Asia Pacific Visual Cultures

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Massachusetts College of Art and Design 2021 Student Research Symposium on ASIA PACIFIC VISUAL CULTURES Monday, April 26, 2021, 5:00 to 6:15 PM Virtual Event via Zoom https://massart.zoom.us/j/87217651809 Welcome! The Team: Organizers: Shouchih Isaac Yen, PhD [email protected] Duncan Givans, PhD [email protected] Timothy Correll, PhD [email protected] Event Manager: Candis Hilton [email protected] Technology Adviser: Antony Flackett [email protected] Poster and Program Designer: Amenda Wong [email protected] Program Printing Advisers: Clint Baclawski and Jamison Wright Venue and Schedule Adviser: Kyle Brock Media Adviser: Nicky Enriquez Student Managers: Alexandru Zaharia, Tatyana Andreeva, and Zhiyao Zhang Poster and Program Designer: Amenda Wong [email protected] Olivia Fair Dante Canario The Animated Nezha and the From Olympic Harmony Héxié to Confucian Doctrine of Filial Piety River Crabs Héxiè Olivia Fair The Animated Nezha 哪吒 and the Confucian Doctrine of Filial Piety Nǎzhā 哪吒 Nezha fights the dragons, Baoguang Wang, Smash the Gang of Four. 1978. Nezha Conquers the Dragon King (1979). Poster, 53 x 77 cm. The Gang of Four Consisted of Jiang Qing (wife of Mao Zedong), Wang Hongwen, Zhang Chunqiao, and Yao Wenyuan They were charged with treason. Poster for Nezha/Nezha: Birth of the Demon Child. Directed by Yu Yang, Beijing Enlight Pictures, 2019. 110 minutes. Dante Canario From Olympic Harmony Héxié 和諧 to River Crabs Héxiè 河蟹 Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe Peter Eisenman 2005, Berlin Germany Grey Boxes Representing Printing Blocks 2008 Bird's Nest Stadium, Beijing China Ai Weiwei River Crab Feast 2010, Shanghai China Héxié 和諧 Héxiè 河蟹 Harmony River Crabs Panel Discussion: Questions and Answers Olivia Fair Dante Canario Panel Discussion: Questions and Answers THANK YOU SO MUCH!.

Copy Link

Recommended publications

Three Prominences1
THE THREE PROMINENCES1 Yizhong Gu The political-aesthetic principle of the “three prominences” (san tuchu 三突出) was the formula foremost in governing proletarian literature and art during the Cultural Revolution (1966–76) (hereafter CR). In May 1968, Yu Huiyong 于会泳 initially proposed and defined the principle in this way: Among all characters, give prominence to the positive characters; among the positive characters, give prominence to the main heroic characters; among the main characters, give prominence to the most important character, namely, the central character.2 As the main composer of the Revolutionary Model Plays, Yu Hui- yong had gone through a number of ups and downs in the official hierarchy before finally receiving favor from Jiang Qing 江青, wife of Mao Zedong. Yu collected plenty of Jiang Qing’s concrete but scat- tered directions on the Model Plays and tried to summarize them in an abstract and formulaic pronouncement. The principle of three prominances was supposed to be applicable to all the Model Plays and thus give guidance for the creation of future proletarian artworks. Summarizing the gist of Jiang’s instruction, Yu observed, “Comrade Jiang Qing lays strong emphasis on the characterization of heroic fig- ures,” and therefore, “according to Comrade Jiang Qing’s directions, we generalize the ‘three prominences’ as an important principle upon which to build and characterize figures.”3 1 This essay owes much to invaluable encouragement and instruction from Profes- sors Ban Wang of Stanford University, Tani Barlow of Rice University, and Yomi Braester of the University of Washington. 2 Yu Huiyong, “Rang wenyi wutai yongyuan chengwei xuanchuan maozedong sixiang de zhendi” (Let the stage of art be the everlasting front to propagate the thought of Mao Zedong), Wenhui Bao (Wenhui daily) (May 23, 1968).
[Show full text]
Do Away with the Ideology of Bourgeois Right
Do Away with the Ideology of Bourgeois Right By Zhang Chunqiao, People’s Daily, October 13, 1958 Translator’s Note: At the time he wrote this, Zhang Chunqiao had been a member of the city commit- tee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in Shanghai, publisher of the Shanghai newspaper Lib- eration, and a leader in attacking Rightist cultural figures in Shanghai. The article reflects the enthu- siasm for a rapid transition to communism that came out of the People’s Commune movement in 1958. Although the egalitarian “supply system” had been officially abolished in 1955, Zhang argues that it should be brought back and extended to the whole society. Mao considered this idea in 1958, and this article was only reprinted in Beijing’s People’s Daily at Mao’s insistence and with an (un- signed) introductory note that Mao wrote. Zhang later played a significant role in the Cultural Revolu- tion, and was prosecuted by the CPC’s victors as a member of the “Gang of Four.” Condemned to death, his sentence was later commuted to life in prison. He was released for medical reasons in 1998, and died in 2005. Editor's note: This essay of Comrade Zhang Chunqiao appeared in the Shanghai "Liberation" semi- monthly, number six, [1958], and is now reprinted here for discussion by comrades. This question needs discussion, because of the important issues now facing us. We think that Zhang's essay is ba- sically correct, but somewhat one-sided, precisely because what is said about the historical process may not be the complete explanation.
[Show full text]
Information to Users
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript Pas been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissenation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from anytype of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely. event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material bad to beremoved, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with smalloverlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back ofthe book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell &Howell Information Company 300North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. MI48106-1346 USA 313!761-47oo 800:521·0600 THE LIN BIAO INCIDENT: A STUDY OF EXTRA-INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS IN THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY AUGUST 1995 By Qiu Jin Dissertation Committee: Stephen Uhalley, Jr., Chairperson Harry Lamley Sharon Minichiello John Stephan Roger Ames UMI Number: 9604163 OMI Microform 9604163 Copyright 1995, by OMI Company.
[Show full text]
Vlaarfu NG 10 March 9, 1979 BEIJI
vLAArfu NG 10 March 9, 1979 BEIJI o Chinese Frontier Troops Begin Withdrowol o Chinese Women Discuss Life ond Work - - ,4R*d}'] ,! __ ..:. BEIJING REYIEW CHTRONNCTE ,h 4,{A.fu Feb. 24 o The national conference of secretaries of provincial committees of the Chinese Communist Vol. *) No. l0 Morch 9, 1Yt9 Youth League closes in Beijing: The conference sets forth that.study and work for the realization of the "four modernizations" is the major subiect CONTENIS for China's youth in the new era. .t CHRONIC|E 2 Feb. 28 A'ENTS & TRENDS 3 : r Vice-Premier Deng Xiaoping rneets with Ta- Exhibition in Memoiy of Zhou Enloi ' keji Watanabe, Fresident of the Kyodo News Ser- Another Coll to Toiwon Authorities' vice of Japan. The Vice-Premier gives his views T,ibeton Compotriots Abrood Welcome on a number of que$lions including the situation Home on the Sino-Vietnamese border, Sino-Japanese rela- Regulotions for Arrest ond Detention tions and China's Two New Roilwoys "four':modernizations." Guidelines for Economic Construction A Reopproisol of "Hoi Rui Dismissed From Feb. 28 Office" o Premier Hua Guofeng meets W. Michael Blu- ARTICTES AND DOCUMENTS menthal, U.S. Secretary of the Treasury. Premier Hua says: "Sino-U.S. friendly relations will grow To Honour the Memory oJ Premier Zhou, step by step." Seeretary Blumenthal says that talks Act os Premier Zhou Would Hove Us Act past Renmin Ribao editoriol I have proceeded very well in the few days and Authorized- Stotement by Xinhuo News that a foundation has been laid for closer bilateral Agency Ch,inese frontier troops stort economic relations.
[Show full text]
Reimagining Revolutionary Labor in the People's Commune
Reimagining Revolutionary Labor in the People’s Commune: Amateurism and Social Reproduction in the Maoist Countryside by Angie Baecker A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Asian Languages and Cultures) in the University of Michigan 2020 Doctoral Committee: Professor Xiaobing Tang, Co-Chair, Chinese University of Hong Kong Associate Professor Emily Wilcox, Co-Chair Professor Geoff Eley Professor Rebecca Karl, New York University Associate Professor Youngju Ryu Angie Baecker [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0003-0182-0257 © Angie Baecker 2020 Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my grandmother, Chang-chang Feng 馮張章 (1921– 2016). In her life, she chose for herself the penname Zhang Yuhuan 張宇寰. She remains my guiding star. ii Acknowledgements Nobody writes a dissertation alone, and many people’s labor has facilitated my own. My scholarship has been borne by a great many networks of support, both formal and informal, and indeed it would go against the principles of my work to believe that I have been able to come this far all on my own. Many of the people and systems that have enabled me to complete my dissertation remain invisible to me, and I will only ever be able to make a partial account of all of the support I have received, which is as follows: Thanks go first to the members of my committee. To Xiaobing Tang, I am grateful above all for believing in me. Texts that we have read together in numerous courses and conversations remain cornerstones of my thinking. He has always greeted my most ambitious arguments with enthusiasm, and has pushed me to reach for higher levels of achievement.
[Show full text]
Qinghua University and Chinese Politics During the Cultural
Framing the Event: Qinghua University and Chinese Politics during the Cultural Revolution On 5 August 1968 Mao Zedong regifted mangoes, given him by the Pakistan foreign minister, to the Workers’ Propaganda Teams who were then bringing two warring factions of Red Guards, the Jinggangshan Corps (tuanpai) and the Fours (sipai), under control at Qinghua University. Mao’s gesture signaled an important change of direction in the mass campaigns of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. The student Red Guards, who had been the main force in the first stage of the Cultural Revolution and taken out the “capitalist roaders”, had run amok. Henceforth the working class would take charge of forwarding the Cultural Revolution. From 27 July to 26 August was an anxious and confusing time for Red Guards in China. On the morning of 27 July, huge crowds of workers and a scattering of PLA men appeared before the campus gates at Qinghua University, demanding an end to all violent confrontations. At dawn on 28 July Mao Zedong summoned the five Red Guard leaders in Beijing to the Great Hall of the People for a meeting, which lasted from 3:30 A.M. to 8:30 A.M. Mao lambasted the Red Guard leaders for disobeying his order to “struggle, criticize and transform” Chinese campuses and instead forming viciously opposing factions which degenerated from diatribes even to armed combats. He revealed that he was the “black hand” behind the order sending in work 1 teams to quell the violence and told his “little generals” [Red Guards] that “they have now made mistakes (xianzai shi xiaojiang fan cuowu de shihou le).1 On 5 August Mao instructed his bodyguard Wang Dongxing to distribute the case of mangoes given him by the Pakistani foreign minister to the workers who were occupying Qinghua University campus.
[Show full text]
China Perspectives
China Perspectives 2016/1 | 2016 Photo Essay: Deng Xiaoping’s Failed Reform in 1975-1976 A Photo Essay of a Failed Reform Beida, Tiananmen Square and the Defeat of Deng Xiaoping in 1975-76 David Zweig Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/6893 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.6893 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 March 2016 Number of pages: 5-28 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference David Zweig, « A Photo Essay of a Failed Reform », China Perspectives [Online], 2016/1 | 2016, Online since 01 March 2016, connection on 28 October 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ chinaperspectives/6893 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.6893 © All rights reserved Photo Essay China perspectives A Photo Essay of a Failed Reform Beida, Tiananmen Square and the Defeat of Deng Xiaoping in 1975-76 DAVID ZWEIG ABSTRACT: In mid-1975, Deng Xiaoping, with Mao’s blessing, initiated reforms that targeted the negative consequences of the Cultural Revolution. To bolster Deng’s effort, Mao endowed him with penultimate authority over the Party, government, and military. However, in late October, Mao turned on Deng, and within five months, Mao and the radicals toppled Deng from power. As a foreign student at Peking University, David Zweig observed and photographed four key points in this historic struggle: (1) the initial establishment of a “big character poster” compound at Peking University; (2) emotional mourning for Zhou Enlai in Tiananmen Square following his death: (3) the intensified assault on Deng in February 1976 in the posters at Peking University; and (4) the massive demonstration of support in Tiananmen Square on 3-4 April for the end of Maoist politics.
[Show full text]
Chinese Cultural Revolution
Chinese Cultural Revolution Background Guide Written by: Sruthi Venkatachalam and Patrick Lee, Case Western Reserve University The Rise of Modern China The reign of the Chinese dynasties ended in 1911 leading to China’s emergence into the modern world. China’s weakness in the 20th century, as seen in the devastating loss in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95, stirred unrest and murmurs of uprising among the population. In 1911, armed rebellions broke out in response to the nationalization of railways in the Sichuan province, word of which spread across China. This snowballed and lead warlords to rebel against the weak imperial regime. Such rebellion in Wuchuan led to the overthrow of the provincial government and revolutionary leader Sun Yixian took advantage of the regime’s weakness. He later returned from exile, elected provisional president He saw that the emperor be abdicated, and resign power allowing Yuan Shikai, imperial minster entrusted with full power via the courts, to become the nation’s first president.1 In early 1912, the reign of Imperial China, Yuan Shikai’s attempt to become military dictator was thwarted and the Nationalist party, the Guomindang, also known as the Kuomintang (GMD) took control of the country in 1923. Sun Yixian, now president, reorganized the party that made it a centralized, democratic party. The GMD worked with the nearly formed Chinese Communist Party, with Soviet assistance, to reunite China and end the control of warlords running rampant in the 1 Wang, Yi Chu. “Sun Yat-sen : Chinese Leader.” n.d. Britannica. Accessed November 9. 2018. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Sun-Yat-sen country.
[Show full text]
Introduction
Introduction “Mao was great because he made China unified/independent. Deng Xiaoping opened China. And Jiang Zemin, he let the Chinese people have a normal life. Before, when I was young, my folks told me not to make political mistakes. Now I can tell my kids to learn in school well and they can be million- aires. The environment is now free, more relaxing. People now like to go see Titanic [the movie], and one lady saw it nine times and cried every time. Enjoy everyday life, this is our new idea. Before we had to talk about contributing to the masses. But we came to the world to enjoy our short lives. A normal life is very important for Chinese. In the Cultural Revolution I was a Red Guard, and my daughter was surprised and said I had been a bandit. In my house, growing up, before every meal, before a picture on the wall of Mao [Zedong], we recited quotations from Mao. Now it seems funny to have done such stupid things.” —Secretary-general of a special event, July 2003, Beijing Based on 558 interviews with Chinese leaders, on case studies, and on innumerable documents, this book humanizes China’s extraordinary course of development since Deng Xiaoping’s 1977 return to power, examining domestic politics, foreign relations, natural and manmade disasters, civil-military relations, and the Chinese style of negotiating. This volume reveals the human frustrations China’s leaders feel, the nightmares disturbing their sleep, and the sheer scale of the challenges they face. Challenges run the gamut from meeting rising political expec- tations and keeping the economic juggernaut going, to providing citi- zens breathable air and potable water and reassuring an apprehensive world that Beijing’s growing power is not a threat.
[Show full text]
The Great Leap
McGuire Proscenium Stage / Jan 12 – Feb 10, 2018 The Great Leap by LAUREN YEE directed by DESDEMONA CHIANG PLAY GUIDE Inside THE PLAY Synopsis, Setting and Characters • 4 THE CREATIVE TEAM Playwright Lauren Yee • 5 Director Desdemona Chiang • 5 Yee in Her Own Words • 6 CULTURAL CONTEXT China's Modern History Through 1989 • 7 Basketball in China • 11 People, Places and Things in the Play • 12 ADDITIONAL INFORMATION For Further Reading and Understanding • 17 Play guides are made possible by Guthrie Theater Play Guide Copyright 2019 DRAMATURG Jo Holcomb GRAPHIC DESIGNER Akemi Graves CONTRIBUTOR Jo Holcomb Guthrie Theater, 818 South 2nd Street, Minneapolis, MN 55415 All rights reserved. With the exception of classroom use by teachers and individual personal use, no part of this Play Guide ADMINISTRATION 612.225.6000 may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic BOX OFFICE 612.377.2224 or 1.877.44.STAGE (toll-free) or mechanical, including photocopying or recording, or by an information storage and retrieval system, without permission in guthrietheater.org • Joseph Haj, artistic director writing from the publishers. Some materials published herein are written especially for our Guide. Others are reprinted by permission of their publishers. The Guthrie Theater receives support from the National The Guthrie creates transformative theater experiences that ignite the imagination, Endowment for the Arts. This activity is made possible in part by the Minnesota State Arts Board, through an appropriation stir the heart, open the mind and build community through the illumination of our by the Minnesota State Legislature. The Minnesota State Arts Board received additional funds to support this activity from common humanity.
[Show full text]
China: a Country Study
Historical Setting Nationalists and Communists soon resumed. Realizing that Ameri- can efforts short of large-scale armed intervention could not stop the war, the United States withdrew the American mission, headed by General George C. Marshall, in early 1947. The civil war, in which the United States aided the Nationalists with massive eco- nomic loans but no military support, became more widespread. Battles raged not only for territories but also for the allegiance of cross sections of the population. Belatedly, the Nationalist government sought to enlist popular support through internal reforms. The effort was in vain, however, because of the rampant corruption in government and the accom- panying political and economic chaos. By late 1948 the Nation- alist position was bleak. The demoralized and undisciplined Nationalist troops proved no match for the People's Liberation Army (PLA). The Communists were well established in the north and northeast. Although the Nationalists had an advantage in num- bers of men and weapons, controlled a much larger territory and population than their adversaries, and enjoyed considerable inter- national support, they were exhausted by the long war with Japan and the attendant internal responsibilities. In January 1949 Bei- ping was taken by the Communists without a fight, and its name was changed back to Beijing. Between April and November, major cities passed from Guomindang to Communist control with minimal resistance. In most cases the surrounding countryside and small towns had come under Communist influence long before the cities. After Chiang Kai-shek and a few hundred thousand Nationalist troops fled from the mainland to the island of Taiwan, there remained only isolated pockets of resistance.
[Show full text]
Local Politics in the Chinese Cultural Revolution: Nanjing Under Military Control
The Journal of Asian Studies Vol. 70, No. 2 (May) 2011: 425–447. © The Association for Asian Studies, Inc., 2011 doi:10.1017/S0021911811000039 Local Politics in the Chinese Cultural Revolution: Nanjing Under Military Control DONG GUOQIANG AND ANDREW G. WALDER China’s protracted regional conflicts of 1967 and 1968 have long been under- stood as struggles between conservative and radical forces whose opposed inter- ests were so deeply rooted in existing patterns of power and privilege that they defied the imposition of military control. This study of Nanjing, a key provincial capital that experienced prolonged factional conflict, yields a new explanation: the conflicts were prolonged precisely because they could not be characterized as pitting “conservatives” against “radicals”, making it difficult for central offi- cials, local military forces, or Mao Zedong to decide how to resolve them. Fur- thermore, Beijing officials, regional military forces, and local civilian cadres were themselves divided against one another, exacerbating and prolonging local conflicts. In competing for approval from central authorities, local factions adopted opportunistic and rapidly shifting political stances designed to portray their opponents as reactionary conservatives—charges that had no basis in fact. HE CHINESE CULTURAL REVOLUTION —in particular the initial two years of Tmass political conflict that devastated China’s civilian government—was a traumatic and pivotal event in modern Chinese history. It was intensively chronicled and analyzed outside China in its immediate aftermath, and for much of the subsequent decade by social scientists eager to conceptualize and interpret the conflict in structural terms. Academic interest in these events quickly waned outside China in the post-Mao era, almost forgotten, as the coun- try’s remarkable change of course attracted the bulk of scholarly attention.
[Show full text]