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The American Frontier Hero in Mary Rowlandson's NARRATIVE of THE Notes The American Frontier Hero in Mary Rowlandson’s NARRATIVE OF THE CAPTIVITY AND RESTAURATION 1. Throughout the remainder of this book, Rowlandson’s text will be referred to by the short title Narrative. 2. Projections based on Mott pages 303 and 305–306. 3. I use the terms English and Puritan pretty much interchangeably in this discussion because of their unity of purpose and method at this stage in regard to Native Americans and the American wilderness. 4. Among others, see Adventure, Mystery, and Romance: Formula Stories as Art and Popular Culture by John Cawelti; The Six-Gun Mystique, also by Cawelti; The American Adam: Innocence, Tragedy and Tradition in the Nineteenth Century by R.W.B. Lewis; The Cowboy Hero: His Image in American History and Culture by William W. Savage, Jr.; Regeneration through Violence by Richard Slotkin; and The Voice of the Old Frontier by R.W.G. Vail. 5. For identifying that a link exists between Rowlandson and the American hero, see Fitzpatrick. 6. All italicization in quotations from Rowlandson’s Narrative and its “Preface” are as they appear in the text, unless I’ve indicated other- wise. Likewise, all spelling and punctuation are from the text, unless otherwise indicated. 7. In Captivity and Sentiment, Burnham states captives often engaged in “startling forms of transgression. , since survival frequently necessi- tated abandoning Anglo-American cultural traditions, social and legal standards, and gendered codes of conduct” (52). See also Burnham “The Journey,” and Castiglia. 8. The nature of the Narrative is unusual among early best sellers. Generally best sellers of seventeenth-century America were sermons or religious poetry. Other best sellers of the period surrounding the pub- lication of the Narrative include Michael Wigglesworth’s “The Day of Doom” (1662), Richard Baxter’s A Call to the Unconverted (1664), Lewis Bayly’s The Practice of Piety (1665), Samuel Hardy’s A Guide to Heaven (1681), Francis Bacon’s Essays (1688), and Jonathan Dickinson’s God’s Protecting Providence (1699) (Mott 303). 9. These estimates are based on information provided by Derounian, synthesizing statistics provided by Hall and Bennett. Based on these 192 NOTES findings, I have estimated press runs for each of the 1682 editions at between 300 and 2,000 copies. 10. My cataloging of the editions Vail presents can be summarized as fol- lows: 1682, four editions; 1720, one edition; 1770, three editions; 1771, one edition; 1773, two editions; 1791, one edition; 1794, two editions; 1795, one edition; 1796, one edition; 1800, one edition; 1802, one edition; 1805, one edition; 1811, one edition; 1828, two edi- tions; 1853, one edition; 1856, one edition; 1883, one edition; 1903, one edition; 1930, one edition; 193_? [precise year unknown], one edi- tion; 1933, one edition; and 1934, one edition (cf. Vail, page 486, “Rowlandson, Mary”). All of these editions were published in America, with the exception of the fourth edition in 1682, which was published in London (Vail 169). Lang states that there were twenty-three editions of Rowlandson’s text by 1828 and forty by 1990 (19–21). 11. In addition to those named by Vail (see note above), the National Union Catalogue: Pre-1956 Imprints lists editions in 1792, 1812, 1913, 1915, 1937, and 1953 (422–424). WorldCat reveals additional editions of Rowlandson’s text appearing in 1972, 1975, 1977, 1983, 1988, 1990, 1994, 1995, 1996, 1997, 1998, 2000, 2003, and 2005; and anthologized editions appearing in 1913, 1915, 1992, and 1998. In addition to the sustained, popular interest represented by these many editions, academic attention to the Narrative is extensive. 12. Sound recordings were released in 2003, 2007, and 2008. In 1953, the Library of Congress produced an audio discussion of Rowlandson’s work. There is also a PBS radio version of the Narrative. 13. Castiglia expanded this definition to include European Americans taken captive by social/cultural groups other than Native Americans: for instance, the 1974 kidnapping of Patty Hearst by the Symbionese Liberation Army. 14. On increasing the stature of the individual and gendering colonists’ experience in the New World, see Armstrong and Tennenhouse. 15. Armstrong and Tennenhouse have identified a number of elements in Rowlandson that are significant to my argument. However, my anal- ysis looks specifically at the evolution of the American frontier hero, who required the changes that Armstrong and Tennenhouse identify, but which they do not address. 16. Fitzpatrick cites Fliegelman 144–148 in this section of her argument. 17. See also Fitzpatrick; Toulouse. 18. Burnham suggests that Rowlandson has “a growing ease” among the Indians because “she has become relatively more acculturated and has moreover gained an economic independence she never experi- enced in her own culture” (“The Journey” 63). See also Logan 270. Derounian, however, suggests that Rowlandson’s forgetting where she is results from her being “in a state of shock” as a result of her traumatic experiences (“Puritan Orthodoxy” 87). NOTES 193 19. See Breitwieser; Toulouse. 20. Cf. Armstrong and Tennenhouse; Burnham “The Journey”; Fitzpatrick. 21. I am grateful to Elizabeth Truax for articulating these hypotheses. 22. Among others, see Armstrong and Tennenhouse; Breitwieser; Fitzpatrick; Logan. Mythological Roots of the American Frontier Hero 1. In Campbell’s text, see especially 3–40 and 245–251 for descriptions of the hero and the hero’s journey. 2. In Campbell’s analysis, the hero is male. I use male nouns and pronouns in my descriptions and discussions of this hero for the sake of accuracy in discussing the genesis of the American frontier hero, a character type that has become hyperbolically and hyper- stereotypically masculine. My use of male nouns and pronouns, as opposed to gender-inclusive or gender-neutral terms, does not sug- gest that women or the feminine can be adequately addressed within a generic male diction assumed to represent both sexes. 3. Campbell cites perhaps the most dramatic and most well-known example of a material boon that advanced the technology of human- kind: Prometheus’s providing humans with fire, which he had stolen from the gods. 4. Because the pages of the text containing the “Preface” are unnum- bered, I use paragraph numbers to identify the location of quotations taken from the “Preface.” 5. The hero of James Fenimore Cooper’s Leatherstocking Tales: The Pioneers (1823), The Last of the Mohicans (1826), The Prairie (1827), The Pathfinder (1840), and The Deerslayer (1841). 6. Logan examines Rowlandson’s use of irony. 7. Derounian-Stodola, Kathryn Zabelle, and James Arthur Levernier, The Indian Captivity Narrative, 1550–1900, have identified an “overall mythic structure of capture-initiation-return” within Rowlandson’s text that “became the norm for the form” of the cap- tivity narrative. They elaborate the details of this structure as “a sud- den attack, casualties, a forced march, sale or trade, and eventual ransom, release, or escape” (100). These elements replicate the hero cycle, reinforcing the relationship between Rowlandson’s travels with the Algonquians and the path of the hero’s journey described by Campbell. 8. The phrase is from Deuteronomy 32:10 (King James Version). 9. Among others, see Breitwieser; Davis; Derounian, “Puritan Orthodoxy”; Fitzpatrick; Logan; and Toulouse. 10. Obtaining ransom was a primary reason Algonquians took captives (Strong 55–56). 194 NOTES 11. This interchange can also demonstrate that Rowlandson’s allegiances have shifted from being attached only to her own people. She is no longer perfectly Puritan. Logan states that “Rowlandson’s work exhib- its a tension between the language of typology, which stabilizes inter- pretation, and other kinds of language that disrupt the authority of this interpretation. Rowlandson’s use of Native American words, her grow- ing differentiation of her captors from the ‘heathen’ stereotype, and other evidence of adaptation to her captors’ culture seems [sic] to undermine the portrayal of experience in terms of Babylonian captivity and providential affliction” (269). Smith-Rosenberg states, “Passionately elaborating American Indian otherness, she fuses with them” (184). This acceptance of and fusion with the Algonquians is the flip side of the changes the mythological hero must undergo in order to return to his everyday world bringing a boon that has the capacity to address cultural deficits and solve previously unsolvable problems. 12. Being under the control of Algonquian precepts may not have been all bad for women captives. Burnham summarizes Griffin, who “noted the possibility that for many female captives, release from the Indians frequently promised only a return to captivity in another form—as domestic wife and mother in Puritan New England” (“The Journey” 72; cf. Griffin 47). As the highest status woman in Lancaster—Mistress Rowlandson, rather than a goodwife— Rowlandson could have experienced more freedom within the con- fines of Puritan society than some women. However, it is likely that she too experienced greater agency and, ironically, autonomy during her captivity than she did before it. 13. Woodard states that it is when Rowlandson begins to change as a result of her captivity that she becomes most dangerous to the Puritan community: “Transformation proves so subversive because it chal- lenges the very notion of identity promoted by the Puritan commu- nity by blurring the line between self and other” (121). 14. Campbell here references Arnold Toynbee, A Study of History, vol. VI, 169–175 (Oxford UP, 1934). 15. The ending of Rowlandson’s text has received focused critical atten- tion. See, in particular, Breitwieser and Derounian, “Puritan Orthodoxy.” Mary Rowlandson, Puritan Hero 1. See Miller 4–15. See also Bercovitch 85–88. 2. Metacom’s, or King Philip’s, War was a genocide in which the Native Americans of eastern Massachusetts were virtually exterminated. The Puritans, however, did not have this perspective on the conflict.
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