Liberal and Conservative Political Thought in Nineteenth-Century Serbia Vladimir Jovanović and Slobodan Jovanović

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Liberal and Conservative Political Thought in Nineteenth-Century Serbia Vladimir Jovanović and Slobodan Jovanović Boris Milosavljević DOI:10.2298/BALC1041131M Original scholarly work Institute for Balkan Studies Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts Belgrade Liberal and Conservative Political Thought in Nineteenth-century Serbia Vladimir Jovanović and Slobodan Jovanović Abstract: Two very influential political philosophers and politicians, Vladimir Jovanović and Slobodan Jovanović, differed considerably in political theory. The father, Vladi- mir, offered an Enlightenment-inspired rationalist critique of the traditional values underpinning his upbringing. The son, Slobodan, having had a non-traditional, lib- eral upbringing, gradually — through analyzing and criticizing the epoch’s prevail- ing ideas, scientism, positivism and materialism — came up with his own synthesis of traditional and liberal, state and liberty, general and individual. Unlike Vladimir Jovanović, who advocated popular sovereignty, central to the political thought of his son Slobodan was the concept of the state. On the other hand, Slobodan shared his father’s conviction that a bicameral system was a prerequisite for the protection of in- dividual liberties and for good governance. Political views based on different political philosophies decisively influenced different understandings of parliamentarianism in nineteenth-century Serbia, which in turn had a direct impact on the domestic politi- cal scene and the manner of government. Keywords: political philosophy, state, liberalism, tradition, parliamentary system, bi- cameralism, political prejudice, morality Introduction: Father and son The lives and works of a father and his son, Vladimir Jovanović and Slobo- dan Jovanović, spanning a period of nearly one hundred and fifty years, are inseparable from the history of Serbia of the period. While their political activity coincided with some of the most important events in the history of modern Serbia and Yugoslavia, some of their most relevant works were first published as late as the 1970s and 1980s. Vladimir Jovanović (1833–1922)1 was an economist and po- litical philosopher. He was the leading ideologist of the United Serbian 1 Vladimir Jovanović, born in 1833 in Šabac – a town in what then was the Principal- ity of Serbia, an autonomous province under Ottoman suzerainty — was grandson of a local Serbian notable (vojvoda), Ostoja Spuž (c. 1770–1808), who had moved there from Spuž in modern-day Montenegro. Ostoja is known to have taken part in the First Serbian Uprising (1804–13) against Ottoman rule, notably in the liberation of Šabac in 1804 and of Belgrade in 1806, and later on was member of the Šabac Magistrate. The Jovanović family was related to several distinguished families in nineteenth-cen- tury Serbia, including those of Jovan Ristić (1831–1899), twice member of the body 132 Balcanica XLI Youth2 and of Serbia’s Liberal Party. He served as Serbia’s minister of fi- nance, president of her National Audit Office, deputy president of the State Council, senator, and member of Parliament. He was president of the Ser- bian Learned Society, honorary member of the Royal Serbian Academy, university professor of political economy. He was a politician with many international connections, founder and editor of newspapers, and author of several books, essays and articles in Serbian, English and French. Slobodan Jovanović (1869–1958),3 his son, was a renowned Serbian scholar and statesman, political philosopher, lawyer, historian, literary critic and writer, professor of public and constitutional law. He was president of the Royal Serbian Academy, rector of Belgrade University, dean of Bel- grade University’s Law School, president of the Serbian Cultural Club.4 of regents, prime minister, minister of foreign affairs, leader of the Liberal Party and a historian, or the family of Dimitrije Matić, a Hegelian philosopher, minister of educa- tion and justice, etc. See V. Jovanović, Uspomene [Memories], ed. V. Krestić (Belgrade: BIGZ, 1988), 19–21. For more on Vladimir Jovanović, see G. Stokes, Legitimacy through Liberalism: Vladimir Jovanović and the Transformation of Serbian Politics (Seattle: University of Washing- ton Press, 1975); A. Pavković, Slobodan Jovanović: An Unsentimental Approach to Poli- tics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 1–4; A. Stojković, Filozofski pogledi Vladimira Jovanovića [Philosophical Views of Vladimir Jovanović] (Novi Sad 1972). Before the publication of V. Jovanović’s Uspomene in 1988, the most extensive manu- script version of his memoirs was in private ownership, see V. Krestić, preface to V. Jovanović, Uspomene, 7–8, and the bibliography therein of the studies and articles on Vladimir Jovanović published until 1988. Of the relevant texts on Jovanović published after 1988, see D. T. Bataković, “Vladimir Jovanović — apostol liberalizma u Srbiji” [Vladimir Jovanović — the apostle of liberalism in Serbia], in Liberalna misao u Srbiji — Prilozi istoriji liberalizma od kraja XVIII veka do sredine XX veka, eds. J. Trkulja and D. Popović (Belgrade: CUPUS, 2001), 148–149; D. Basta, “Liberalni patriota Vladimir Jovanović” [Vladimir Jovanović, a liberal patriot], Samopoštovanje i puzavost 2, Noviji tekstovi s povodom (Belgrade: Službeni glasnik, 2010), 35–48. 2 A South-Slavic patriotic youth organization inspired by Giuseppe Mazzini and his Young Italy. See S. Jovanović, “Madame, C’est seulement…” [1917], in vol. 3 of Maz- zini’s Letters to an English Family, ed. E. F. Richards (London and New York: J. Lane Comp. Ltd, 1922), 67. 3 On Slobodan Jovanović, see D. Djordjević, “Historians in politics: Slobodan Jovanović”, Journal of Contemporary History 3:1 ( January 1973), 2–40; M. B. Petrovich, “Slobodan Jovanović (1869–1958): The career and fate of a Serbian historian”,Serbian Studies 3:1/2 (1984/85), 3–26; Pavković, Slobodan Jovanović; D. T. Bataković, preface to S. Jovanović (Slobodan Yovanovitch), “Sur l’idée yougoslave: passé et avenir (1939)”, Balcanica XXX- IX[2008] (2009), 285–290. 4 The Serbian Cultural Club was a leading Serbian political and cultural organization in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia on the eve of the Second World War. For more detail, see Lj. Dimić, “Srpski kulturni klub između kulture i politike” [The Serbian Cultural Club B. Milosavljević, Vladimir Jovanović and Slobodan Jovanović 133 He served as prime minister and deputy prime minister of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. He died in 1958 in London, where he had acted as prime min- ister of the Yugoslav government-in-exile during the Second World War. In post-war Yugoslavia, in a political trial held in 1946, he was sentenced to twenty years’ hard labour, confiscation of property and deprivation of civil rights. He was rehabilitated in Serbia in 2007, as a victim of post-war com- munist judiciary. Both Vladimir and Slobodan Jovanović considerably influenced the development of political ideas and political institutions in Serbia and Yu- goslavia of the time, the father mainly as the ideologist of the Liberal Party and the United Serbian Youth, and the son, through an almost fifty years’ long career as university professor, through his prolific writing, as well as through his presidency of the Serbian Culture Club, and subsequently as a senior member of the Yugoslav government both in the country and in exile in London. Even though both shared a commitment to a parliamentary system and political liberty, the theoretical assumptions underlying their political views and convictions differed considerably.5 Theoretical differences in understanding parliamentarianism had their implications for political practices in Serbia, where a parliamentary system was for the first time introduced by the 1888 Constitution.6 The dif- ferences in theoretical positions, of course, were to a greater or lesser extent due to the historical circumstances and to the different needs of political parties. However, what generally distinguished both Vladimir and Slobo- between culture and politics], Kulturna politika Kraljevine Jugoslavije [Cultural Policy of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia 1918–1941] (Belgrade: Stubovi kulture, 1996), 506–561. 5 For a view that the difference between their basic theoretical premises was “unexpect- ed”, see S. Žunjić, Istorija srpske filozofije [The History of Serbian Philosophy] (Belgrade: Plato, 2009), 311. 6 According to S. Jovanović’s periodization of Serbia’s nineteenth-century political his- tory, the period of constitutionalism (1869–89), when “we had a constitution but no parliamentary system”, was followed by a parliamentary period: in 1888, a year before his abdication, King Milan Obrenović and the Constituent Assembly enacted a new constitution, which was aimed at securing the throne for his minor son and provided for a parliamentary system (1889–93). There followed the “period of reaction” (1893–1903) under King Alexander Obrenović, who in 1894 restored the 1869 Constitution, and after that ensued the “period of the restored parliamentary system” (1903–14) under King Peter I Karadjordjević and a Radical cabinet. See S. Jovanović, “The Develop- ment in the Serbian Constitution in the Nineteenth Century”, Yugoslav Documents, (London: Yugoslav Information Department, 1942), 2, 48–54; S. Jovanović, “Periodi srpske ustavne istorije” [Periods of Serbia’s constitutional history] [1929], in vol. 11 of Sabrana dela Slobodana Jovanovića (hereafter SD) [The Collected Works of Slobodan Jovanović], eds. R. Samardžić and Ž. Stojković (Belgrade: BIGZ, Jugoslavijapublik and SKZ, 1991), 468–470. 134 Balcanica XLI dan Jovanović from others was the fact that their political philosophies
Recommended publications
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • THE WARP of the SERBIAN IDENTITY Anti-Westernism, Russophilia, Traditionalism
    HELSINKI COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN SERBIA studies17 THE WARP OF THE SERBIAN IDENTITY anti-westernism, russophilia, traditionalism... BELGRADE, 2016 THE WARP OF THE SERBIAN IDENTITY Anti-westernism, russophilia, traditionalism… Edition: Studies No. 17 Publisher: Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia www.helsinki.org.rs For the publisher: Sonja Biserko Reviewed by: Prof. Dr. Dubravka Stojanović Prof. Dr. Momir Samardžić Dr Hrvoje Klasić Layout and design: Ivan Hrašovec Printed by: Grafiprof, Belgrade Circulation: 200 ISBN 978-86-7208-203-6 This publication is a part of the project “Serbian Identity in the 21st Century” implemented with the assistance from the Open Society Foundation – Serbia. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Open Society Foundation – Serbia. CONTENTS Publisher’s Note . 5 TRANSITION AND IDENTITIES JOVAN KOMŠIĆ Democratic Transition And Identities . 11 LATINKA PEROVIĆ Serbian-Russian Historical Analogies . 57 MILAN SUBOTIĆ, A Different Russia: From Serbia’s Perspective . 83 SRĐAN BARIŠIĆ The Role of the Serbian and Russian Orthodox Churches in Shaping Governmental Policies . 105 RUSSIA’S SOFT POWER DR. JELICA KURJAK “Soft Power” in the Service of Foreign Policy Strategy of the Russian Federation . 129 DR MILIVOJ BEŠLIN A “New” History For A New Identity . 139 SONJA BISERKO, SEŠKA STANOJLOVIĆ Russia’s Soft Power Expands . 157 SERBIA, EU, EAST DR BORIS VARGA Belgrade And Kiev Between Brussels And Moscow . 169 DIMITRIJE BOAROV More Politics Than Business . 215 PETAR POPOVIĆ Serbian-Russian Joint Military Exercise . 235 SONJA BISERKO Russia and NATO: A Test of Strength over Montenegro .
    [Show full text]
  • The Anti-Capitalist Mentality and Ill-Fated Transition: Case of Serbia MISES: Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy Law and Economics, Vol
    MISES: Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy Law and Economics ISSN: 2318-0811 ISSN: 2594-9187 Instituto Ludwig von Mises - Brasil Novakovic, Aleksandar; Dostanic, Dusan The anti-capitalist mentality and ill-fated transition: case of Serbia MISES: Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy Law and Economics, vol. 6, Esp., 2018, pp. 589-620 Instituto Ludwig von Mises - Brasil DOI: 10.30800/mises.2018.v0.563 Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=586364252004 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System Redalyc More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain and Journal's webpage in redalyc.org Portugal Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative MISES: Revista Interdisciplinar de Filosofia, Direito e Economia ISSN 2318-0811 Volume VI, Special Issue 2018 : 589-620 The anti-capitalist mentality and ill-fated transition: case of Serbia Aleksandar Novakovic* Dusan Dostanic** Abstract: This paper aims to show how the legacy of socialism with a human face represents a far more serious obstacle for the postsocialist transition than the heritage of rigid socialism. This is because an amalgamation of the perception of the autochthonous character of socialism accompanied by the perception of its soft, human face, creates an anti-capitalist mentality (Ludwig von Mises) that leaves an enormous impact on the long-term understandings of the concepts of individual, society, state, and reforms. This sort of mentality is deeply entrenched in Serbia, where a full-scale process of “debolshevization” has never been initiated. The continuity with socialist legacy is apparent in key segments of the ill-fated transition: political, institutional, economic, symbolical, and no less moral.
    [Show full text]
  • Ivana Pantelić John Stuart Mill in Nineteenth-Century Serbia
    Ivana Pantelić DOI:10.2298/BALC0940085P Original scholarly work Institute of Contemporary History Belgrade John Stuart Mill in Nineteenth-century Serbia: Influence on Political Thought and Gender Issues Abstract: The paper deals with the reception of J. S. Mill’s writings by contemporary Serbian intellectuals. As shown in the paper, the impact that Millean ideas made on many important Serbian politicians and philosophers from all parts of the political spectrum was broad and profound. Special attention is paid to the work of liberal and socialist thinkers, notably Vladimir Jovanović and Svetozar Marković. The influence of Mill’s ideas on Serbia’s political development is also examined, as well as how Mill’s attitude towards the question of women’s rights impacted contemporary Serbian po- litical thought. Key words: John Stuart Mill, Serbia, Vladimir Jovanović, Svetozar Marković, Petar Kara-djordjević, liberalism, women’s rights, politics y the 1860s Great Britain and Serbia had had three decades of regular diplomatic relations behind them. As Serbia was only an autonomous principalityB under Ottoman suzerainty at the time, from 1837 the rela- tions were maintained through the British consul general in Belgrade and the ambassador in Constantinople. The relations between the largest em- pire in the world and a small autonomous principality landlocked on the periphery of the Ottoman Empire were very complex, though. Great Brit- ain sought to thwart Russia’s penetration into the Balkans and to contain her influence. British policy was controversial inasmuch as it supported the preservation of the Ottoman Empire and the emancipation of the Principality of Serbia at the same time.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    INTRODUCTION _ If it wasn’t for the NGOs here, this whole country would extinct! We were the only genuine democratic force against Milošević and even if we were working in impossible conditions, we managed to throw him down. I am talking here about genuine activism. And it’s not only during 2000, when at times we risked our lives. Then the situation was “it’s either now or never.” But things started much earlier. We started much earlier. I remember we had these walks for months with thousands of Belgraders and of course students … it was so exhausting! Sometimes I look back and I still do not know how we made it, walking all day every day around the city. It was freezing. Here, if you do not believe me, I will show you my shoes from 1996. You should see the soles, totally melted. I kept them as … as a souvenir! They are Italian by the way. As we used to say, Samo Setnja Srbina Spasava [only walk can save the Serbs]. —Goran, personal interview, June 2006 Only Walk Can Save the Serbs was a parody of the national saying Samo Sloga Srbina Spasava (Only Unity Can Save the Serbs) that had taken on ultra-nationalistic tones during the violent Yugoslav con- flicts in the beginning of the 1990s. The new twisted version became the slogan of marches that started in November 1996. Serbia had already been transformed into a multiparty system back in 1990, and the Socialist Party of Serbia (successor to the League of Communists of Serbia), having led rallies against corruption and bureaucracy but also promising national security and economic recovery, occupied both parliament and presidency (Goati 2000; Sotirović 2009).
    [Show full text]
  • Political Party Internationals As Guardians of Democracy – Their Untapped Potential ROGER HÄLLHAG
    Political Party Internationals as Guardians of Democracy – Their Untapped Potential ROGER HÄLLHAG he gains of the world wave of democratization in the 1990s are yet to T be consolidated. Some democracies are not being seen to deliver ac- cording to voters’ expectations. Anti-democratic ideas and autocrats have made a comeback in some countries. The meaning and means of democ- racy promotion have become controversial. Even so, the tremendous gains in political freedom across the world over the past two decades are real. The proliferation of freely formed political parties is a key feature. Now political parties need to make the effort – and be given the chance and time – to build effective, lasting democratic governance. It is in the nature of any political party to reassert the particularity of its mission, character, and leadership ambitions. But leaving aside the de- tails of daily politicking, political parties across the world show remark- able similarities. They follow comparable logics and share sources of in- spiration in terms of identity, organization, policies, and communication techniques. Successful parties have always been role models. The Party Internationals are channels for such broad convergence. Instant and uni- versal access to political news adds force to this. With economic and cul- tural globalization a common stage has been created (some say, imposed) for politics and policies – although this also brings with it the threat of nationalism and »anti-globalization.« The five existing party-based world organizations represent this global landscape of convergence into political families. At the same time, there are many political forces in the new multifaceted world that do not fit in.
    [Show full text]
  • ESTABLISHMENT and ORGANISATION of SERBIAN POLITICAL PARTIES in the 19Th CENTURY ОСНИВАЊЕ И ОРГАНИЗАЦИЈА С
    ТEME, г. XXXIX, бр. 3, јул септембар 2015, стр. 945964 Оригиналан научни рад Примљено: 30. 1. 2015. UDK 329(497.11)”18” Ревидирана верзија: 6. 4. 2015. Одобрено за штампу: 18. 9. 2015. ESTABLISHMENT AND ORGANISATION OF SERBIAN POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE 19th CENTURY a Miroslav D. Pešić*, Božica B. Mladenović University of Niš, Faculty of Philosophy, History Department, Niš, Sebia *[email protected] Abstract This paper discusses the chronology of the establishment and organisation of political parties in Serbia during the 1880s. The National Radical Party was established in January 1881 as the first organised political party in Serbia. Two other political parties, the Progressive and the Liberal Party, followed soon after. The establishment of the local committee in Belgrade in early December of 1881 marked the constitution of the National Radical Party. Other local committees were established throughout Serbia immediately after the first one. The local committees represented the basic organisational units of the Progressive Party with the General Committee based in Belgrade. The Statutes of the National Liberal Party, issued on 3/15 March 1883, defined the following bodies: General Committee, local committees, and the Party Meetings. Key words: national radical party, progressive party, liberal party, general committee, statutes, local committees ОСНИВАЊЕ И ОРГАНИЗАЦИЈА СРПСКИХ ПОЛИТИЧКИХ СТРАНАКА У 19. ВЕКУ Апстракт У раду се говори о историјату оснивања и организације политичких странака у Србији 80-тих година 19. века. Народна радикална странка основана је у јануару 1881. године, као прва организована политичка странка у Србији. Убрзо након оснивања Народне радикалне странке, образоване су још две политичке партије, Напредне и Либерална.
    [Show full text]
  • Letter of Support from Intellectuals Around the World Who Support The
    Letter of Support From: ACADEMICIANS, HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVISTS, POLITICAL LEADERS AND INTELLECTUALS FROM AROUND THE WORLD WHO SUPPORT THE OPEN APPEAL OF OVER 200 BOSNIAN AND HERZEGOVINIAN INTELLECTUALS To: Members of the United Nations, OSCE, PIC, the United States of America, the European Union, and national offices of Bosnia and Herzegovina Sarajevo - Washington D.C. Berlin – London – Paris December 2011 for the RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE THOUSAND-YEAR-OLD MULTI-ETHNIC LIFE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA, DESTROYED OVER THE LAST 20 YEARS This is a public call for support of the Open Appeal from over 200 Bosnian and Herzegovinian intellectuals to the members of the United Nations, OSCE, PIC, the USA and the European Union and the authorities of Bosna and Herzegovina to take all the measures in their power to restore and strengthen the democratic, multi-ethnic, multi- cultural and legally recognized state of Bosnia-Herzegovina. That state was broken and brutally destroyed by the 1992-1995 War. Its recovery has been effectively prevented by the indefinite attempt to implement the Dayton-Paris Accords (of November–December 1995). The state of Bosnia-Herzegovina should now be revived so that it can function again as a healthy European state. The Dayton settlement served unfortunately to consolidate, for the sake of peace, the effects of “ethnic cleansing” (genocide) in half of the Bosnia-Herzegovina territory. This is the major reason that we are now faced with the deepest, long-term, social and political crisis in the modern history of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We remain hopeful that this mistake can be undone by the ICTY and by creation of a new Constitution.
    [Show full text]
  • Yugoslavia from a Historical Perspective Yugoslavia from a Historical Perspective
    helsinki committee for human rights in serbia YugoslaviA from a histORical perspective Yugoslavia from a Historical Perspective Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia Yugoslavia from a Historical Perspective Belgrade, 2017 YUGOSLAVIA FROM A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE Publisher Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia For the publisher Sonja Biserko Copyright © Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, 2017. Editorial Board Latinka Perović Drago Roksandić Mitja Velikonja Wolfgang Hoepken Florian Bieber Proofreading Sheila Sofrenović Cover design and typesetting Ivan Hrašovec Photos and illustrations on the cover • Youths Day, Maribor, 1961. photo: wikipedia.org • Vukovar 1991, photo by Željko Jovanović • Map of SFRY, www.jugosloveni.info Illustration on the back cover and first page of the book • Pablo Picasso, poster for the movie Neretva, 1969. Printed by Delfimedia Circulation 500 This book has been published thanks to the support provided by the Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Federal Republic of Germany CIP – Каталогизација у публикацији – Народна библиотека Србије, Београд ISBN 978-86-7208-208-1 COBISS.SR-ID 240800780 Contents Publisher’s Note Why this project 9 Foreword YU-History: A multi-perspective historical account 13 Introduction T e multi-perspectivity of (post)Yugoslav histories 17 I – MANIFOLD YUGOSLAVISMS – HOW YUGOSLAV NATIONS ENTERED INTO YUGOSLAVIA Drago Roksandić Yugoslavism before the creation of Yugoslavia 29 II – YUGOSLAV EXPERIENCE FROM NATIONAL PERSPECTIVES husnija Kamberović The Bosniaks,
    [Show full text]
  • Major Political Parties Coverage for Data Collection 2021 Country Major
    Major political parties Coverage for data collection 2021 Country Major political parties EU Member States Christian Democratic and Flemish (Chrétiens-démocrates et flamands/Christen-Democratisch Belgium en Vlaams/Christlich-Demokratisch und Flämisch) Socialist Party (Parti Socialiste/Socialistische Partij/Sozialistische Partei) Forward (Vooruit) Open Flemish Liberals and Democrats (Open Vlaamse Liberalen en Democraten) Reformist Movement (Mouvement Réformateur) New Flemish Alliance (Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie) Ecolo Flemish Interest (Vlaams Belang) Workers' Party of Belgium (Partij van de Arbeid van België) Green Party (Groen) Bulgaria Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria (Grazhdani za evropeysko razvitie na Balgariya) Bulgarian Socialist Party (Bulgarska sotsialisticheska partiya) Movement for Rights and Freedoms (Dvizhenie za prava i svobodi) There is such people (Ima takav narod) Yes Bulgaria ! (Da Bulgaria!) Czech Republic Mayors and Independents STAN (Starostové a nezávislí) Czech Social Democratic Party (Ceská strana sociálne demokratická) ANO 2011 Okamura, SPD) Denmark Liberal Party (Venstre) Social Democrats (Socialdemokraterne/Socialdemokratiet) Danish People's Party (Dansk Folkeparti) Unity List-Red Green Alliance (Enhedslisten) Danish Social Liberal Party (Radikale Venstre) Socialist People's Party (Socialistisk Folkeparti) Conservative People's Party (Det Konservative Folkeparti) Germany Christian-Democratic Union of Germany (Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands) Christian Social Union in Bavaria (Christlich-Soziale
    [Show full text]
  • Balcanica Xli
    BALCANICA XLI BALCANICA XLI (2010), Belgrade 2011, 1– 280 UDC 930.85(4–12) ISSN 0350–7653 SERBIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES AND ARTS INSTITUTE FOR BALKAN STUDIES BALCANICA XLI (2010) ANNUAL OF THE INSTITUTE FOR BALKAN STUDIES Editor DUŠAN T. BATAKOVIĆ Editorial Board FRANCIS CONTE (Paris), DJORDJE S. KOSTIĆ, LJUBOMIR MAKSIMOVIĆ, DANICA POPOVIĆ, GABRIELLA SCHUBERT (Jena), BILJANA SIKIMIĆ, ANTHONY-EMIL TACHIAOS (Thessaloniki), NIKOLA TASIĆ (Director of the Institute for Balkan Studies), SVETLANA M. TOLSTAJA (Moscow) BELGRADE 2011 Publisher Institute for Balkan Studies Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts Belgrade, Knez Mihailova 35/IV www.balkaninstitut.com e-mail: [email protected] The origin of the Institute goes back to the Institut des Études balkaniques founded in Belgrade in 1934 as the only of the kind in the Balkans. The initiative came from King Alexander I Karadjordjević, while the Institute’s scholarly profile was created by Ratko Parežanin and Svetozar Spanaćević. The Institute published Revue internationale des Études balkaniques, which assembled most prominent European experts on the Balkans in various disciplines. Its work was banned by the Nazi occupation authorities in 1941. The Institute was not re-established until 1969, under its present-day name and under the auspices of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. It assembled a team of scholars to cover the Balkans from prehistory to the modern age and in a range of different fields of study, such as archaeology, ethnography, anthropology, history, culture, art, literature, law. This multidisciplinary approach remains its long-term orientation. Volume XLI of the annual Balcanica is printed with financial support from the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Serbia CONTENTS ARTICLES ANTHROPOLOGY.
    [Show full text]
  • National Integration, Media and Democracy in Post-Milosevic Serbia: Socialist Legacies, Neoliberal Strategies
    NATIONAL INTEGRATION, MEDIA AND DEMOCRACY IN POST-MILOSEVIC SERBIA: SOCIALIST LEGACIES, NEOLIBERAL STRATEGIES by Vladan Pantie B.A. University of Belgrade, 1982 M.A. University of Oklahoma, 2001 DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the School ofCommunication © Vladan Pantie 2008 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Summer 2008 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission ofthe author. Library and Archives Bibliothèque et Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de l’édition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-58503-0 Our file Notre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-58503-0 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non- L’auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant à la Bibliothèque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par télécommunication ou par l’Internet, prêter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des thèses partout dans le loan, distribute and sell theses monde, à des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non- support microforme, papier, électronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L’auteur conserve la propriété du droit d’auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protège cette thèse.
    [Show full text]