Civil Society

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Civil Society China Perspectives 2012/3 | 2012 Locating Civil Society Introduction: Discussing “civil society” and “liberal communities” in China Eva Pils Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5927 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5927 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 October 2012 Number of pages: 2-7 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Eva Pils, « Introduction: Discussing “civil society” and “liberal communities” in China », China Perspectives [Online], 2012/3 | 2012, Online since 01 October 2012, connection on 22 September 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5927 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/ chinaperspectives.5927 © All rights reserved China perspectives Special Feature Introduction Discussing “Civil Society” and “Liberal Communities” in China EVA PILS he idea inspiring the present issue of China Perspectives is that there the perspective of Tocqueville and those he greatly influenced, the existence are certain communities – or groups, or fields – in Chinese civil society of civil society is clearly tied to a particular society’s democratic political Tthat can be most readily expected to promote the strengthening of organisation. This might hold the promise that a strengthening of civil so - universal values underpinning human rights. These values include freedom ciety could result in a strengthening also of the demand for democratic of conscience and speech, freedom of association and the right to political change. But it could also suggest that in politically hostile conditions, civil participation, and liberty of the person – basic liberties. (1) society cannot emerge. Adam Michnik’s “Towards a Civil Society” remains an important and, in Civil society and liberal democratic values China, also influential twentieth century reflection on the optimistic polit - ical reasoning Tocqueville’s account led to on the part of democracy ac - In different ways, communities of journalists, human rights defenders in - tivists in Eastern Europe. (8) Under the pressure of the systems they lived in, cluding in particular lawyers, religious communities, and nongovernmental direct and in a narrow sense “political” opposition, e.g., through the forma - organisations (NGO) involved in the provision of social services or advocacy tion of a political party or underground movement aiming to gain govern - can be especially important to the promotion of these values. Journalist ment power or overthrow the system, was on the one hand not as eligible communities, religious groups, and NGOs are also dependent on freedom as a more diffuse, less direct, broader, and non-violent strategy. On the other of speech, (2) conscience, (3) and association, (4) whereas rights lawyers are en - hand, just because these systems were totalitarian (at least from the per - gaged in the defence of the rights to due process, a fair trial, and access to justice. (5) In non-liberal, nondemocratic political systems, support from in - 1. A conception of “basic liberties” is developed e.g. in John Rawls’ version of liberalism. Rawls’ ac - ternational or transnational civil society is an especially important further count lists the right to vote and run for office, freedom of speech and assembly, freedom of con - science, freedom of personal property, and freedom from arbitrary arrest ( A Theory of Justice , aspect. Accordingly, the contributions to this volume discuss these fields Cambridge, Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1971, p. 53). For criticism of this “parsimo - and aspects. nious” account, see e.g. John Tasioulas, “Human Rights” entry in Routledge Companion to the Phi - losophy of Law (forthcoming, 2012). Our project had to overcome some challenges, beginning with the contro - 2. Relevant formulations can be found in Article 35 of the 1982 PRC Constitution (last revised 2004, versial question of whether, even assuming that the idea of “civil society” “the PRC Constitution”), Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), and makes sense, a civil society can exist in (post-) authoritarian China. Addressing Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), for example. (The PRC has signed but not yet ratified the ICCPR.) this question, this introduction argues for a liberal conception of civil society, 3. The right to freedom of religion is recognised in Article 36 of the PRC Constitution. See also Article and on the basis of this conception discusses the contributions on the par - 18 ICCPR and Article 18 UDHR on the freedom of thought, conscience, and religion. ticular Chinese civil society fields contained in this issue. An insight emerging 4. Cf. Article 35 of the PRC Constitution; Articles 21, 22 ICCPR, Article 20 UDHR. from all the contributions is that political pressure on – and sometimes re - 5. On the broader topic of access to justice in China, see Jayshree Bajoria, “Access to Justice in China,” www.cfr.org/china/access-justice-china/p15745 (consulted on 20 August 2012), and Fu Hualing, pression of – civil society is met by the strengthening and diversification of “Access to Justice in China: Potentials, Limits, and Alternatives,” draft, September 2009, via resources to resist pressure, and often contributes to rising consciousness of http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1474073 (consulted on 20 August 2012). International law does not explicitly protect an abstract right to access to justice, but this right is the institutional safeguards needed for a genuine civil society. implicit in substantive and procedural rights guarantees (see for example Article 2 ICCPR, Article 8 UDHR). Relevant domestic constitutional provisions include Articles 33, 37, and 41 of the PRC Constitution. Conceptual issues: Civil society in China 6. For an excellent and more extensive discussion of the intellectual origins of civil society discourse between “gongmin” and “minjian” – addressing such diverse influences as Hannah Arendt, Juergen Habermas, Amitai Eztioni, Robert Nisbet, and Jonathan Unger – see Chan Kin-man, Zou xiang gongmin shehui (Towards a civil so - ciety), Hong Kong, UP Publications Limited, 2010, chapter 1. There is no universally accepted definition of “civil society,” because to 7. Alexis de Tocqueville, De la Démocratie en Amérique, 1835, available at www.ecole- say a civil society exists is to make an evaluative judgement. Interpretations alsacienne.org/CDI/pdf/1400-0107/14096_TOCQ1.pdf and www.ecole-alsacienne.org/CDI/pdf/ have produced different conceptions ranging from the sociological to the 1400-0107/14097_TOCQ2.pdf (links consulted on 20 August 2012); e.g., at p. 391 (Part I). " That Providence has given to every human being the degree of reason necessary to direct himself in (more explicitly normative) political. (6) These have different virtues. The clas - the affairs which interest him exclusively — such is the grand maxim upon which civil and political sic, liberal political conception is often traced back to Tocqueville’s account society rests in the United States. The father of a family applies it to his children; the master to his servants; the township to its officers; the province to its townships; the State to its provinces; of eighteenth century American society, characterised, in his view, by the the Union to the States; and when extended to the nation, it becomes the doctrine of the sover - prevalence of associations, formed freely and voluntarily for non-commer - eignty of the people". 8. Adam Michnik, “Towards a Civil Society: Hopes for Polish Democracy: Interview with Erica Blair cial purposes, to serve some aspect of the common good – formed, thus, in (John Keane),” pp. 104 ff, in Adam Michnik, Letters from Freedom: Post-Cold War Realities and the civic or “civil” spirit to be found in democratic political systems. (7) From Perspectives , Berkeley, University of California Press, 1998, pp. 96-113. 2 china perspectives • N o. 2012/3 Eva Pils – Introduction: Discussing “Civil Society” and “Liberal Communities” in China spective of those who opposed them), the formation of communities re - institute working on “civil society studies” when Chinese civil society will sisting domination by the state was certain to be effective, even if such finally “arrive.” communities did not directly engage in struggles for political power. “The Seeking a middle-ground position, other scholars such as Xiao Gongqin path of perseverant struggle toward reform, the path toward broader civil suggest that civil society could be conceived of as less opposed to the state, and human rights, is the only path for dissidents in East Europe.” Asked how less like what Xiao terms the “Anglo-American model” of civil society, and the concept of civil society, “this old-fashioned eighteenth century term,” more cooperating with it in the spirit of continental European social democ - could be relevant to Poland in the 1980s, Michnik replied: racy. Certainly, Xiao points out, China has changed dramatically compared to the Mao Zedong era, when in a certain sense there was not even a “so - In the totalitarian order, the state is the teacher and society is the pupil ciety” to speak of, let alone a “civil society” – when the ideology of the om - in the classroom, which is sometimes converted into a prison or a mil - nipotent state ( quanneng guojia zhuyi 全能国家主义 ) ruled out the itary camp. In a civil society, by contrast, people do not want to be existence of society as something juxtaposed with and potentially inde - pupils, soldiers, or slaves; they act as citizens… The point is that, as cit - pendent of the state. (17) izens, we in the democratic opposition don’t want to be treated any In part perhaps from a sense that the expression “ gongmin shehui ” would longer as children or slaves. The basic principle of the anti-feudal move - fail to reflect the reality of their own current society, some of those who ment was human rights, the idea that everyone has rights equal to caution against applying the term to China opt for the normatively less those of the monarch.
Recommended publications
  • Wider Reading Subject HISTORY Topic Mao's China: Establishing
    Subject HISTORY Topic Mao’s China: Establishing Year 12 (page 1) Term 1 Communist Rule, 1949-1957 Learning Sequence Wider Reading Key People Tao Zhu (1908-69) A rising star who rose to become the Rao Shushi (1903-75) Party leader in Shanghai 1. Overview: It’s all Chinese to me Communist States in the 20th fourth in the party hierarchy, before being purged in the C – Pearson Textbook Ben Cultural Revolution. Gregory, Nigel Bushnell, Rob 2. How did Mao declare the PRC? Luo Ruiqing (1906-78) Served first as minister for public Bo Yibo (1908-2007) A former guerrilla fighter who had Owen. security and then, from 1959-65, as chief of general staff joined the committee in 1945 and went on to become a in the PLA. He became a victim of infighting in the Cultural leading economic planner in the 1950s. He was purged 3. How successful were the communists in establishing My Revision Notes: Edexcel Revolution and spent 12 years of his life as a cripple and during the Cultural Revolution because of his moderate a political system? AS/A-level History: Mao's committed suicide. views. China, 1949-76 - Andrew Flint 4. How effectively did the Communist Party deal with Key Terms Definitions opposition? Revise Edexcel GCSE (9-1) 5. Korean War. History Mao's China Revision Rightist A person who supports the political views or policies of Guide and Workbook: with the right. free online edition (Revise 6. Assessment Edexcel GCSE History 16) Politburo A politburo or political bureau is the executive committee for communist parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronology of Mass Killings During the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) Song Yongyi Thursday 25 August 2011
    Chronology of Mass Killings during the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) Song Yongyi Thursday 25 August 2011 Stable URL: http://www.massviolence.org/Article?id_article=551 PDF version: http://www.massviolence.org/PdfVersion?id_article=551 http://www.massviolence.org - ISSN 1961-9898 Chronology of Mass Killings during the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) Chronology of Mass Killings during the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) Song Yongyi The Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) was a historical tragedy launched by Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). It claimed the lives of several million people and inflicted cruel and inhuman treatments on hundreds of million people. However, 40 years after it ended, the total number of victims of the Cultural Revolution and especially the death toll of mass killings still remain a mystery both in China and overseas. For the Chinese communist government, it is a highly classified state secret, although they do maintain statistics for the so-called abnormal death numbers all over China. Nevertheless, the government, realizing that the totalitarian regime and the endless power struggles in the CCP Central Committee (CCP CC) were the root cause of the Cultural Revolution, has consistently discounted the significance of looking back and reflecting on this important period of Chinese history. They even forbid Chinese scholars from studying it independently and discourage overseas scholars from undertaking research on this subject in China. Owing to difficulties that scholars in and outside China encounter in accessing state secrets, the exact figure of the abnormal death has become a recurring debate in the field of China studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Grieving at Chongqing's Red Guard Graveyard
    College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University Grieving at Chongqing’s Red Guard Graveyard: In the Name of Life Itself Author(s): Everett Y. Zhang Source: The China Journal, No. 70 (July 2013), pp. 24-47 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/671331 Accessed: 12-09-2017 23:19 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University, The University of Chicago Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The China Journal This content downloaded from 130.56.64.29 on Tue, 12 Sep 2017 23:19:59 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Grieving at Chongqing’s Red Guard Graveyard: In the Name of Life Itself Everett Y. Zhang* ABSTRACT is article presents a historical and ethnographic account of the event of mourning at the Graveyard for the Red Guards in Chongqing. Built in the Cultural Revolution to glorify about 450 Red Guards as “revolutionary martyrs”, this graveyard testies to the tragic nature of their deaths, which resulted from ghting between two factions for their shared goal of “defending Chairman Mao”.
    [Show full text]
  • Talk About a Revolution: Red Guards, Government Cadres, and the Language of Political Discourse
    Talk About a Revolution: Red Guards, Government Cadres, and the Language of Political Discourse Schoenhals, Michael 1993 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Schoenhals, M. (1993). Talk About a Revolution: Red Guards, Government Cadres, and the Language of Political Discourse. (Indiana East Asian Working Paper Series on Language and Politics in Modern China). http://www.indiana.edu/~easc/resources/working_paper/noframe_schoenhals_pc.htm Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 Talk About a Revolution: Red Guards, Government Cadres,
    [Show full text]
  • Red Scarf Girl
    A Facing History and Ourselves Study Guide Teaching RED SCARF GIRL Created to Accompany the Memoir Red Scarf Girl, by Ji-li Jiang A Facing History and Ourselves Study Guide Teaching RED SCARF GIRL Created to Accompany the Memoir Red Scarf Girl, by Ji-li Jiang Facing History and Ourselves is an international educational and professional development organization whose mission is to engage students of diverse backgrounds in an examination of racism, prejudice, and antisemitism in order to promote the development of a more humane and informed citizenry. By studying the historical development of the Holocaust and other examples of genocide, students make the essential connection between history and the moral choices they confront in their own lives. For more information about Facing History and Ourselves, please visit our website at www.facinghistory.org. The front cover illustration is a section from a propaganda poster created during the beginning of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1968), the same years Ji-li describes in her memoir. Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China 1949, government and party officials used mass- produced posters as a way to promote nationalism and convey the values of the Communist Party. Propaganda posters were especially important during the Cultural Revolution, and this poster represents many dominant themes of this media: the glorification of Mao, the color red symbolizing China and the Chinese Communist Party, and the depiction of youth as foot-soldiers for the revolution. The slogan on the poster expresses a popular anthem of the era: Chairman Mao is the Reddest Reddest Red Sun in Our Hearts.
    [Show full text]
  • Cultural Revolution
    Chinese Fiction of the Cultural Revolution Lan Yang -w~*-~:tItB.~±. HONG KONG UNIVERSITY PRESS Hong Kong University Press 14/F Hing Wai Centre 7 Tin Wan Praya Road Aberdeen, Hong Kong © Hong Kong University Press 1998 ISBN 962 209 467 8 All rights reserved. No portion of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Printed in Hong Kong by Caritas Printing Training Centre. Contents List of Tables ix Foreword xi Preface xiii Introduction 1 • CR novels and CR agricultural novels 3 • Literary Policy and Theory in the Cultural Revolution 14 Part I Characterization of the Main Heroes 33 Introduction to Part I 35 1. Personal Background 39 2. Physical Qualities 49 • Strong Constitution and Vigorous Air 50 • Unsophisticated Features and Expression 51 • Dignified Manner and Awe~ Inspiring Bearing 52 • Big and Bright Piercing Eyes 53 • A Sonorous and Forceful Voice 53 vi • Contents 3. Ideological Qualities 61 • Consciousness of Class, Road and Line Struggles 61 • Consciousness of Altruism and Collectivism 66 4. Temperamental and Behavioural Qualities 75 • Categories of Temperamental and Behavioural Qualities 75 • Social and Cultural Foundations of Temperamental and Behavioural Qualities 88 5. Prominence Given to the Main Heroes 97 • Practice of the 'Three Prominences' 97 • Other Stock Points Concerning Prominence of the Main Heroes 118 Part II Lexical Style 121 Introduction to Part II 123 • Selection of the Sample 124 • Units and Levels of Analysis 125 • Categories of Stylistic Items versus References 127 • Exhaustive or Sample Measurement 128 • The Statistical Process 128 6.
    [Show full text]
  • The Thought Remolding Campaign of the Chinese Communist Party-State Publications Series
    The Thought Remolding Campaign of The Thought Remolding Campaign the Chinese Communist Party-state the Chinese Communist The Thought Publications Series Monographs 7 Remolding Campaign The Thought Theof the ThoughtChinese Communist RemoldingHu Ping is a distinguished public intellectual and chief Remolding editor of the New York-based journal Beijing Spring. Party-state Hu Ping This is the definitive study of the theory, implementation, and legacy of the Chinese Communist Party’s thought remolding campaign – a massive regimen of “re- education.” Hu Ping With a rare combination of psychological insight and philosophical Translated by rigor, Hu Ping takes us on an empathetic and sometimes wry journey Philip F. Williams and Yenna Wu along the twisting pathways of compliance and resistance. His astute analysis culminates in a clarion call to resist the overwhelming power of the state. Andrew Nathan, Professor of Political Science, Columbia University An incisive critique of the intellectual chicanery, psychological manipulation, and physical coercion that form the core of Chinese communism. Hu Ping makes a significant contribution to the literature on totalitarianism in the tradition of Vaclav Havel. Professor Steven Levine, University of North Carolina This book provides us with Hu Ping’s mature and panoramic analysis of the relation between words and thought in both the totalitarian and post-totalitarian phases of China’s recent history. Perry Link, Professor Emeritus, Princeton University 9 789089 644107 www.aup.nl ISBN 978 90 8964 410 7 The Thought Remolding Campaign of the Chinese Communist Party-state Publications Series General Editor Paul van der Velde Publications Officer Martina van den Haak Editorial Board Wim Boot (Leiden University); Jennifer Holdaway (Social Science Research Council); Christopher A.
    [Show full text]
  • Afterlives of Chinese Communism: Political Concepts from Mao to Xi
    AFTERLIVES OF CHINESE COMMUNISM AFTERLIVES OF CHINESE COMMUNISM POLITICAL CONCEPTS FROM MAO TO XI Edited by Christian Sorace, Ivan Franceschini, and Nicholas Loubere First published 2019 by ANU Press and Verso Books The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] Available to download for free at press.anu.edu.au ISBN (hardback): 9781788734790 ISBN (paperback): 9781788734769 ISBN (online): 9781760462499 WorldCat (print): 1085370489 WorldCat (online): 1085370850 DOI: 10.22459/ACC.2019 This title is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). The full licence terms are available at creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode Note on Visual Material All images in this publication have been fully accredited. As this is a non-commercial publication, certain images have been used under a Creative Commons licence. These images have been sourced from Flickr, Wikipedia Commons and the copyright owner of each original picture is acknowledged and indicated in the source information. Design concept and typesetting by Tommaso Facchin; Illustrations by Marc Verdugo Lopez. Cover design by No Ideas. Cover artwork by Marc Verdugo Lopez. Proofreading by Sharon Strange and Evyn Chesneau Papworth. This edition © 2019 ANU Press and Verso Books Table of Contents Introduction - Christian SORACE, Ivan FRANCESCHINI, and Nicholas LOUBERE 1 1. Aesthetics - Christian SORACE 11 2. Blood Lineage - YI Xiaocuo 17 3. Class Feeling - Haiyan LEE 23 4. Class Struggle - Alessandro RUSSO 29 5. Collectivism - GAO Mobo 37 6. Contradiction - Carlos ROJAS 43 7. Culture - DAI Jinhua 49 8. Cultural Revolution - Patricia M.
    [Show full text]
  • Language and Politics During the Chinese Cultural Revolution: a Study in Linguistic Engineering
    LANGUAGE AND POLITICS DURING THE CHINESE CULTURAL REVOLUTION: A STUDY IN LINGUISTIC ENGINEERING A Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the University of Canterbury by Ji Fengyuan ? University of Canterbury 1998 CONTENTS Abbreviations vi Acknowledgments vii Introduction 1 I PRELUDE 1. linguistic Engineering: Theoretical Considerations 1.1 The Language of Speech and the Language of Thought 8 1.2 Sapir, Whorf and the Categories of Thought 11 1.3 Concepts, Schemas and World View 24 1.4 Primitive Affective and Associational Processes 31 1.5 Code, Context and Relevance Theory 49 1.6 A Framework for Multi-factorial Persuasion: Information Processing and the Elaboration Likelihood Model 61 1.7 Timeless Theories and Empirical Case Studies 64 2. Linguistic Engineering before the Cultural Revolution 2.1 Origins of Linguistic Engineering in China 66 2.2 The Institutional Basis of linguistic Engineering 72 2.3 Formulae, Codability and Processing Efficiency 81 2.4 The Language of Class Analysis 84 2.5 Language, Love and Revolution 98 2.6 The Discourse of Collectivization 101 2.7 Discourse of the Great Leap Forward: From Martial Language to Disillusionment 103 2.8 Emerging Mao Worship: Prelude to the Cultural Revolution 110 2.9 Linguistic Engineering in China before the Cultural Revolution: an Assessment 117 ii II THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION 1966-68: MASS MOBILIZATION, LANGUAGE AND INTERPRETATION 3. Context and Interpretation: Mao's Manipulation of Meaning 3.1 Background to the
    [Show full text]
  • A China Chronology (1893-1976)
    A China Chronology (1893-1976) 1893 Mao born to a farming family in Hunan province. 1895 China defeated by Japan in the Sino-Japanese War. 1900 Boxer Rebellion and counterattack by foreign powers. 1905 Qing dynasty ends the civil service exams. 1911 Republican revolution; fall of the Qing dynasty. 1912 General Yuan Shikai replaces Sun Yat-sen as president of the republic. 1913 Sun Yat-sen founds the Guomindang (GMD), or Nationalist party. 1915- 1925 New Culture Movement. 1919 May Fourth Movement in Beijing opposes the Versailles treaty. 1921 Official founding of the Chinese Communist party (CCP) in Shanghai; Mao Zedong is one of the founding members. 1923 CCP and GMD cooperate in the first united front; Mao then works in the GMD Propaganda Department and the Peasant Training Institute. 1925 Sun Yat-sen dies; Chiang Kai-shek eventually takes over the GMD. 1926 Northern Expedition under GMD leadership starts out from Guangzhou in southern China to reunify the country. Mao returns to Hunan to work in the countryside. 1927 Mao writes his "Report on the Peasant Movement in Hunan." Chiang Kai-shek turns against the CCP and in April massacres CCP activists. GMD forms a new national government and moves the capital of the Republic of China to Nanjing. 1930 Changsha uprising, led by Mao, fails; Mao moves to develop rural soviets. 1931 Japanese begin to occupy northeast China and will declare Manchukuo a separate country the next year. Formal establishment of the Jiangxi soviet; Mao elected chairman of the soviet. 232 CHRONOLOGY 233 1931- 1934 GMD national government launches five "encirclement cam­ paigns" to destroy the Communist party and Jiangxi soviet; CCP survives the first four.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics in Command”
    C h a p t e r 2 “Politics in Command” “Politics in Command” was a popular Maoist slogan, reminding Cultural Revolutionaries that the correct political choice and the willpower to enforce it would make or break their movement. Three features in the standard kit of Chinese politics set it apart from Western practice. First, the Communist Party ruled without serious challenge, enjoying a preeminence that muddies the tidy distinction made in the West between party and state. China lacked a head of state for part of the Cultural Revolution. It did not seem to matter. Despite Cultural Revolutionary rhetoric and state-sanctioned chaos, the Communist Party continued to expand, growing from 18 million members in 1966 to 34 million in 1976. However, fear of bourgeois influence shuttered the Party’s ancillary organizations for youth and for women, and the eight so-called democratic parties with which the Communists superficially share state power were closed. Second, the Party frequently turned to extra-bureaucratic techniques, especially mass campaigns that were organized outside the normal government departments, mobilizing officials, activists, and ordinary citizens to achieve a specific goal. These included such disparate targets as literacy for women, land reform, eradicating schistosomiasis (an infectious liver disease widespread Copyright © 2012. Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law. 24 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 4/19/2017 12:12 PM via UNIV OF ALABAMA AN: 406021 ; Kraus, Richard Curt.; The Cultural Revolution: A Very Short Introduction Account: s4594951 in South China), writing poetry, or the building of backyard steel furnaces during the Great Leap Forward.
    [Show full text]
  • Names and Reality in Mao Zedong's Political Discourse on Intellectuals
    Transtext(e)s Transcultures 跨文本跨文化 Journal of Global Cultural Studies 5 | 2009 Varia Names and Reality in Mao Zedong’s Political Discourse on Intellectuals Maurizio Marinelli Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/transtexts/268 DOI: 10.4000/transtexts.268 ISSN: 2105-2549 Publisher Gregory B. Lee Printed version Date of publication: 1 June 2009 ISSN: 1771-2084 Electronic reference Maurizio Marinelli, « Names and Reality in Mao Zedong’s Political Discourse on Intellectuals », Transtext(e)s Transcultures 跨文本跨文化 [Online], 5 | 2009, document 5, Online since 03 April 2010, connection on 19 April 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/transtexts/268 ; DOI : 10.4000/ transtexts.268 © Tous droits réservés Journal of Global Cultural Studies 5 | 2009 : Varia (Re)Inventing "Realities" in China Names and Reality in Mao Zedong‘s Political Discourse on Intellectuals MAURIZI MARINELLI Résumé This essay addresses the topic of the political use of formalized language. In the Chinese historical tradition the -correctness. of language has always been considered a source of moral authority0 official legitimacy and political stability. 1olitical language has always had an intrinsic instrumental 2alue0 since its control is the most suitable way to e3press and con2ey the orthodo3 State ideology. 4ormalized language has also ser2ed as a de2ice to standardize the range of e3pressi2eness of Chinese intellectuals. 5ittgenstein argues that words ha2e the power to set the limit for the -e3pression of thoughts.0 because the boundaries of language indicate the boundaries of one.s own world. My focus is on specific forms of power embodied in language practices and discursi2e formations recognizable in selected te3ts.
    [Show full text]