Writing International Legal History During the Long Nineteenth Century

Writing International Legal History during the Long Nineteenth Century:

Lawyers as Global Historians 1750 -1900

Monday, November 14th, 2016 4:00PM–6:00PM

Approaches to Global History Seminar – Profs Bose and Maier

LILIANA OBREGÓN

Santo Domingo Visiting Scholar Fall 2016, DRCLAS;

WIGH Visiting Fellow Spring 2017;

Associate Professor, University of Los Andes Law School, Colombia [email protected]

Note: The paper you will find at the end is a first draft sample chapter of the book I am writing As an introduction, .I have included a published article which summarizes my book project and will allow you to understand the relation of this chapter to the general project. I am interested in looking at how lawyers wrote global history in the nineteenth century in accordance to their particular locations and political, social, economic context. During my introduction, I will provide a brief overview of the chapter and the methodological challenges faced in writing this book . I have also provided a few questions at the end of the chapter which addresses what I am interested in exploring further. ( in the peer-reviewed published and on-line journal: Monde(s) histoire, espaces, relations. Special edition volume 7 "Profession, juristes internationalistes?", edited by Dzovinar Kévonian & Phillippe Rygiel, http://www.monde-s.com/, Presses Universitaires de Rennes, May 2015)

Writing International Legal History: An Overview

reckon, the weakness of the objection is easily ln relation to the expanding global sphere in exposed. Now, at the beginning of the twentieth the midst of internai strife, the nineteenth century, the idea is still generally accepted that century lawyers who wrote history of the law war is the true arbiter of disputes between of nations or international law prioritized nations, just as formerly on the continent of Europe, and even now amongst primitive their concerns over the consolidation of their peoples, where the process of organization is state, the development of national law, and still in its first stages, the view is general that the protection of their government. Though as a matter of domestic law private war and they believed in telling a history documented trial by combat determine by their outcome with proper sources, their purpose was not whether or nota cause is just, and establish the academic but rather to correct a present axiom that might is right ... The notion of...war rests ... on a false foundation. It must be driven injustice, insert their state into a better out by the aid of reason. It must be prevented position in contemporary international frombeing put into practice by appealing to the relations, or guide State behavior in relation idea of international tribunals, by advocating to the past, in order to progress. diplomatie intercourse and arbitration, and, finally, by insisting upon the establishment of a permanent court of justice. Let us be active, patient and persistent".35

35. Ibid., vol. 6 (1912/1), p. 310.

111 ’Challenging the Boundaries of 1815: Augusto Pierantoni´s (1840-1911) Histories of International Law from the Italian Risorgimento’ (First Draft . Please do not cite or circulate)

By: Liliana Obregón1

For the Seminar on Global History (Nov 14, 2016 – Harvard University )

“Up to 1859 the principle of nationalities did not go beyond the domain of theory, or that of internal affairs; the Italian war introduced it into international law. It behooves us now to examine more closely a principle which has already caused terrible wars, and which threatens Europe with more than one shock.2”

John Lalor, editor of the Cyclopaedia of Political Science, 1899

Introduction

In 1866, Victor Duruy (1811-1894), a historian and France´s minister of public instruction,

made a call for all civilized peoples to present written testimonies of their nation´s progress in

science and literature to complement the following year´s Exposition Universelle in Paris.3 Duruy

wanted the world exhibition of the arts, industry and commerce to be supported by histories of

progress in the sciences and letters so as to complete a universal order of the spiritual unity of

mankind and thus prove Giambattista Vico´s existence of a “humanity of nations.” Domenico Berti,

Duruy´s Italian counterpart, promoted the writing of these histories in his recently united nation.4

1 Associate Professor, Universidad de los Andes, Bogotá: DRCLAS and Weatherhead Fellow, Harvard University 2016- 2017. I would like to thank the research assistance of Sergio Anzola, and the generous contribution of Luigi Nuzzo´s work. 2 John J Lalor, 'Nationalities, Principle Of', Cyclopædia of Political Science, Political Economy, and the Political History of the United States (Library of Economics and Liberty, 1899). 3 Société De Législation Comparée, Bulletin De La Société De Législation Comparée, 2 vols. (1: Libr. Générale de Droit et de Jurisprudence, 1869) at 146, Luigi Ferri, Essai Sur L'histoire De La Philosophie En Italie Au Dix-Neuvieme Siecle, 2 vols. (Paris: Durand, 1869) at ii. 4 Augusto Pierantoni, Storia Degli Studi Del Diritto Internazionale in Italia (2. interamente rifatta. edn.; Firenze:

1 Most of those summoned, however, did not complete their texts and the integral project of an

Italian historical order never made it to the Paris exhibition.

Nonetheless, Duruy´s call motivated a few to write accounts that were later published as autonomous histories written to expose the status of Italian progress in their discipline. Augusto

Pierantoni (1840-1911) a young lawyer and blossoming scholar was excited to learn that a French state official of such high ranking, would recognize Vico, a Napolitan thinker, to support his call for action. Pierantoni was not lacking in patriotic motivation: he belonged to Giuseppe Mazzini´s

“Young Italian” movement, had taken arms in 1860 for Giuseppe Garibaldi´s Spedizione dei Mille and was working for and would become the son-in-law of the well-known lawyer and statesman,

Pasquale Stanislao Mancini. Pierantoni made it his purpose to contribute to new Italy´s role in the world by undertaking the writing of an Italian history of the law of nations that would trump the imposed boundaries of 1815 with the inherent right to nationality.

This paper hopes to contribute to the discussion on Global History by viewing the parallel case of the construction of a united Italy through a global historical narrative that is sustained by

Mancini´s “principle of nationalities” during a period that is both background and contemporaneous to the professionalization of international law after 1870.5 Though many wrote on Italian nationalism during this period,6 I will look primarily at Augusto Pierantoni´s works of

Libraria "Fratelli Cammelli" (R. Conti), 1902) xiv, 1016 at 11. 5 M. Koskenniemi, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations: The Rise and Fall of International Law, 1870-1960, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). 6 Anonymous, Metternich, Guizot, Luigi Filippo E Palmerston Nell'ultimo Complotto in Londra : Ossia, Gli Uncini Con Che La Loro Lincea Politica Potrebbe Aggrapparsi Sulle Nazionalita ́ (Milano Tipografia di Claudio Wilmant, 1848) 14, Luigi Balliano, Del Concetto Di Nazionalità Presso Gli Italiani; Orazione Detta Addì 2 Dicembre 1859 (Biella,: G. Amosso, 1860) 36, Paolo Boetti, Della Monarchia E Della Nazionalità in Italia (Torino,: S. Franco e figli e comp., 1855) xvi, 239, Franz Champagny, Le Tre Parole, Nazionalità, Libertà, Progresso, Esaminate (Venezia: G.B. Merlo, 1860) 30, Giuseppe De Simone, Del Principio Di Nazionalità : Come Fondamento Delle Nuove Alleanze E Dell'equilibrio Europeo, in Risposta Ad Alcune Osservazioni Sul Capo I Del Libro La Pace Di Vienna E L'italia (Napoli: Stamperia dell'Industria, 1867) 47, Maximin Deloche, Del Principio Delle Nazionalità (Venezia,: P. Naratovich, 1861) 111, Giacomo Durando, Della Nazionalità Italiana; Saggio Politico-Militare (Losanna,: S. Bonamici e co., 1846) 449, P. Faldi, Il Sentimento Di Nazionalità E Di Indipendenza Italiana Considerato Come Mezzo Efficace a Togliere Redicalmente Il Pauperismo E La

2 historical character on international law and their militant incorporation of the principal of

nationalities.7

Constructing a History of the Risorgimento during the Risorgimento

The theory of the Risorgimento implied a re-surfacing or the rise again of an Italian nation

that existed in the past. This implication had the immediate and obvious consequence that a legal

argument for an autonomous nation had to be historically constructed. The right of Italy to be

independent was argued to come from a “natural” and “legitimate” pre-1815, past in opposition to

the imposed, artificial and “illegitimate” boundaries imposed by the Congress of Vienna.8 It is

perhaps not a coincidence that so many Risorgimento museums, archives and libraries that surged

in the nineteenth century or early twentieth exist throughout Italy today.9 The vindication of the

Mendicità (Bologna: J. Marsigli, 1848) 23, Giuseppe Fontana, Roma E La Nazionalità Italiana (Firenze: Tip. editrice dell'Associazione, 1876) 22, Vincenzo Di Giovanni, La Scuola, Lo Stato E La Nazionalità Della Filosofia Italiana; Discorsi (Firenze,: Tip. Galileiana di M. Cellini e c., 1864), Diodato Lioy, Del Principio Di Nazionalità Guardato Dal Lato Della Storia E Del Dritto Pubblico (2a edn.; Napoli,: G.Marghieri, 1863), Luigi Minervini, Sul Presente E Sull'avvenire Dell'italia E Della Nazionalità : Considerazioni ([Napoli]: G. Fabricatore, 1860) 23, P. P. L, Il Dritto Della Nazionalità E La Italia : Lettera Politico-Biblica Di Un'esule Cenobita Ad Un Suo Amico Ligure (1. , edn.; [S.l.: s.n., 1859) 15, Vincenzo Pagano, Del Diritto Della Nazionalità Italiana Con L'aggiunta Di Altri Opuscoli Politici (Napoli,: G. Rondinella, 1861), Vincenzo Pagano, Cenno Storico Del Principio Di Nazionalità (Napoli,: D. de Pascale, 1863), Giuseppe Pisanelli, Lo Stato E La Nazionalità; Discorso Inaugurale Alle Lezioni Di Diritto Costituzionale Letto Nella Regia Università Di Napoli Il Dì 30 Gennaio 1862 (Napoli,, 1862), Oreste Raggi, Della Lingua E Della Letteratura Italiana Considerate Relativamente Alla Indipendenza Ed Alla Nazionalità; Discorso (Torino,: S. Franco e figli e comp., 1854), Antonio Solimani, Il Dominio Straniero E Il Principio Delle Nazionalità : Studi Storici E Filosofici (Bologna: Tip. delle Scienze, 1859) 304, Giuseppe Spada, Osservazioni Storiche Sulla Unità E Nazionalità Italiana (Roma: [s.n.], 1860) 38, Luigi Taparelli D'azeglio and Vincenzo Gioberti, Della Nazionalità : Breve Scrittura (Ed. 2. / edn.; Firenze: P. Ducci, 1849) 87. 7 Pasquale Stanislao Mancini and Augusto Pierantoni, Diritto Internazionale (Roma: Unione tip. Manuzio, 1905) vii, 202, Augusto Pierantoni, Il Progresso Del Diritto Pubblico E Delle Genti: Introduzione Allo Studio Del Diritto Costituzionale Ed Internazionale (Modena,: Tipi di Nicola Zanichelli e soci, 1866) 3 l., 162, [1], Augusto Pierantoni, Storia Degli Studi Del Diritto Internazionale in Italia (Modena,: C. Vincenzi, 1869) xii, [13]-324, Augusto Pierantoni, Storia Del Diritto Internazionale Nel Secolo Xix (Napoli: G. Marghieri, 1876) 665, Augusto Pierantoni, I Progressi Del Diritto Internazionale Nel Secolo Xix (Roma: Tipografia Fratelli Pallotta, 1899) 100, Pierantoni, Storia Degli Studi Del Diritto Internazionale in Italia 8 For this discussion see Antonio Droetto, Pasquale Stanislao Mancini E La Scuola Italiana Di Diritto Internazionale Del Secolo Xix (Pubblicazioni Dell'istituto Di Filosofia Del Diritto Dell'università Di Roma, 33; Milano: A. Giuffrè, 1954) 404 at 4 9 Italy holds more than twenty Risorgimento institutions with only the one in Torino claiming to be “national”: among others see Museo Civico del Risorgimento di Bologna, Museo Nazionale del Risorgimento Italiano di Torino, Museo del Risorgimento di Milano, Biblioteca e Archivio del Risorgimento di Firenze, Museo del Risorgimento Di Ravenna, Istituto per la storia del Risorgimento italiano di Roma, Museo Civico del Risorgimento di Modenna, Museo del Risorgimento e Resistenza di Vicenza

3 nation rights rested on the ordering of a factual (and physical) archive and site of memory.

Now the second maneuver was a conceptual one: “nation” had to be distinguished from

“state” as had been in the Congress of Vienna where the “principle of legitimacy” and the “balance

of power” favored the pre-Napoleonic states of Austria, Great Britain, Prussia and Russia. The

Treaty of Vienna restored Austrian domination in the North and Italy was to be divided into seven

territories: 1): the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia 2) Lombardy-Venetia 3) the Papal States 4) the

Two Sicilies 5) the Duchy of Parma 6) the Duchy of Modena and 7) the Duchy of Tuscany. The

Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia was under the leadership of the House of Savoy; the regions of

Lombardy and Venetia were incorporated into the Austrian empire; the Papal States were controlled by Pius IX , and the Bourbons directed the Two Sicilies. At this time, unification seemed impossible in view of the huge heterogeneity10 and Metternich famously regarded her as only "a

geographical expression."11 Indeed, Italy would need three wars of independence to become

unified but Antonio Droetto remarks that this is the moment when the era of the Risorgimento

began political insurrection and legal rebellion against the conception of the State in favor of a

new natural idea of the Nation so that the Italian people could control the territory that theirs

before Vienna.12

From Politics to Law – The Principle of Nationality from Mazzini to Mancini13

Giuseppe Mazzini (1805-1872) is well known for instigating the principle of nationality

10 (Foreman-Peck, 2005) 11 (Metternich, 1847). 12 Droetto, Pasquale Stanislao Mancini E La Scuola Italiana Di Diritto Internazionale Del Secolo Xix at 2 13 This subtitle is a take on Luigi Nuzzo´s title for his acute study on Mazzini and Mancini as promoters of the principle of nationality in the realm of politics and law See Luigi Nuzzo, 'Da Mazzini a Mancini. Il Principio Di Nazionalità Tra Politica E Diritto', Giornale di storia costituzionale, 14/2 (2007a), 161-86.

4 through the many uprisings, rebellions, secret societies and newspapers that he built and

promoted in an effort to liberate Italy. He exposed the universal principles of freedom and equality

as political argument for national liberation but also viewed this as the way to reach the final goal

of “a cosmopolitanism of nations.” For Mazzini “the nation was a necessary intermediary step in

the progressive association of mankind, the means toward a future international “brotherhood” among all peoples” and the possibility of a “United States of Europe.”14

Parallel to Mazzini, Pasquale Stanislao Mancini set forth the legal counterpart of the

“principle of nationality” to challenge the state-centric vision of Vienna. This principle´s force, like

for Mazzini, resided in its argument of universality, an interpretation taken from G.B. Vico´s

eighteenth century new “science of nations” and his universal principle of law, recognized as the

real capostipite of the Italian school of international law.15

Mancini was a tour de force in Naples, where in the 1840´s he owned a newspaper,

participated in all cultural activities and began an Italian school of law in his own home in order to

build the "new science of the nation" to teach law around the "happy conjunction of philosophy

and history" and the objective of "civilization and progress.”16 When the revolutions of 1848 hit

Naples, Mancini had to flee to Turin where he continued to actively promote unification with other exiles. In 1851 he published Della Nazionalitá come Fondamento del Diritto delle Genti (Of

Nationality as the Foundation of the Law of Nations) as a reinterpretation of Giambattista Vico´s

Mondo della Nazione (World of Nations) or in Mancini´s words: "as the celebration of humanity

14 Stefano Recchia and Nadia Urbinati, 'Introduction: Giuseppe Mazzini's International Political Thought ', in Stefano Recchia and Nadia Urbinati (eds.), A Cosmopolitanism of Nations: Giuseppe Mazzini's Writings on Democracy, Nation Building, and International Relations (Princeton University Press, 2009) at 2 15 Droetto, Pasquale Stanislao Mancini E La Scuola Italiana Di Diritto Internazionale Del Secolo Xix at 377. citing Giambattista Vico, De Universi Juris Uno Principio, Et Fine Uno (Napoli: Felix Musca, 1720) 2 v. in 1, Giambattista Vico, Principi Di Una Scienza Nuova Intorno Alla Natura Della Nazioni Per La Quale Si Ritruovano I Principi Di Altro Sistema Del Diritto Naturale Delle Genti (Napoli: Per Felice Mosca, 1725) 270, [12]. 16 Maria Malatesta, Society and the Professions in Italy, 1860-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). 97-99.

5 and its civil progress in the free, harmonious and full development of nationalities.”17

Mancini made a parallel between the family and the nation as both were part of a natural and necessary constitution of humanity and perpetual forms of human association. The family was the place where an individual acquired his first knowledge and feelings of love for the land and his kin.18 While constant properties and facts also defined nations such as region, race, language,

customs, history, law and religion these elements called for a more intimate community of law,

originated from a natural necessity.19 The determining and vital element of Mancini´s proposal, however, was the consciousness of nationality, which would be constituted inside and outside of

that force.20

The right to nationality for Mancini was also a collective manifestation of the right and duty

to freedom. Consequently, individuals who went “against nationality” also killed freedom: “the

only solid base on which all of the social order relies” making it so that “whoever falls from that

path perturbs the moral order” and the “harmonious and progressive development of the human

family.”21 This view of nationality allowed less for criticism and gave it the authoritarian bent that

became so dangerous in the future.

Internationally, for Mancini, the principle or right to nationality was the root of all other

people´s rights and all international rights: the elemental unit, the rational limit, the object and

matter or the monad of the “science of nations.” As a principle of international law, Mancini´s

proposal came into direct opposition with the idea of social contract that supported the traditional

17 As cited in James Summers, Peoples and International Law: How Nationalism and Self-Determination Shape a Contemporary Law of Nations, vol. 8, The Erik Castrén Institute Monographs on International Law and Human Rights (Martinus Nijhoff Publishers 2007). 113. 18 Pasquale Stanislao Mancini, 'Sobre La Nacionalidad ', in Antonio E. Pérez Luño (ed.), Pasquale Stanislao Mancini – Sobre La Nacionalidad (Madrid, 1985 (1851)) at 25. 19 Ibid., at 27. 20 Ibid. 21 Ibid., at 34.

6 view, as in Grotius or Vattel, of the State as subject. For Mancini, all governments should express

and represent the nation first and foremost, because a State that does not represent the nation

would end up holding people “as slaves.”22 As a corollary, nations were viewed as constituted from

within their territory, therefore they must also be sovereign over it without foreign interference.

Mancini did not oppose positivism per se but he argued that any treaty must have as a

rational limit “the right of each nationality”, and that this was also the boundary between

nationalities. Thus the utopian end for Mancini´s nationalities was a law of nations as understood

in Vico´s view of “the celebration of humanity and its progress in the free harmonious and

complete development of nationalities.”23

Though immediately attractive and inspiring to many Italians,24 Mancini´s “principle of

nationality” was never formally incorporated into the language of international law.25 It was

critiqued as a theory that could not be applicable outside of Italy because of its weak scientific structure and its dangerous ambiguity, and the evident problems that would surface when many nationalities were present in the same territory.26 The principle of nationality was the subject of

suspicion and objections by many writers and Statesmen who believed it to be the negation of

humanity and the triumph of national egoism though Mancini considered the nationality and

humanity as necessary to each other.27

22 Ibid., at 44 23 Ibid. 24 Angelo Piero Sereni, The Italian Conception of International Law (New York: Columbia University Press, 1943) xi, 402 p. at 166. 25 Martti Koskenniemi, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations : The Rise and Fall of International Law, 1870-1960 (Cambridge, UK ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002) xiv, 569 p. at 63. 26 Nathaniel Berman, Passion and Ambivalence : Colonialism, Nationalism, and International Law (Legal History Library, 6; Leiden ; Boston: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2012) 460 at 126, Luigi Nuzzo, 'Da Mazzini a Mancini: Il Principio Di Nazionalitá Tra Politica E Diritto', Giornale di storia costituzionale, 14 (2007b), 161-86 at 172, Sereni, The Italian Conception of International Law at 167. all citing Guido Padelleti´s critique of the principle of nationalities for its uselessness to resolve international conflicts because of its Italian nationalist origins.{Padelletti, 1871 #11711} 27 Augusto Pierantoni, Trattato Di Diritto Internazionale - Volumen 1 Prolegomeni Storia Dell Antichitá Al 1400, 3 vols. (1; Roma: Forzani E.C. Tipografi del Senato, 1881) 776.v-vi

Pierantoni´s Historical Turn

The historiography of the idea of nationalism and of the experiences of national

movements are generally presented at the international level as teleological, prioritizing

one national history over others, and treating the State as predestined.28 Giovanni Levi

argues that while the foundation of Rome and the Roman Empire is used among Western

European Nations as the myth of civilization in terms of their national status in the world

“Italy has no founding myths, moments or episodes that can be used in effective nation-

building” and the Risorgimento was in reality just another civil war.29

But nothing could have been farther for the truth for Mancini and his lesser-known son-in-law Augusto Pierantoni, the only Italians participating at the 1873 foundational meeting of the Institute de Droit International (IDI).30 Both born in small towns in the south

of Italy (Mancini in Castel Baronia 1817, Pierantoni in Chieti in 1840) they had lived the

process of migration to northern Turin and later settled in Naples while moving to Rome as

capital of the new Italy, as part of their lived experience of the cause of Italian unification.

The young Pierantoni had joined Garibaldean forces in 1856 and again in 1860 with

the definitive "Spedizione dei Mille", the final battle for the unification of the south with the

north of Italy. Soon thereafter, Pierantoni met Mancini and began a life-long personal and

work relation with him. In 1865 Pierantoni became professor of constitutional law and

28 Stuart Wolff, 'Prologue', L'unificazione Italiana E La Grande Idea : Ideologia E Azione Dei Movimenti Nazionali in Italia E in Grecia : 1859-1871 (italiana ampliata. edn., Biblioteca Di Cultura Neogreca, 3; Firenze: Aletheia, 1995), 228 p. at 6. 29 {Levi, 2012 #11679@267} 30 This meeting was described as foundational for modern international law in Martti Koskenniemi, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations : the Rise and Fall of International Law, 1870-1960 (Cambridge, UK ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002) 42.

8 international law at the University of Modena and married Mancini´s daughter, Grazia, in

1868. A year later, Pierantoni wrote his first history on the origins and progress of

international law in Italy. In 1870 he became professor of constitutional law in Naples and

in 1873 he was invited to the foundational meeting of the Institute de Droit International.

Three years later, while beginning his new post as professor of international law in Rome, he

wrote a history of international law of his own century, a nearly 700 page text that

described political events from the Congress of Vienna of 1815 to the Centennial

International Exhibition of 1876 held in Philadelphia.

Pierantoni took Mancini´s principle of nationalities and devotion to history further by

writing historical works focused on the newly united Italy as well as on the profound transformations that nineteenth century had to Europe´s international order. Pierantoni´s construction of the history of international law in Italy (1869) and in the nineteenth century

(1876) was imbedded with his view of the Risorgimento. On the other hand, his narrative

highlighted continuities and progress in European international law through conceptual

pairs: the transitions from the doctrine of intervention to the doctrine of non-intervention;

from the Holy Alliance to the representative form of government; from treaties imposed by

force to agreements negotiated through politics; from the balance of powers to the juridical

equality of states. Though Pierantoni viewed Europe´s past in the negative light of how it

divided Italy, his vision for the future was optimistic as he anticipated new interests in

economics and communications that would spread law and justice throughout the world

and build a new international law.

Pierantoni´s work was devoted to building the historical structure to the “principle of

nationality” for Italy first and then for the rest of the “civilized world.” Historical writing was

9 essential to the project of ordering a new nation and placing it in the growing cosmopolitan and commercial world through the new discipline of international law.31 In 1902, Pierantoni explained the relation between history and international law in a new preface to the second edition of his 1867 Storia degli Studi del Diritto Internazionale in Italia:

“law and history of law are two ideas that are inseparable because in the contrast between two generations dominated by the passion against the enemy, the tenacious of the past and the desirous of the future, history shifts from an instructive narrative to the job of judge and advisor of prudence indicating the reasons for the contrast and hopefully the remedy. This job of scientific history is accomplished with greater reason in the study of the law of nations….because this law of nations known as the wonder of humanity (maraviglia dell´umanità) has as a mission to impose its law not on individuals but on nations, and not over peace, but on war.”32

At the end of the century, Pierantoni viewed the progress of international law as how force had reduced its empire and that “reason and justice opened a very wide gap from the

“homeland (patria) to humanity” and from “the life of the State to the world of nations.33” He argued for the necessary principle ie, “the organic constitution of humanity” through the coexistence of Nations and States in the law is the fundamental principle of this science and the principle of nationality as the greatest evolution in the life of a people.”34

Pierantoni wrote on the history of international law of Italy and the nineteenth century during the period of unification and the new Republic in direct relation to the three stages of Italian resurgence. Pierantoni purposely constructed a linear narrative of Italian thinkers on the law of nations while he placed Italy as a unified nation in the academic and political center of the expanding world map of legal relations among states. The principle of nationality was essential to the idea of public international law as well as private

31 32 Pierantoni, Storia Degli Studi Del Diritto Internazionale in Italia at v. 33 Pierantoni, I Progressi Del Diritto Internazionale Nel Secolo Xix. 34 Pierantoni, Storia Degli Studi Del Diritto Internazionale in Italia

10 international law and the essence of an Italian school of international law .

Pierantoni argued that Italian jurists formed a unique corpus of the science of international law by first gathering dispersed elements in the usage of the people and the law of Rome. In their third or “terzo Risorgimento” they should have codified international thought in order for other nations to imitate, but mainly for Italians to become reacquainted with their original sources in international scholarship and avoid “servile imitation” and increase the glory of the Italian nation.

In 1867, the first edition of Pierantoni´s Studio was written with the consciousness of a new nation that needed to recover the lost customs and the “natural vocation for study and work” that Italians had. Independence must be reached not only in the political sphere, argued Pierantoni, but everywhere where foreign powers are present. Focus must be made on works that show the Italian genius and the vales for a new generation. Restoration must also apply the lost knowledge to civil and scientific institutions in order to reinvigorate the love for this discipline and to “discount the fatal persuasion that we are good for nothing and we should learn everything from foreigners.”3536

Tensions of the Principle of Nationality, the Historical Narrative and its International Scope

The principle of nationality and the use of historical narrative conjures up several tensions defined in conceptual pairs as: “center/periphery and national/local relationships; the schism between parliament and civil society; the modernity versus tradition dynamic; and the question of

35 Ibid., at v

11 inclusion and in, and exclusion from, the body politic.”37

In a more advanced version of this chapter, I wish to discuss related or additional tensions of Mancini´s principle of nationality in relation to Pierantoni´s history and their consequences of

1) Colonialism: Italian and European colonial projects and Mancini´s role in promoting them (why

don´t non-European peoples have the right to nationality? In the view of Pierantoni, are non-

Europeans devoid of history, therefore devoid of nationhood?) 2) Emigration: If the principle of

nationality was so ingrained in the consciousness of the Italian people, why would so many

Italians emigrate after unification? 3) Fascism: was the dark side of the principle of nationality and

its historical construction, fascism?

37 Mahnaz Yousefzadeh, City and Nation in the Italian Unification: The National Festivals of Dante Alighieri (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011) at 161.

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