained from economy down into ruins, while in France the Mitterand taking action against the government's attacks. It is in government is working with the French working class to this light that the new General Secretary of the CGT, do just the opposite." (Morning Star June 25, 1981) Well, M.Krasucki, (a PCF member) told the federation's sufficient time has elapsed to enable us to assess the congress: "There can be differences between us and the performance of the 'socialist' government of France. government... The essential thing is to try and overcome The economic and social policy which the Socialist the obstacles." (Financial Times June 18, 1982) Party presented to the electorate included extensive The action of the PCF in participating in a nationalisation, a wealth tax, increases in pensions and government which attacks the working class is a social benefits, political decentralisation and other disgrace, representing the most recent tack in a long reforms, in conjunction with massive investment in string of opportunist zig-zags. However, such manoeuvres industry and 'an expanding economy. Why might this all have not gone unopposed. sound so familiar? Precisely because it is just a variant of In recent years, a group centred around the paper Le the Alternative Economic Strategy which the TUC and Communiste has grown in influence and suppoit and left labour leaders, amongst a whole variety of British represents some of the healthiest forces within the left of opportunists, propose as the solution to the capitalist the PCF. We reprint below two articles from the crisis. July/August 1982 edition of Le Communiste sent us, For this reason alone, the developments in France which fire trenchant criticism at the 'socialist' leaders .should be very instructive for all who doubt that the AES and their PCF accomplices in the government, the new is essentially reformist. What then is the government's perpetrators of what Lenin termed "Millerandism" or record on domestic policy? opportunism in practice. ■ CGT and CRS Translation by Liz Calvert and Martin Social Partners? Taylor The crisis in the capitalist world is growing, and to get out of it the bourgeois governments are preparing war on the socialist countries. In France, we have a capitalist regime, with bourgeois ministers, who've only got one thought in their heads: how to safeguard and maintain capitalism. They have found a simple time-honoured solution: make the workers pay for it. Just like other governments we've tion" to the bosses to "hold them". decided to proceed with the currency known, all the measures which will This government has done better - realignment after the summit. In weigh heavily on the working class it's frozen them. If one can believe the other words, Mitterand played by the have arrived like a torrent at the start economic experts on this, this course rules; he took the decisions that would of the annual summer holidays. of action is unprecedented in recent make the workers pay for the auster- Devaluation by an admitted 10%; a French economic history. ity. wage freeze. This devaluation has been perfec- The reformism of the PCF and Barre, in September 1976, decided tly orchestrated. The government was explicit that no measures had CGT has allowed the government to on a price freeze for three months, but be able to bully the workers in this been decided in haste: "The head of he didn't dare freeze wages, content- state had been informed prior to the way; by their policies they have ing himself with a "recommenda- Versailles summit." It was he who permitted the workers' capitulation.

27 The Leninist

The government profits from this control. Capitalist profit comes before and equipment. To a journalist who in order to put everything to work to everything. Unemployment is up remarked to him that the interventi- bring strength back to capitalism. 1.4% in comparison with May, at ons were multiplying, he. preferred to The government considers that 2,034, 000. An example of the govern- equivocate, declaring: "You forget all wage costs are rising too fast in ment's destructive will is the steel the factories emptied in good will, comparison with our neighbours', to industry. Before Mitterand, between that no one mentions", thereby letting the tune of 5% in the first quarter of 1970 and 1981, 43,000 jobs plus 8,300 it be understood that in certain cases, this year, that's to say, in comparison in iron mines disappeared, and the there are ways of arranging things with the annual rate accepted by the present plan for reconstruction en- • with the unions before bringing in the West German unions. What's more, tails 12,000 extra redundancies. After CRS. Mauroy spelt it out: "For the price which Mitterand can well whip Economic restraints, physical coer- measures to have the full effect, the himself up into a hymn to industriali- cion; this government feels suffici- participation of every one is required, sation, to high technology, etc. ently strong to bring the workers to primarily the participation of the All is operated and applied to keep the heel, reinforce capitalism, prepare the social partners." From this, workers workers under the hoot. Economi- workers to accept sacrifices in the will see austerity increase in their cally, of course, but also by name of France, in order for capital- homes. repression. Defferre did not hesitate ism to survive. In the government's work of under- to use raids by the CRS to clear All this is very far from the class mining, we mustn't forget unemp- factory occupations, and to that end, struggle to which the PCF and the loyment, lest it be thought under he re-equipped them with new arms CGT refer. ■

Act to Rebuild the Party! Le Communiste statement July 4, nor will the leadership which today 1982 wallows in the delights of reformism, suddenly see the light. Without • The militants who help to produce this "The Communist Party of France a party which can build on (PCF) is not communist anymore, paper are trying to rebuild the PCF, the experience of struggles in an anti- neither in its theory, in its practice, destroyed by Euro-communist reformism. capitalist way, the working class will nor in its organisation. Its theory is • To achieve this, they aim to assist any continually waste its energy in point- reformism, its practice is class colla- anti-opportunist current characterised by less struggles which were doomed boration, and its organisation is the rejection of reformism, class-collabora- from the start. nothing but bureaucratic." We made tion and anti-Sovietism. This sort of blindness is typical of this statement a year ago in our July • They consider themselves an expression the opportunism which affects mili- 1981 issue. Day after day, month after of the revolutionary workers' and commu- tant workers nowadays, this com- month, this truth has not ceased to be nist movement, and struggle for the monplace opportunism which has valid. triumph of communism in France and ended up as the worst example of this throughout the world. We explained this again last May: evil: the opportunism of the party of "Apart from a few critical tendencies the working class. Over the years we heard or read, here or there, the PCF have struggled against trends and has taken the step, a decisive, upsurges to stop the spread of irrevocable step, that leads from an keep the trust of those whom they opportunism and re-orientate the opportunist practice which doesn't wish to influence. party to a revolutionary path. Unfor- fundamentally question capitalism, The PCF has not got anything to tunately, the tide of capitulation has to a reformist implementation of the do anymore with either communism swept it away, and, as our heading interests of the bourgeoisie." or socialism, nor with the defence of read in June last year, "The Party of The behaviour of the PCF in the face the immediate interests of the work- communists must be rebuilt." of the most brutal attack which ing class. It has become an instru- Yes, everything must be rebuilt. workers have had to suffer on their ment of the bourgeois state to The task is tremendous. At the living standards for decades is an integrate the most class-conscious present time, the main task is to illustration of our point. Their spokes- workers into the capitalist system establish and maintain links between men have expressed their "reservati- and its imperialist institutions. all those who refuse to accept the ons" about what is happening, whilst The PCF's complicity with regard reformist consequences of opportun- their M.P.s gave the government a to the austerity policies goes hand in ist behaviour, that is, with those who vote of confidence, "without reserva- hand with and conforms with its are beginning to break from opportu- tions", and Communist ministers complicity in relation to the govern- nist practice by rejecting class colla- help to depress wages and make the ment's ultra-Atlantic policies. Those boration. Basically, it is matter of employers rich. Like it or not, what we who cannot see that the relative making sure that those who think like are saying is the most objective moderation of the PCF's criticisms of communists, act like communists as reality. the socialist countries is but circum- well. Now is the time to stop wasting The purely verbal and platonic stantial and superficial are making a words and writing proclamations misgivings uttered by the PCF do not tremendous mistake, because these and to start strengthening the anti- make any difference whatsoever. critics could become virulently anti- opportunist current. Some progress After all, the bourgeois parties, Soviet overnight. has been made during the past year; especially the social-democrats, have In the same way these people are there are now two co-ordinating been saying the same sort of thing for deluding themselves if they seek districts, one in the Paris area and a long time. Their platonic criticisms refuge in just organising everyday one in Southern France. Without of the unpopular measures taken by protest actions. The party will not be doubt an initial assessment will be their government are meant only to reborn spontaneously from its ashes, possible before the end of the year"!

28 production ... relations within the in crisis. Women face an ideological family and community as well as onslaught from those who support relations between labour and capital." patriarchal ideas, who are in short Reviews (Sweet Freedom p.242) the apologists of the bourgeoisie; they There is a very good reason why are on the rampage against women. Marxists, at least, concentrate on yes, because of the crisis of capitalism. production, and it has nothing to do Coote and Campbell end their book with patriarchy or with Marx being a with a plea for a feminist-centred Women's Freedom man. No, Ms Coote and Ms Campbell, Alternative Economic and Political and Sweet it is because production determines Strategy. The reforms which for them not only relations between capital would make up the strategy are all Revolution and labour, but, also and therefore_ reforms which could extend the relations within the family. In short, freedom of women under capitalism. Anna Coote and Beatrix it pervades every area of life. It is The innate conservatism of such Campbell, Sweet Free- because of its scientific analysis of strategies, propagated by men or dom Picador London pbk. production that Marxism has not women, is perhaps nowhere better 1982, pp.258, £1.95. been confined to the history books like indited than here, where our two every "women's uprising" of the feminists are forced to propose equal sharing of housework, instead of its Liz Calvert bourgeois variety. Concentrate on reproduction if you like, but you will abolition as an individual activity. certainly not find the answer to the However, a programme of reforms to Coote and Campbell describe their oppression of millions of women and fight for, to emancipate women, is a book as an "interim report" on the men in the world today. basic tactic Leninists would support. recent history of the women's move- Women are crucial for the capital- As Luise Zietz, a German social- ment of the late 'sixties and 'seventies. ist means of production, not only democrat said in 1907: "In principle, They begin with a lament on the because they provide domestic work we must demand all that we consider disappearance from view of previous and future workers for nothing, but to be correct and only when our "women's uprisings" — how each because they also exist as a cheap, strength is inadequate for more, do generation has to find their rebellion unorganised reserve army of labour. we accept what we are able to get... anew. The fear is also expressed Women can and will be drawn into or The more modest our demands the several times that the present move- thrown out of employment at the more modest will the government be ment could simply fade out in much whim of the needs of capital accumu- in its concessions" (quoted in Lenin, the same way, especially in the lation — the aim of capitalist produc- CW—Vol.13, pp.90-1). hostile mood of the 'eighties. But the tion. It is vital for communists to raise only explanation they give for this is At times of crisis, in the developed the demand for reform to its highest one which springs from their view of stage of capitalism, with the ten- level, to fight for the greatest exten- society: it is that male domination of dency of the rate of profit to fall, one sion of women's rights, and to push the presentation of ideas and of of the crucial ways in which capital- capitalism to the limit of its ability to history has prevented women's views ism will attempt to resolve the crisis is grant these reforms. This is the only and achievements from getting hand- by increasing the reserve army of way to demonstrate our seriousness ed down to posterity. labour, putting capital in a strong on the 'woman question', to unite all This is not strictly honest, of position, from which it can attempt to sections of women in the struggle for course, for the bald achievements, drive wages below the value of labour equality with men, and above all to and often more, are there for all to power — and start increasing profit. force them to break with feminism. read: the Married Women's Property Women are useful, because as domes- For this bourgeois ideology can only Act, the changes in divorce laws, the tic slaves they fit in with capitalism's be exposed when the absolute limita- campaign and the granting of wo- needs for a reserve army of labour. It tions of capitalism are displayed men's suffrage, they're all in the is the very privatised nature of clearly. history books, just as the 1967 women's individual drudgery in the If feminism is not broken with, and Abortion Act and the Equal Oppor- home, together with the inferior if the role of women under capitalism tunuties Act and their ilk will be. position allowed women in social is not understood as crucial to the What Coote and Campbell really production, which form the basis of maintenance of that system by the mean is that the spirit, the sisterhood, women's oppression under capital- pioletariat as a whole, the only form the personal strength and knowledge ism. of "sweet freedom" won by women are not chronicled. This crisis, this "bitter climate" for will turn out to have been sweet f.a. These gains must be seen in Coote and Campbell, only serves to For when capitalism decides it is time conjunction with the struggle for illustrate that reforms can only be to retract its concessions, at the trade union recognition, for universal temporary, that capitalism itself is whim of that out-of date, 'patriarchal' male suffrage etc. Because of this, it is the root cause of women's oppression. nonsense of a concept, the necessity clear that any campaign which does The attacks on the already limited of capital accumulation, all the laws not recognise the limitations of even abortion and contraception provisi- and committees, all the conscious- the most far-reaching of reforms ons, the increase in infant-mortality ness raising, will count not a jot. If under capitalism does consign itself rates, the decrease in the availability they continue with their present to the history book. of child-care, the cuts in education, ideology, the WLM, Coote, Campbell, This WLM, with feminism as its the retreat from 'equal pay', which radical feminists, 'socialist' femin- ideology, is going down exactly the was never anywhere near 'equal' ists, all will be following Emmeline same path. Those who support "pat- anyway, the rate at which women are and Christabel into the history books, riarchal politics — whether on the becoming unemployed, at a faster with their own achievements and left, centre or right" are wrong, rate than that of men, the increase in failures set in black and white, whilst because they concentrate on "one women doing part-time work, home capitalist production continues in relatively limited area of life: produc- work, night work, often temporary oppressing the majority of the popu- tion." For these trail-blazing women, and low-paid — all this is not lation, men and women. ■ it has got to be "reproduction and happening because the patriarchy is

29 The Leninist

groups the trade unions fell out with People of Ethiopia (COPWE) was Whose Revolution in the military, the Confederation of formed and it was announced that all Ethiopia? Ethiopian Labour Unions (CELU) previous political groups were dis- was banned and even its officially solved and membership of COPWE Fred Halliday and Maxine sponsored replacement, the All-Ethi- was to be open only to individuals. opian Trade Unions (AETU) had its "In practice, this gave more opportu- Molyneux The Ethiopian dissenting leadership purged on more nity for control by the top leaders" Revolution, Verso, London than one occasion. (p.142). And as we can see from its 1981, pbk pp. 304, £5.95. While declaring its aim as social- First Congress, COPWE was totally ism the Derg banned strikes, all dominated by the army. Of the 123 opposition parties were eliminated, full members of the Central Commit- Joseph Wright including those based on the working tee 79 were from the army or the In 1974 the fetid regime of Emperor class, and, after consolidating its police, its Executive Committee of Haile Selassie slowly disintegrated position, it greatly reduced the po- seven were all Derg members and all under the pressure of popular wers of the kebeles, because they fourteen Provincial Committees were discontent. Students, workers, pea- constantly fell into the hands of headed by army officer& sants, nationalities, all stood in forces which ended up in opposition. Halliday and Molyneux do not opposition, but it was the army, in the Despite constantly quoting Lenin, confine themselves to Ethiopia, they absence of a serious mass revoluti- the army leaders were utterly opposed also attempt to tackle the whole onary party, that delivered the final to any calls for the right of Ethiopia's question of 'socialist orientation' and blow. Although initially promising a numerous nationalities for: self-deter- National Democratic Revolutions. civilian government, the Provisional mination, up to, and including, sepa- They rightly point out that the state Military Administrative Council ration. Mengistu mimicked the slo- played a crucial role in putting (PMAC or Derg) soon entrenched its gan, but for him and other Derg countries like Japan, Germany and total domination of the state. leaders Ethiopian unity came first. In Turkey on the road to independent The National Democratic Revolu- reality, as Halliday and Molyneux capitalist development and that this tion's aim was to sweep away all make clear, it was the Austro-Marxist course is not open for a backward vestiges of the ancien regime and to Otto Bauer's theory on nationalities, country like Ethiopia in the latter destroy the block on development the not Lenin's, that the Derg's policy half of the twentieth century. It like feudal/bureaucratic capitalist regime resembled. The Austro-Hungarian Egypt in 1952, Iraq in 1958, and had imposed. Part and parcel of this Empire, like Ethiopia, was made up of Somalia in 1969 has broken the was opposition to U.S. imperialism, a patchwork of peoples; separation, it shackles placed on it by a corrupt neo- which had been a major prop to the was argued, would only result in colonial regime, but will Ethiopia absolutist monarchy. The Derg pro- chaos and therefore `self-determina- follow them in the development of claimed a series of radical reforms; tion' could and must only be exercised state capitalism or can it take the the nationalisation of all land, 75% of within the confines of the existing path of Cuba? industry, all banks and the leading state. While Lenin advocated nation- Since the 'fifties we have seen insurance companies; the disestab- al unity, he stood four-square for the numerous cases of states claiming to lishment of the Coptic Church; and right to separation. be 'socialist'. What are they now? the creation of co-operatives. What reveals the present regime's Many today hold high hopes for To carry out its programme the true character perhaps more than countries like Iran, Nicaragua, Tan- military needed popular support. As a anything else are its plans for a zania, Grenada, Burma, Libya, Zim- result it handed "substantive power `proletarian party'. The first scheme babwe, Syria, Algeria, Guinea-Bissau to the kebeles (urban dwellers' asso- involved the merger of five groups, and Mozambique as well as Ethiopia. ciations J.W.) in the towns and the Me'ison, Malered, the Labour League, What will decide their fate in our view Peasant Associations in the country- Echa'at and Seded (Revolutionary is the independent organisationof the side." (p.110) And what's more, it Flame, which was overwhelmingly proletariat with the aim of establish- quickly adopted the aim of 'socialism' made up of many officers). They ing their dictatorship. Tailing the and concluded agreements with the united under the umbrella organisa- bourgeois or the petty-bourgeoisie socialist countries. So although the tion the Union of Marxist-Leninist can only in the end lead the working leaders of the Ethiopian Revolution, Organisations (Emaledh). In the end class to defeat. Cuba is the exception like Mengistu Haile-Mariam, had three of these organisations were that proved the rule, what is needed in more in common with Jacobins like banned, the leaders arrested or killed, all the above countries is the organi- Robespierre, because this was the their membership persecuted and by sation of genuine communist parties, twentieth century, the era of proleta- "July 1979 members of the only politically totally independent from rian revolution, the rhetoric employ- civilian group persisting in alliance all other parties. Only the working ed was that of Russia 1917 and not with the PMAC, Malered, were also class can lead the struggle for that of France 1789. reported to have been arrested." socialism, rhetoric from petty-bourge- Because of its narrow social base, (p.131) ois and bourgeois politicians about the Derg courted a series of civilian Emaledh's responsibilities includ- socialism is a facade to cover the allies to win it-popularity and provide ed organising an ideological school development of capitalism. The work- it with a coherent ideology. But one Yekatit 66, to train future cadres of ers must pursue their own aims, must by one these civilian groups came the party "from which Eastern Euro- never be diverted by incantations for into conflict with the aims of the pean instructors were excluded des- `anti-imperialist national unity'. military; first the Ethiopean People's pite pressure from the USSR and For us the example for under- Revolutionary Party (EPRP), then East Germany to have them includ- developed countries to follow is that the All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement ed." (p.130) The Derg was determined of Afghanistan in 1978 when the (Me'ison), and finally the Oppressed that any party to be formed would PDPA provided a model of uninter- People's Party of Ethiopia (Echa'at) serve their interests and would not rupted revolution, enabling the coun- and the Labour League; all fell victim challenge army hegemony. At the try to embark upon a course of non- to the "Red Terror" launched by the end of 1979 the Commission for capitalist development, pioneered by Derg. As well as these revolutionary Organising the Party of the Working Soviet Asia and Mongolia. ■

30 Letters

John's Collective Letters Dear Comrades, Dear Comrades, We are a small group of non-aligned Many thanks for sending me The Marxist-Leninists and as such are very Leninist. I have not long finished reading French Letter happy to see the appearance of a it. To me it was excellent. Having been a communist theoretical journal whose pri- member of the CP for many years the Dear Comrades, mary objective is to engage in ideological description of how "pub-room conspi- As a member of the French Communist struggle around the question of re- racy" operates in the Party was very Party currently teaching and studying in establishing a genuine revolutionary van- accurate to say the least! Britain (P.H.D on the far left in Britain guard Communist Party in Britain. At Recently I joined the NCP. After since 1945 for the Sorbonne) let me first say present, we are engaged in a study of the reading your critique of them, I wonder if I that The Leninist is probably the best mag Left in Britain, and this work is being have done the right thing. Also, I have I've come across so far in this country, carried out with the agreement that the been assisting the RCG in selling their Although The Leninist is closer to what principal task in Britain is to create the paper FRFI. As your political position is my party (the French) says than the official conditions necessary to build such a party. basically my own, I would appreciate and CP press (Star and Marxism Today - We are also in agreement with you that respect anything you have to say of this which, I agree with you, is in many respects open ideological struggle is required and organisation. I am concerned whether I am everything but Marxist) — I must admit of the need to carry out theoretical work. It assisting the revolutionary process, or that your paper's frighteningly accurate is within the context therefore that we wish hindering it, by being helpful to the RCG. loyalty to Marxism-Leninism makes even to make some comments concerning your They told me they had a Trotskyist ourselves-the French CP-look revisionist, analysis of the obstacles in relation to this inception, and that they were a very small if not reformist (though obviously not to task. organisation. If you could send me as the same degree as the CPGB, or the It is with your analysis of the existing much information on them as possible... I Italian and Spanish parties.) After all, we Communist Party and your subsequent would be very grateful to you... I will be have renounced Marxism-Leninism as a formulation of how to tackle the problem meeting them... to discuss areas of means of action (including the dictatorship of re-establishing a revolutionary party agreement/criticism. If I could have some of the proletariat) although-unlike the that we have a number of disagreements, "ammunition" from you, it would be of CPGB-we have obviously not given up These disagreements lead us to a very great assistance to me. Marxism as an analysis and theory. Also, different conclusion to your own, namely I read a critique of The Leninist in FRFI. we are currently supporting Mitterand's that the ideological struggle must he Basically, they were favourable to the own A ES. Nevertheless, our manifesto was waged outside, not inside the Communist journal. One of their criticisms was that it quite different from the Socialists: we Party. We would argue that it is those was an illusion on your part that the CP called for the nationalisation of the top 200 forces to the left of the Communist Party can "return" to the working class. And companies, that is to say changing the who have attempted to make a break with that ' The Leninist fails to recognise the economic structure of France (as Mitte- revisionism who should be the people that enormous obstacle to revolutionary deve- rand is doing, to a much lesser degree, by you are attempting to reach through your lopments which the CP represents. They nationalising all private credit and only journal. We therefore ask you to reconsi- went on to say that if you did not break five industrial groups) instead of simply der your decision to address yourself to the with the CP-and contribute to building a reinvigorating capitalism. Communist Party. Instead, we ask you to real (?) communist movement — The I look forward to your analysis of the make your journal available to forces left Leninist will sink in a sea of opportunism. situation in France. of the Communist Party and where What is your opinion on all this? Also - Congratulations for putting the best necessary, to make an analysis of what is (more) — they said that the authors of The analysis I've read in England of the Polish wrong with the positions taken by the anti`- Leninist need to recognise the danger of situation. Your article on Ireland fits in as revisionist forces. themselves becoming the "Marxist" excuse well with what we in the French CP think. How do we come to such a different for remaining in the CP. They think that Can I point out what seems to me a minor conclusion? We agree with you that there is your fine principles will remain untested (?) inconsistency? On page 2 (The Leninist the problem of revisionism within the as long as you remain in the CP. If you stay No.1) you write that the bourgeoisie existing Communist Party, however, we in the Party your principles will not be put benefits from white/black working class consider that you are underestimating the into practice because the Party won't let racism, whereas on page 32 it is the problem. you! More! You did not state (says FRFI) working class-Protestants-who you say We consider that it is this question of the how long the views of Aaronovitch and gain from the Catholic/Protestant discri- general line of the Communist Party which similar views have dominated the CP. mination (although you rightly point out is primary. Under the conditions we have Another criticism! That The Leninist the similarities between Ireland and South outlined above, we consider that the mechanicalistically (?) believes that as Africa!) correction of the general line of the British imperialism "declines" in strength Yours comradely Communist movement is a task which has so too will opportunism weaken. B.Pirard to be undertaken outside of the ranks of In conclusion, they feel that you have set that party. We agree with you that yourself an impossible task. Why? They The Leninist replies. In the Six Counties bureaucratism, distortions of democratic say that the CP is a thoroughly pro- British imperialism consciously bribes the centralism and inner party democracy and imperialist party. Its programme belongs Protestant working class, with jobs, housing a slavishness toward the Soviet Union are body and soul to the opportunists, and that etc, this is not the case with the mass of serious errors, however we consider them The Leninist runs the danger of persuading workers in Britain. to be secondary questions. those honest members in the CP to remain We look towards breaking the division We would welcome the opportunity to in the party that does not need "reforming" between Catholic and Protestant workers contribute to such a journal as yours, were but needs destroying. through communists in Ireland leading the it orientated to the forces left of the To me this is Trotskyist, ultra-left, and struggle against British imperialism with a Communist Party and the opportunity to does the work of the ruling class for them. programme of leading the revolution uninte- discuss further with you these differences Best wishes ruptedly to socialism. Only with such a which we have touched upon in this letter. Will Shirer position can the Protestant workers be won Yours fraternally, away from a loyalty to British imperialism. John MacLean Collective London E.9

31 The Leninist

`Party' Games carried an article by Royston Bull made mistakes, don't some actions go Dear Comrades, over two issues, attacking us,and our views beyond mistakes and become crimes We are studying with great interest the first on Poland. Your article covering seven against the interests of the proletariat? issue of The Leninist. pages was a mockery of polemic as it Glorifying the role of the Church (and The founding statement is excellent. totally misrepresented our positions. even turning a blind eye to anti-Semitism), From a different political direction, we As a result of this, and in the interests of allowing agriculture to remain in private were ourselves forced to take up the open ideolological debate we sent you a hands and placing an entire economy in struggle for a genuine Bolshevik party. I reply which dealt with some of your most debt to capitalist banks cannot simply be enclose a copy of the conclusions we came glaring 'red herrings.' called mistakes for any Leninist party, to, remarkably similar to yours in many In issue 149 you published a three and a especially if they persist, even after these ways. half page reply. But not in this issue, nor in policies almost bring society to the point of Our subsequent struggles have led us to past ones, have you published our original counter-revolutionary conflict. a complete reappraisal of our position on letter. I think we have to look elsewhere for an the Soviet Union and its role in the world We trust you will rectify this situation. answer. Everyone knows that these crises Socialist revolution, out of our determina- Surely it is an elementary principle in have been brought about because of the tion to defend the Polish workers state the working class movement to grant a counterposition of interests between the against the international bourgeois, revi- right of reply to any tendency which has working class and the regime, especially sionist, and 'Trotskyist' attacks on it. been subject to a direct and lengthy attack the corruption, mismanagement, bureauc- We are still studying the rest of your as we have been. Only those who are ratism ancflack of democratic rights for the first issue but already feel confident that we politically shallow and vulnerable could be workers. have much in common, and would be afraid of open polemic and ideological If we are to be materialists, I see no eager to meet for discussions about your struggle. reason to believe that this situation can be path inside the C.P., our own path, etc. Could you please reply within ten days. changed by reforms. I would urge Sincerely, (August 14, 1982) comrades to look at accounts of what Royston Bull Yours fraternally, happened in Poland and Hungary both in Stockport R. Freeman 1956, when the workers started setting up The Leninist replies. (for The Leninist) workers councils and arming themselves without getting sucked in by nationalism But after seeing The Leninist No 2 and its The response again came in the pages of and the Church. Both the history of the article on the Polish crisis, our friends their incondite Workers Party Bulletin, Russian Revolution and Lenin's works like seemed to have changed their assessment of announcing that the W1 would not publish State and Revolution and Proletarian us. In a two part article attacking our our letter — they 'have better things to do' or Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky teach position on Poland, Royston Bull, leader of so they say with the 'valuable' space in their us that workers can rule in their own the Workers Party, calls both James publication! Pick up a copy and see! Marshall and Gus Hall (his article on interests only through their own organs. Poland appeared in The Leninist No.1) "far We should be clear that we oppose from Leninist". And working himself up in to Spart Out Solidarnosc counter-revolution and all a frenzy, Bull rages that what "motivates imperialist roll-back schemes in Poland. I Mr. Marshall is plain old-fashioned "anti- Dear Comrades, think the regime in Poland has proven Stalinist, anti-communism." You may recall that I wrote to you some itself to be an enemy of the workers months ago as a Communist Party interests and has to go. And the only way it Thanks for Leninist 2. member expressing an interest in your will go, short of counter-revolutionary Don't mistake the harsh polemical journal. courtesy of Reagan and Co., is if the words about Poland for a lack of Since then I have had chance to read the workers rise up under a party modelled on comradely feelings. article published in Spartacist Britain Lenin's party and get rid of it, lock, stock We are still very keen to have the most analysing your political positions. and barrel, and start running the workers constructive and friendliest possible dis- I find their arguments powerful and society through organs of workers rule, soviets. cussions. convincing and agree with them. Enclosed M.J.Kavanagh We regularly sort each other out in is a copy of a letter I sent to Comment and Communist Party similar language-without too many lasting the Morning Star for publication. I would University Branch hard feelings. be interested to hear of any comments - Liverpool Roy Bull you may have regarding either the The Leninist replies. Stockport Spartacist Britain article or my letter. We of course agree with many of the Many thanks for your cooperation, The Leninist replies. Comradely, observations comrade Kavanagh makes In the interests of accuracy (and sanity) M.J. Kavanagh about the crisis in Poland, but deserting the communist movement, for the sectarian we sent the Workers Party Bulletin a reply. The Editor wilderness of the Spartacist League, is as But instead of publishing this letter, Comment good as useless in solving the questions which was under 1,000 words, Bull launched Comrades, confronting us. a new attack. Gone was the "remarkably The recent demonstrations by supporters As far as we know there has been no similar" conclusions, instead The Leninist is of Solidarnosc in Poland should be a article in Spartacist Britain described as: "The bizarre self-styled reminder to all of us that the crisis in Polish analysing our political positions, all they have published is `revolutionary' faction of the right-wing society was not brought to a halt by the an attack on the Leninists of the Communist reformist Communist Party." So much for imposition of martial law. I have no doubt Party of Turkey (TKP). And while we "comradely feelings." that by the time Solidarnosc was openly sympathise with these comrades, we certain- As a result of this failure to print our announcing its aim of running Polish ly cannot reply' for them. letter, and the hysterical response it society it had become a threat to the produced, we again wrote to 'party' HQ in socialist foundations of the state which had Stockport. to be stopped by any means necessary. Note: Letters have been shortened due to shortage of space. We have adopted the policy of Dear Comrade, I ask those comrades who have been changing names, addresses, and certain details Following the publication of The trying to explain the roots of the crisis by in letters published in The Leninist where we Leninist No.2 the Workers Party Bulletin arguing that the Polish leadership has think political security would be jeopardised.

32 Back Issues of The Leninist Number One Founding Statement of The Leninist: The Communist Party, The Crisis and its Crisis Frank Grafton — The Road from Thatcherism; or The Road from Marxism? (A Critique of Sam Aaronovitch's hook and the AES) James Marshall — Ireland and the Opportunists Gus Hall (General Secretary of the CP of the USA) — What's Happening in Poland? Number Two Editorial Statement — After the Congress James Marshall — The Polish Crisis James Marshall — The Paradox of Afghanistan Frank Grafton — The Economic Crisis and its Political Effects in Britain (Part One) Note: In The Leninist No.2 Article on the Liz Calvert — Liberation and the Class Struggle: The Real Link Economic crisis, the calculation for for Women turnover of surplus value is incorrect. Instead of dividing total sales by capital Reviews: Michael McGeehan — The Labour Party: A Force for tied up in production, termed `work-in- Revolution or Reaction? progress' it should also include capital John Kelly — The Irish Working Class: Past and Future tied up in circulation i.e. finished goods Roger Freeman — Austrian Lessons and money. The calculation therefore, Letters overestimates turnover. However, a more accurate estimation does not other For prices and postage see inside front cover (subscriptions) the fact, that the simple rate of profit has tended to decline since the late sixties. Books Received R.Yiirtikoglu, Living Socialism: An evaluation Michele Mestre, Defense du Communisme, Le of the 26th Congress of the CPSU, I scinin Sesi Communiste, Paris, 1972, pbk, pp.35, 5F. Publications, 1982, pbk, pp. 169, £2.00 Popular Front for the Liberation of Palesti- A.Sivanandan, A Different Hunger, Pluto Press, ne (PFLP) PFLP Bulletin No.61, April 1982, pp.51 London, 1982, pbk, pp.171, £3.95 James R.M illar, The ABC's of Soviet Socialism, Enrico Berlinguer, After Poland, (Edited by University of Illinois Press, London, 1981, pbk. Antonio Bronda and Stephen Bodington) Spokes- pp.215 £4.85 man, Nottingham, 1982, pbk, pp.114, £2.25 Michael Manley, Jamaica: Struggle in the Berch Berberoglu, Turkey in Crisis, Zed Press, Periphery, Writers and Readers, London, 1981, London, 1982, hbk, pp.149, pbk, pp. 253, £3.95 R.Yiirtikoglu, Socialism and Democracy, iscinin Rosa Luxemburg, The. National Question (Edit- Sesi Publications, 1982, pbk pp.58, £1.50 ed by Horace B.Davis) Monthly Review Press, Eric Hobsbawn, The Forward March of Labour London, 1976, pbk, pp.320. £3.75 Halted? Verso Editions and NLB (in association Organisation of Iranian Peoples' Fedaian with Marxism Today) London 1981, pbk, pp 182, (Maj). Against Liquidationism in Defence of £2.95 Principled Unity, International KAR, London, Peter J.Mooney, The Soviet Superpower — The pbk, pp.40 Soviet Union 1945-80,Heinemann, London, 1982, David Rousset, The Legacy of the Bolshevik pp 210, £4.50 Revolution, Allison and Busby, London, 1982, pbk, Ann Showstack Sassoon, Approaches to Gram- pp.333, £5.95. sci, Writers and Readers, London, 1982, pbk, Wladyslaw Bienkowski, Theory and Reality, pp.254, £3.95 Allison and Busby, London, 1981, pbk, pp.303, South African Communist Party, The African £5.95. Communist No 90, Inkululeko Publications, Third Ellen Nalos (ed), The politics of Housework, Quarter, 1982, pp.111 Allison and Busby, London, 1982, pbk, pp.250, Ernie Trory, Hungary 1919 and 1956, Crabtree £3.95. Press, Hove, 1981, pbk. pp.88, £1.40 Alec Nove, Hans Herman Hohmann, Gertraud Ernie Trory, Munich, Montreal and Moscow — A Seidenstecher, East European Economies in the Political Tale of the Three Olympic Cities, 1970's Butterworth, London, 1981, hbk, pp.353, Crabtree Press, Hove, 1980, pbk, pp.96, £1.35 1:19.95.