DOCSLIB.ORG

Baker Institute Policy Report Published by the James A

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Baker Institute Policy Report Published by the James A ISSN 1941-6466 BAKER INSTITUTE POLICY REPORT PUBLISHED BY THE JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY OF RICE UNIVERSITY NUMBER 59 JULY 2014 WOMEN’S POLITICAL REPRESENTATION AND THE ADVANCEMENT OF WOMEN’S POLITICAL RIGHTS IN THE ARAB WORLD: THE CASE OF JORDAN Introduction few decades has led to deteriorating levels of women’s overall participation in the political Female political participation—both as candidates process, since the Arab Awakening, women and voters—has stirred one of the most heated across the region are demanding greater roles debates over the past few decades not only in the in the political arena and defying decades of Middle East and North Africa region (MENA), but marginalization in the decision-making process. also in many parts of the world. Acknowledging Nonetheless, numerous institutional, cultural, the considerable gap in female political and structural obstacles must be directly representation, numerous countries around addressed and remedied to give women in the the globe have adopted significant measures to region the opportunity to participate actively and promote the presence of women in the political equitably in the political sphere. arena. Including women in the decision-making This report will mainly focus on Jordan, process is widely considered one of the most as it is currently one of the region’s leading effective institutional mechanisms to advance models for women’s political representation. women’s interests and concerns, improve Jordanian leaders have experimented with policy outcomes in favor of women, transform numerous institutional mechanisms to promote cultural stereotypes in regard to women’s roles the inclusion of women in the decision-making in the public sphere, and create more equitable process in the past few decades (e.g., a certain and just societies where all citizens are equally number of seats reserved for women members represented. of parliament, quota regulations, and national While women have made substantive closed-party lists). gains in the political arena—not only on the The first section of this report outlines the institutional level but also on the societal level theoretical framework of the various forms in many democracies—women across the MENA of women’s political representation and the region are still struggling to achieve parity in significance of women’s presence in the political the political realm. The fact that not a single arena. The second section of the report sheds Arab country has been rated as “free”1 over light on the societal and political context of the past few decades, combined with the lack women’s political participation in Jordan—with of genuine representative democracies in the a special focus on the changes in the country’s region, has greatly affected the status of women electoral system over the past few decades and in the political arena. Currently, the Arab region their impact on women’s political representation continues to have one of the lowest percentages in Jordan. The third section of the report highlights of women members of national parliaments, with the obstacles facing women in the legislative arena very slow improvement compared to any other and offers insights from Jordan’s most recent region in the world. parliamentary elections. While previous studies Despite the fact that the political and and analyses focused on the issues of tribalism and social stagnation across the region in the past personalistic politics as the main impediments for 1 Table 1. Women in National Parliaments by Region (2013) Single House Upper House Both Houses Region or Lower House or Senate Combined Nordic countries 42% --- --- Europe — OSCE* member countries 24.6% 22.6% 24.2% including Nordic countries Americas 24.2% 23.8% 24.1% Europe — OSCE member countries 23% 22.6% 22.9% excluding Nordic countries Sub-Saharan Africa 21.1% 18.7% 21.7% Asia 19.1% 13.8% 18.5% Arab States 17.8% 7.7% 15.9% Pacific 13.1% 38.6% 15.9% Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), 2013; Regions are classified by descending order of the percentage of women in the lower or single house. *OSCE = Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe women’s access to power, this report argues that people and groups, and operating in the complex the widespread perceptions of corruption and ways of large-scale social arrangements.” She the general lack of trust in the electoral process also argues that representation should be the as a whole are instead the main impediments to final outcome of the structure and functioning the political empowerment of women. The report of the whole system and the patterns emerging concludes with an overview of the lessons learned from the multiple activities and multiple players from the Jordanian experience and offers specific in the system. policy recommendations for promoting women’s According to Pitkin, political representation political representation that can be applied not only is mainly classified into three forms: descriptive, in Jordan, but also in other parts of the region. substantive, and symbolic representation. Descriptive representation is conceptualized Women’s Political Representation: as “the politics of presence” and is generally An Overview and Why Does it Matter? considered a “mirror”3 for the population from which the representatives are drawn. The Political representation stands out as a pivotal argument for descriptive representation is based concept in the study of politics, yet it continues on the premise that elected officials are more to stir much controversy across the discipline. likely to represent those with whom they share The ongoing struggle between idealistic views personal characteristics.4 Therefore, descriptive and realistic views of political representation representation is not only important for the has repeatedly surfaced over the past few legitimacy of elected bodies5 but it is also decades in the work of many social scientists. crucial to remedy the issue of marginalization of In her groundbreaking work, The Concept of minorities and women. According to this view, Representation, Hanna Pitkin2 offered one of there is a strong need for devising institutional the most comprehensive theoretical frameworks mechanisms (such as gender quotas, legislative on the study of political representation. Pitkin mandates, and proportional electoral districts) defines political representation as “A public, to ensure that marginalized groups are fairly institutionalized arrangement involving many represented by people who share their policy positions on important issues.6 2 Moreover, proponents of descriptive in the public, sending signals that politics is representation argue that increasing the number no longer a male-dominated field and that of women in legislative assemblies is crucial for their participation is important and valuable.14 ensuring substantive representation.7 In theory, Despite the plethora of research in the context substantive representation is directly related of established democracies, the symbolic impact to the degree to which representatives seek to of women’s presence in the political arena in the advance the interests and the preferences of Arab world has remained largely unexplored. the group—or in other words, the translation Acknowledging the importance of women’s of policy preferences into legislative outcomes presence in legislative bodies over the past in favor of the represented group.8 Despite the few decades, countries across the globe have fact that the empirical relationship between introduced a variety of affirmative action policies substantive and descriptive representation has to promote women’s presence in legislatures. been strongly debated among scholars, recent However, gender quotas continued to be one of studies lend substantial support to the theory the most widely used institutional mechanisms that the identities of legislators have a positive to promote women’s descriptive representation. impact on the types of measures prioritized, The most direct benefit of gender quotas is that proposed, and passed on behalf of different they efficiently address the claim to political groups.9 What’s more, scholars argue that inclusion by imposing a significant number increasing the number of women in decision- of new actors into political institutions, thus making institutions is also expected to have disrupting male monopolies in legislative a strong impact on the substantive input of bodies.15 There are three main types of quota women in relation to national budgets, the systems that have been widely used across the ideological direction of government policies, MENA region: voluntary party quotas, reserved and policy priorities as a means to remedy seats, and statutory quotas.16 First, voluntary the underrepresentation of women in elected party quotas are the most common type of office. As maintained by Jane Mansbridge,10 gender quotas in the region. Political parties “descriptive representation by gender improves adopt these policies and commit to include a substantive outcomes for women in every polity specific number of female candidates to political for which we have a measure.” office (i.e., Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia). These Furthermore, increasing the presence of mechanisms vary across the region in regard women in the legislative arena (i.e., descriptive to placement mandates and non-compliance representation) is also closely related to the sanctions. When combined with a proportional symbolic representation of women—though less representation system
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Jordan – Palestinians – West Bank – Passports – Citizenship – Fatah
    Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: JOR35401 Country: Jordan Date: 27 October 2009 Keywords: Jordan – Palestinians – West Bank – Passports – Citizenship – Fatah This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide background on the issue of Jordanian citizenship for persons of West Bank Palestinian descent. 2. What is the overall situation for Palestinian citizens of Jordan? 3. Have there been any crackdowns upon Fatah members over the last 15 years? 4. What kind of relationship exists between Fatah and the Jordanian authorities? RESPONSE 1. Please provide background on the issue of Jordanian citizenship for persons of West Bank Palestinian descent. Most Palestinians in Jordan hold a Jordanian passport of some type but the status accorded different categories of Palestinians in Jordan varies, as does the manner and terminology through which different sources classify and discuss Palestinians in Jordan. The webpage of the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) states that: “All Palestine refugees in Jordan have full Jordanian citizenship with the exception of about 120,000 refugees originally from the Gaza Strip, which up to 1967 was administered by Egypt”; the latter being “eligible for temporary Jordanian passports, which do not entitle them to full citizenship rights such as the right to vote and employment with the government”.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Women's Issues'
    Journal of International Women's Studies Volume 21 Issue 1 Article 21 February 2020 The Time to Question, Rethink and Popularize the Notion of ‘Women’s Issues’: Lessons from Jordan’s Popular and Labor Movements from 2006 to now Sara Ababneh Follow this and additional works at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws Part of the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Ababneh, Sara (2020). The Time to Question, Rethink and Popularize the Notion of ‘Women’s Issues’: Lessons from Jordan’s Popular and Labor Movements from 2006 to now. Journal of International Women's Studies, 21(1), 271-288. Available at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol21/iss1/21 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. This journal and its contents may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. ©2020 Journal of International Women’s Studies. The Time to Question, Rethink and Popularize the Notion of ‘Women’s Issues’: Lessons from Jordan’s Popular and Labor Movements from 2006 to now By Sara Ababneh1 Abstract Jordanian women were an integral part of the Jordanian Popular Movement (al Hirak al Sha’bi al Urduni, Hirak in short) protests in 2011/2012. Yet, despite their large numbers and presence, female protestors did not call for any of the commonly known ‘women’s issues’ (qadaya al mar’a) which include fighting Gender Based Violence (GBV), legal reform, increasing women’s political participation, and women’s economic empowerment.
    [Show full text]
  • ACOR Newsletter Vol. 12.2
    ACOR Newsletter ^i ^ Vol. 12.2—Winter 2000 Qastal, 1998-2001 On a cold afternoon in early February 2000, Ra'ed Abu Ghazi, a management trainee for the Qastal Erin Addison Conservation and Development Project (QCDP), was walking home from the Umayyad qasr and mosque complex at Qastal (map, p. 9). In the lot between the ancient reservoir and his home, he stopped to speak to some neighbor children playing a game. Then a teapot overturned and the late afternoon sun re- flected off a blue-green, glassy surface. Ra'ed knelt to get a closer look and brushed gently at the loose earth. The area had recently been bulldozed, so the dirt was loose and only about five centimeters deep. As he washed the surface with tea water, a pattern of bril- liant glass tesserae was revealed. Ra'ed had made an exciting discovery at Qastal: a large structure from the late Umayyad period (A.D. 661-750), floored with what experts have called some of the most exquisite mosaics in Jordan (Figs. 1-3). The new structure is only the most recent development in two-and-a-half fascinating years at Qastal. Qastal al-Balqa' is men- tioned in the Diwan of Kuthayyir 'Azza (d. A.H. 105=A.o. 723): "God bless the houses of those living between Muwaqqar and Qastal al-Balqa', where the mihrabs are." Al- though there remain com- plex questions about this reference to "mihrabs" (maharib—apparently plural), the quote at least tells us that Qastal was well enough known to have served as a geo- graphical reference point before A.D.
    [Show full text]
  • Uncertain Livelihoods in Refugee Environments Between Risk and Tradition for Syrian Refugee Women in Jordan Report 15
    Researching livelihoods and services affected by conflict Uncertain livelihoods in refugee environments Between risk and tradition for Syrian refugee women in Jordan Report 15 Holly A Ritchie February 2017 Written by Holly A Ritchie SLRC reports present information, analysis and key policy recommendations on issues relating to livelihoods, basic services and social protection in conflict affected situations. This and other SLRC reports are available from www.securelivelihoods.org. Funded by DFID, Irish Aid and EC. The views presented in this paper are those of the author(s) and not necessarily the views of SLRC, DFID, Irish Aid and EC. ©SLRC 2017. Readers are encouraged to quote or reproduce material from SLRC for their own publications. As copyright holder SLRC, requests due acknowledgement and a copy of the publication. Secure Livelihoods Research Consortium Overseas Development Institute (ODI) 203 Blackfriars Road London SE1 8NJ United Kingdom T +44 (0)20 7922 8249 F +44 (0)20 7922 0399 E [email protected] www.securelivelihoods.org Cover photo: Image discouraging early-marriage in Zaatari camp, Jordan. Credit: UN Women/Christopher Herwig About us The Secure Livelihoods Research Consortium (SLRC) is a six-year project funded by DFID, Irish Aid and EC. SLRC aims to bridge the gaps in knowledge about: ■ When it is appropriate to build secure livelihoods in conflict-affected situations (CAS) in addition to meeting immediate acute needs; ■ What building blocks (e.g. humanitarian assistance, social protection, agriculture and basic services) are required in different contexts; ■ Who can best deliver building blocks to secure livelihoods in different contexts; and ■ How key investments can be better and more predictably supported by effective financing mechanisms.
    [Show full text]
  • By Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Of
    FROM DIWAN TO PALACE: JORDANIAN TRIBAL POLITICS AND ELECTIONS by LAURA C. WEIR Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation Adviser: Dr. Pete Moore Department of Political Science CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY January, 2013 CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES We hereby approve the thesis/dissertation of Laura Weir candidate for the Doctor of Philosophy degree *. Pete Moore, Ph.D (chair of the committee) Vincent E. McHale, Ph.D. Kelly McMann, Ph.D. Neda Zawahri, Ph.D. (date) October 19, 2012 *We also certify that written approval has been obtained for any proprietary material contained therein. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables v List of Maps and Illustrations viii List of Abbreviations x CHAPTERS 1. RESEARCH PUZZLE AND QUESTIONS Introduction 1 Literature Review 6 Tribal Politics and Elections 11 Case Study 21 Potential Challenges of the Study 30 Conclusion 35 2. THE HISTORY OF THE JORDANIAN ―STATE IN SOCIETY‖ Introduction 38 The First Wave: Early Development, pre-1921 40 The Second Wave: The Arab Revolt and the British, 1921-1946 46 The Third Wave: Ideological and Regional Threats, 1946-1967 56 The Fourth Wave: The 1967 War and Black September, 1967-1970 61 Conclusion 66 3. SCARCE RESOURCES: THE STATE, TRIBAL POLITICS, AND OPPOSITION GROUPS Introduction 68 How Tribal Politics Work 71 State Institutions 81 iii Good Governance Challenges 92 Guests in Our Country: The Palestinian Jordanians 101 4. THREATS AND OPPORTUNITIES: FAILURE OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE RISE OF TRIBAL POLITICS Introduction 118 Political Threats and Opportunities, 1921-1970 125 The Political Significance of Black September 139 Tribes and Parties, 1989-2007 141 The Muslim Brotherhood 146 Conclusion 152 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Sufis in a 'Foreign' Zawiya: Moroccan Perceptions of the Tijani Pilgrimage to Fes Joel Green SIT Study Abroad
    SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection SIT Study Abroad Fall 2018 Sufis in a 'Foreign' Zawiya: Moroccan Perceptions of the Tijani Pilgrimage to Fes Joel Green SIT Study Abroad Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection Part of the African Languages and Societies Commons, African Studies Commons, Inequality and Stratification Commons, Islamic Studies Commons, Politics and Social Change Commons, Race and Ethnicity Commons, Race, Ethnicity and Post-Colonial Studies Commons, Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons, and the Sociology of Religion Commons Recommended Citation Green, Joel, "Sufis in a 'Foreign' Zawiya: Moroccan Perceptions of the Tijani Pilgrimage to Fes" (2018). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 3002. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/3002 This Unpublished Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Study Abroad at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Sufis in a ‘Foreign’ Zawiya: Moroccan Perceptions of the Tijani Pilgrimage to Fes Joel Green Elon University Religious Studies Location of Primary Study: Fes, Morocco Academic Director: Taieb Belghazi Research Mentor: Khalid Saqi Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for MOR, SIT Abroad, Fall 2018 Sufis in a ‘Foreign’Zawiya1
    [Show full text]
  • Women and Gender in Middle East Politics
    POMEPS STUDIES 19 Women and Gender in Middle East Politics May 10, 2016 Contents Reexamining patriarchy, gender, and Islam Conceptualizing and Measuring Patriarchy: The Importance of Feminist Theory . 8 By Lindsay J. Benstead, Portland State University Rethinking Patriarchy and Kinship in the Arab Gulf States . 13 By Scott Weiner, George Washington University Women’s Rise to Political Office on Behalf of Religious Political Movements . 17 By Mona Tajali, Agnes Scott College Women’s Equality: Constitutions and Revolutions in Egypt . 22 By Ellen McLarney, Duke University Activism and identity Changing the Discourse About Public Sexual Violence in Egyptian Satellite TV . 28 By Vickie Langohr, College of the Holy Cross Egypt, Uprising and Gender Politics: Gendering Bodies/Gendering Space . 31 By Sherine Hafez, University of California, Riverside Women and the Right to Land in Morocco: the Sulaliyyates Movement . 35 By Zakia Salime, Rutgers University The Politics of the Truth and Dignity Commission in Post-Revolutionary Tunisia: Gender Justice as a threat to Democratic transition? . 38 By Hind Ahmed Zaki, University of Washington Women’s political participation in authoritarian regimes First Ladies and the (Re) Definition of the Authoritarian State in Egypt . 42 By Mervat F. Hatem, Howard University Women’s Political Representation and Authoritarianism in the Arab World . 45 By Marwa Shalaby, Rice University The Future of Female Mobilization in Lebanon, Morocco, and Yemen after the Arab Spring . 52 By Carla Beth Abdo, University of Maryland
    [Show full text]
  • Voting for the Devil You Know: Understanding Electoral Behavior in Authoritarian Regimes
    VOTING FOR THE DEVIL YOU KNOW: UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR IN AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Natalie Wenzell Letsa August 2017 © Natalie Wenzell Letsa 2017 VOTING FOR THE DEVIL YOU KNOW: UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL BEHVAIOR IN AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES Natalie Wenzell Letsa, Ph. D. Cornell University 2017 In countries where elections are not free or fair, and one political party consistently dominates elections, why do citizens bother to vote? If voting cannot substantively affect the balance of power, why do millions of citizens continue to vote in these elections? Until now, most answers to this question have used macro-level spending and demographic data to argue that people vote because they expect a material reward, such as patronage or a direct transfer via vote-buying. This dissertation argues, however, that autocratic regimes have social and political cleavages that give rise to variation in partisanship, which in turn create different non-economic motivations for voting behavior. Citizens with higher levels of socioeconomic status have the resources to engage more actively in politics, and are thus more likely to associate with political parties, while citizens with lower levels of socioeconomic status are more likely to be nonpartisans. Partisans, however, are further split by their political proclivities; those that support the regime are more likely to be ruling party partisans, while partisans who mistrust the regime are more likely to support opposition parties. In turn, these three groups of citizens have different expressive and social reasons for voting.
    [Show full text]
  • Family, Islam, and Patriarchal Gender Roles
    Obstacles to Women’s Political Empowerment in Jordan: Family, Islam, and Patriarchal Gender Roles Margaret W. Pettygrove Independent Study Project SIT Jordan 11 May 2006 Margaret Pettygrove Dr. Lamis Nasser, Advisor Lindsey Fauss, Academic Director, SIT Jordan Independent Study Project 11 May 2006 Pettygrove 1 Abstract Recent developments in women’s legislative rights in Jordan, and rising interest in women’s issues throughout the world, have sparked interest in women’s political participation. The purpose of this study is to investigate why, despite numerous advancements for women in Jordanian society, women have not gained greater representation in political processes. This study is based primarily on interviews with 15 Jordanian women between the ages of 18 and 36, as well as interviews with 6 professionals in the field of women’s studies in Jordan. The results of these interviews were analyzed within a theoretical framework provided by literary sources. Research was focused on four independent variables—family, Islam, women’s civil society organizations, and the quota for women in Parliament introduced in 2003—and the ways in which they inhibit or assist women’s political participation. Political participation in this study denotes participation, in roles of decision-making and leadership, in both civil society and political processes. The results of the research indicate that the family structure and the process of socialization within the family serve as obstacles to women’s political empowerment, as does the system of Islamic values in Jordan. The activities of women’s civil society organizations in Jordan hamper women’s abilities to achieve empowerment because they do not facilitate women’s participation in decision-making roles.
    [Show full text]
  • Jordan Parliamentary Elections, 20 September
    European Union Election Observation Mission The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Parliamentary Election 20 September 2016 Final Report European Union Election Observation Mission The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Parliamentary Election 20 September 2016 Final Report European Union Election Observation Mission The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Parliamentary Election, 20 September 2016 Final Report, 13 November 2016 THE HASHEMITE KINGDOM OF JORDAN Parliamentary Election, 20 September 2016 EUROPEAN UNION ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION FINAL REPORT Table of Contents Page 1 Key Abbreviations Page 3 1. Executive Summary Page 4 2. Introduction and Acknowledgements Page 7 3. Political Context Page 8 4. Legal Framework Page 10 4.1 Applicability of International Human Rights Law 4.2 Constitution 4.3 Electoral Legislation 4.4 Right to Vote 4.5 Right to Stand 4.6 Right to Appeal 4.7 Electoral Districts 4.8 Electoral System 5. Election Administration Page 22 5.1 Election Administration Bodies 5.2 Voter Registration 5.3 Candidate Registration 5.4 Voter Education and Information 5.5 Institutional Communication 6 Campaign Page 28 6.1 Campaign 6.2 Campaign Funding 7. Media Page 30 7.1 Media Landscape 7.2 Freedom of the Media 7.3 Legal Framework 7.4 Media Violations 7.5 Coverage of the Election 8. Electoral Offences, Disputes and Appeals Page 35 9. Participation of Women, Minorities and Persons with Disabilities Page 38 __________________________________________________________________________________________ While this Final Report is translated in Arabic, the English version remains the only original Page 1 of 131 European Union Election Observation Mission The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Parliamentary Election, 20 September 2016 Final Report, 13 November 2016 9.1 Participation of Women 9.2 Participation of Minorities 9.3 Participation of Persons with Disabilities 10.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq Assessment on Employment and Working Conditions of Conflict- Affected Women Across Key Sectors
    IRAQ ASSESSMENT ON EMPLOYMENT AND WORKING CONDITIONS OF CONFLICT- AFFECTED WOMEN ACROSS KEY SECTORS FINAL REPORT November 2019 Assessment on Employment and Working Conditions of Conflict-Affected Women across Key Sectors – November 2019 This report was produced with the financial support of the European Union. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the REACH Initiative and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union. The content of this publication does not necessarily reflect the views of UN Women, its Executive Board or the United Nations Member States. The designations in this publication do not imply an opinion on the legal status of any country or territory, or its authorities, or the delimitation of frontiers. The text has not been edited to official publication standards and UN Women accepts no responsibility for error. Cover photo credit: Jamal Lutfi, UN Women, Baserma Refugee Camp, October 2019 About the European Union (EU) Regional Trust Fund in response to the Syrian crisis: Since its establishment in December 2014, a significant share of the European Union’s non-humanitarian aid for Syria’s neighbouring countries is provided through the EU Regional Trust Fund in Response to the Syrian Crisis. The Trust Fund brings a more coherent and integrated EU aid response to the crisis and primarily addresses longer term economic, educational, protection and social needs of Syrian refugees in neighbouring countries such as Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey and Iraq, and supports overstretched local communities and their administrations. For more information please visit the website: https://ec.europa.eu/tr About REACH REACH facilitates the development of information tools and products that enhance the capacity of aid actors to make evidence-based decisions in emergency, recovery and development contexts.
    [Show full text]
  • Seville- the Pearl of Andalusia - Under the Arab-Islamic Rule
    Historical Research Letter www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-3178 (Paper) ISSN 2225-0964 (Online) Vol.43, 2017 Seville- the Pearl of Andalusia - Under the Arab-Islamic Rule Sahar A.M. Al-Majali, Ph.D. Associate Professor, Department of Social & Applied Science, Princess Alia University College, Al-Balqa Applied University, P.O. Box: (144211) Amman (11814) Jordan Abstract Remarkable development was recorded by Seville under the spell of Islamic rule, first under the Umayyad dynasty, then under the Almoravids and thereafter under the Almohad rulers. The Umayyad rulers transformed the city from the Roman-Gothic vestiges into a thriving city pulsating with economic, commercial and cultural activities. Special attention was paid by the Umayyad rulers maintain defence of the city and ensure all-round progress its people. Under the Almoravid rule, Seville seldom witnessed any noticeable development activity. However, the Almohad rulers revived the development dynamics by constructing buildings, improving public infrastructure and facilities for the people. Multifaceted development attained by Seville, especially under the Umayyad rule, earned it the appellation of “Peal of Andalusia”. Keywords : Seville, Andalusia, Umayyad’s, Almoravids, Almohads 1. Introduction I. Subject of the Study: Seville – the Pearl of Andalusia - Under the Arab- Islamic Rule II. Problem of the Study : To analyze the role and contribution of Medieval Arab Islamic rule in influencing various aspects of development of Seville III. Limitations of the Study: This analysis is limited to developments in various fields of Seville under the Medieval Arab Islamic rule, especially under the Umayyad dynasty, Almoravid rulers and the Almohad rules of Seville. IV. Theoretical Framework of the Study : It is a historical topic and no theoretical framework has been developed.
    [Show full text]