Writing International Legal History during the Long Nineteenth Century: Lawyers as Global Historians 1750 -1900 Monday, November 14th, 2016 4:00PM–6:00PM Approaches to Global History Seminar – Profs Bose and Maier LILIANA OBREGÓN Santo Domingo Visiting Scholar Fall 2016, DRCLAS; WIGH Visiting Fellow Spring 2017; Associate Professor, University of Los Andes Law School, Colombia [email protected] Note: The paper you will find at the end is a first draft sample chapter of the book I am writing As an introduction, .I have included a published article which summarizes my book project and will allow you to understand the relation of this chapter to the general project. I am interested in looking at how lawyers wrote global history in the nineteenth century in accordance to their particular locations and political, social, economic context. During my introduction, I will provide a brief overview of the chapter and the methodological challenges faced in writing this book . I have also provided a few questions at the end of the chapter which addresses what I am interested in exploring further. ( in the peer-reviewed published and on-line journal: Monde(s) histoire, espaces, relations. Special edition volume 7 "Profession, juristes internationalistes?", edited by Dzovinar Kévonian & Phillippe Rygiel, http://www.monde-s.com/, Presses Universitaires de Rennes, May 2015) Writing International Legal History: An Overview reckon, the weakness of the objection is easily ln relation to the expanding global sphere in exposed. Now, at the beginning of the twentieth the midst of internai strife, the nineteenth century, the idea is still generally accepted that century lawyers who wrote history of the law war is the true arbiter of disputes between of nations or international law prioritized nations, just as formerly on the continent of Europe, and even now amongst primitive their concerns over the consolidation of their peoples, where the process of organization is state, the development of national law, and still in its first stages, the view is general that the protection of their government. Though as a matter of domestic law private war and they believed in telling a history documented trial by combat determine by their outcome with proper sources, their purpose was not whether or nota cause is just, and establish the academic but rather to correct a present axiom that might is right ... The notion of...war rests ... on a false foundation. It must be driven injustice, insert their state into a better out by the aid of reason. It must be prevented position in contemporary international frombeing put into practice by appealing to the relations, or guide State behavior in relation idea of international tribunals, by advocating to the past, in order to progress. diplomatie intercourse and arbitration, and, finally, by insisting upon the establishment of a permanent court of justice. Let us be active, patient and persistent".35 35. Ibid., vol. 6 (1912/1), p. 310. 111 ’Challenging the Boundaries of 1815: Augusto Pierantoni´s (1840-1911) Histories of International Law from the Italian Risorgimento’ (First Draft . Please do not cite or circulate) By: Liliana Obregón1 For the Seminar on Global History (Nov 14, 2016 – Harvard University ) “Up to 1859 the principle of nationalities did not go beyond the domain of theory, or that of internal affairs; the Italian war introduced it into international law. It behooves us now to examine more closely a principle which has already caused terrible wars, and which threatens Europe with more than one shock.2” John Lalor, editor of the Cyclopaedia of Political Science, 1899 Introduction In 1866, Victor Duruy (1811-1894), a historian and France´s minister of public instruction, made a call for all civilized peoples to present written testimonies of their nation´s progress in science and literature to complement the following year´s Exposition Universelle in Paris.3 Duruy wanted the world exhibition of the arts, industry and commerce to be supported by histories of progress in the sciences and letters so as to complete a universal order of the spiritual unity of mankind and thus prove Giambattista Vico´s existence of a “humanity of nations.” Domenico Berti, Duruy´s Italian counterpart, promoted the writing of these histories in his recently united nation.4 1 Associate Professor, Universidad de los Andes, Bogotá: DRCLAS and Weatherhead Fellow, Harvard University 2016- 2017. I would like to thank the research assistance of Sergio Anzola, and the generous contribution of Luigi Nuzzo´s work. 2 John J Lalor, 'Nationalities, Principle Of', Cyclopædia of Political Science, Political Economy, and the Political History of the United States (Library of Economics and Liberty, 1899). 3 Société De Législation Comparée, Bulletin De La Société De Législation Comparée, 2 vols. (1: Libr. Générale de Droit et de Jurisprudence, 1869) at 146, Luigi Ferri, Essai Sur L'histoire De La Philosophie En Italie Au Dix-Neuvieme Siecle, 2 vols. (Paris: Durand, 1869) at ii. 4 Augusto Pierantoni, Storia Degli Studi Del Diritto Internazionale in Italia (2. interamente rifatta. edn.; Firenze: 1 Most of those summoned, however, did not complete their texts and the integral project of an Italian historical order never made it to the Paris exhibition. Nonetheless, Duruy´s call motivated a few to write accounts that were later published as autonomous histories written to expose the status of Italian progress in their discipline. Augusto Pierantoni (1840-1911) a young lawyer and blossoming scholar was excited to learn that a French state official of such high ranking, would recognize Vico, a Napolitan thinker, to support his call for action. Pierantoni was not lacking in patriotic motivation: he belonged to Giuseppe Mazzini´s “Young Italian” movement, had taken arms in 1860 for Giuseppe Garibaldi´s Spedizione dei Mille and was working for and would become the son-in-law of the well-known lawyer and statesman, Pasquale Stanislao Mancini. Pierantoni made it his purpose to contribute to new Italy´s role in the world by undertaking the writing of an Italian history of the law of nations that would trump the imposed boundaries of 1815 with the inherent right to nationality. This paper hopes to contribute to the discussion on Global History by viewing the parallel case of the construction of a united Italy through a global historical narrative that is sustained by Mancini´s “principle of nationalities” during a period that is both background and contemporaneous to the professionalization of international law after 1870.5 Though many wrote on Italian nationalism during this period,6 I will look primarily at Augusto Pierantoni´s works of Libraria "Fratelli Cammelli" (R. Conti), 1902) xiv, 1016 at 11. 5 M. Koskenniemi, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations: The Rise and Fall of International Law, 1870-1960, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). 6 Anonymous, Metternich, Guizot, Luigi Filippo E Palmerston Nell'ultimo Complotto in Londra : Ossia, Gli Uncini Con Che La Loro Lincea Politica Potrebbe Aggrapparsi Sulle Nazionalita ́ (Milano Tipografia di Claudio Wilmant, 1848) 14, Luigi Balliano, Del Concetto Di Nazionalità Presso Gli Italiani; Orazione Detta Addì 2 Dicembre 1859 (Biella,: G. Amosso, 1860) 36, Paolo Boetti, Della Monarchia E Della Nazionalità in Italia (Torino,: S. Franco e figli e comp., 1855) xvi, 239, Franz Champagny, Le Tre Parole, Nazionalità, Libertà, Progresso, Esaminate (Venezia: G.B. Merlo, 1860) 30, Giuseppe De Simone, Del Principio Di Nazionalità : Come Fondamento Delle Nuove Alleanze E Dell'equilibrio Europeo, in Risposta Ad Alcune Osservazioni Sul Capo I Del Libro La Pace Di Vienna E L'italia (Napoli: Stamperia dell'Industria, 1867) 47, Maximin Deloche, Del Principio Delle Nazionalità (Venezia,: P. Naratovich, 1861) 111, Giacomo Durando, Della Nazionalità Italiana; Saggio Politico-Militare (Losanna,: S. Bonamici e co., 1846) 449, P. Faldi, Il Sentimento Di Nazionalità E Di Indipendenza Italiana Considerato Come Mezzo Efficace a Togliere Redicalmente Il Pauperismo E La 2 historical character on international law and their militant incorporation of the principal of nationalities.7 Constructing a History of the Risorgimento during the Risorgimento The theory of the Risorgimento implied a re-surfacing or the rise again of an Italian nation that existed in the past. This implication had the immediate and obvious consequence that a legal argument for an autonomous nation had to be historically constructed. The right of Italy to be independent was argued to come from a “natural” and “legitimate” pre-1815, past in opposition to the imposed, artificial and “illegitimate” boundaries imposed by the Congress of Vienna.8 It is perhaps not a coincidence that so many Risorgimento museums, archives and libraries that surged in the nineteenth century or early twentieth exist throughout Italy today.9 The vindication of the Mendicità (Bologna: J. Marsigli, 1848) 23, Giuseppe Fontana, Roma E La Nazionalità Italiana (Firenze: Tip. editrice dell'Associazione, 1876) 22, Vincenzo Di Giovanni, La Scuola, Lo Stato E La Nazionalità Della Filosofia Italiana; Discorsi (Firenze,: Tip. Galileiana di M. Cellini e c., 1864), Diodato Lioy, Del Principio Di Nazionalità Guardato Dal Lato Della Storia E Del Dritto Pubblico (2a edn.; Napoli,: G.Marghieri, 1863), Luigi Minervini, Sul Presente E Sull'avvenire Dell'italia E Della Nazionalità : Considerazioni ([Napoli]: G. Fabricatore, 1860) 23, P. P. L, Il Dritto Della Nazionalità E La Italia : Lettera Politico-Biblica Di Un'esule Cenobita Ad Un Suo Amico Ligure (1. , edn.; [S.l.: s.n., 1859) 15, Vincenzo Pagano, Del Diritto Della Nazionalità Italiana Con L'aggiunta Di Altri Opuscoli Politici (Napoli,: G. Rondinella, 1861), Vincenzo Pagano, Cenno Storico Del Principio Di Nazionalità (Napoli,: D. de Pascale, 1863), Giuseppe Pisanelli, Lo Stato E La Nazionalità; Discorso Inaugurale Alle Lezioni Di Diritto Costituzionale Letto Nella Regia Università Di Napoli Il Dì 30 Gennaio 1862 (Napoli,, 1862), Oreste Raggi, Della Lingua E Della Letteratura Italiana Considerate Relativamente Alla Indipendenza Ed Alla Nazionalità; Discorso (Torino,: S.