The Best of the Whitesell Prize Competition 2006–2007
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Truman, Congress and the Struggle for War and Peace In
TRUMAN, CONGRESS AND THE STRUGGLE FOR WAR AND PEACE IN KOREA A Dissertation by LARRY WAYNE BLOMSTEDT Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 2008 Major Subject: History TRUMAN, CONGRESS AND THE STRUGGLE FOR WAR AND PEACE IN KOREA A Dissertation by LARRY WAYNE BLOMSTEDT Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Approved by: Chair of Committee, Terry H. Anderson Committee Members, Jon R. Bond H. W. Brands John H. Lenihan David Vaught Head of Department, Walter L. Buenger May 2008 Major Subject: History iii ABSTRACT Truman, Congress and the Struggle for War and Peace in Korea. (May 2008) Larry Wayne Blomstedt, B.S., Texas State University; M.S., Texas A&M University-Kingsville Chair of Advisory Committee: Dr. Terry H. Anderson This dissertation analyzes the roles of the Harry Truman administration and Congress in directing American policy regarding the Korean conflict. Using evidence from primary sources such as Truman’s presidential papers, communications of White House staffers, and correspondence from State Department operatives and key congressional figures, this study suggests that the legislative branch had an important role in Korean policy. Congress sometimes affected the war by what it did and, at other times, by what it did not do. Several themes are addressed in this project. One is how Truman and the congressional Democrats failed each other during the war. The president did not dedicate adequate attention to congressional relations early in his term, and was slow to react to charges of corruption within his administration, weakening his party politically. -
The Best of the Whitesell Prize Competition 2005-2006
The Best of the Whitesell Prize Competition 2005-2006 The Writing Center’s Phyllis C. Whitesell Prizes for Expository Writing in General Education 3rd Edition, Summer 2006 The Writing Center @ Franklin and Marshall College Lancaster, PA 17604-3003 717.291.3866 Preface The Writing Center’s Phyllis C. Whitesell Prizes honor excellent student writing in Franklin and Marshall’s General Education curriculum. Each year the Writing Center invites submissions and awards a prize for the best essay written in a course that fulfills the First-Year Writing Requirement and for the best essay from a Foundations course. This booklet contains the prize-winning and honorable mention essays from this year’s competition. Named for the emeritus Director of F&M’s Writing Center, the Whitesell Prizes serve several goals. In addition to honoring both Phyllis’s dedication to teaching writing and the achievements of the College’s students writers themselves, the Whitesell Prizes seek to add to the vitality of the College’s General Education curriculum by getting students to think of their intellectual efforts as ongoing enterprises (revision, often after the essay has been graded and the class is completed, is a requirement of the competition). Also, by involving faculty and Writing Center tutors in the judging of the essays—and by making this booklet available to the College community, the Whitesell competition hopes to foster a fuller awareness of the interesting work being done in our Foundations and First-Year Writing requirement courses. My great appreciation goes to this year’s Whitesell Prize judges. Prof. Patrick Bernard, Prof. -
Chapter One: Postwar Resentment and the Invention of Middle America 10
MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School Certificate for Approving the Dissertation We hereby approve the Dissertation of Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________________ Timothy Melley, Director ________________________________________ C. Barry Chabot, Reader ________________________________________ Whitney Womack Smith, Reader ________________________________________ Marguerite S. Shaffer, Graduate School Representative ABSTRACT TALES FROM THE SILENT MAJORITY: CONSERVATIVE POPULISM AND THE INVENTION OF MIDDLE AMERICA by Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff In this dissertation I show how the conservative movement lured the white working class out of the Democratic New Deal Coalition and into the Republican Majority. I argue that this political transformation was accomplished in part by what I call the "invention" of Middle America. Using such cultural representations as mainstream print media, literature, and film, conservatives successfully exploited what came to be known as the Social Issue and constructed "Liberalism" as effeminate, impractical, and elitist. Chapter One charts the rise of conservative populism and Middle America against the backdrop of 1960s social upheaval. I stress the importance of backlash and resentment to Richard Nixon's ascendancy to the Presidency, describe strategies employed by the conservative movement to win majority status for the GOP, and explore the conflict between this goal and the will to ideological purity. In Chapter Two I read Rabbit Redux as John Updike's attempt to model the racial education of a conservative Middle American, Harry "Rabbit" Angstrom, in "teach-in" scenes that reflect the conflict between the social conservative and Eastern Liberal within the author's psyche. I conclude that this conflict undermines the project and, despite laudable intentions, Updike perpetuates caricatures of the Left and hastens Middle America's rejection of Liberalism. -
A Long Road to Nixon's Last Crisis
A Long Road To Nixon's Last Crisis I had recognized from the time I be- came a member of the Committee on Un-American Activities, and particularly after my participation in the Hiss case, that it was essential for me to maintain a standard of conduct which would . not give my political opponents any solid grounds for attack . "Even when you are right they will give you a rough time," I have said. "When you happen to be wrong they will kill you." `—"Six Crises" e always knew what to say, but the H question was how closely he. lis- tened to himself. During his quarter-cen- tury in politics, Richard Nixon's actions often stood in jarring contradiction to his high-blown rhetoric. Reading "Six Crises," his ghost-written autobiography, in the light of .Watergate and his resig- nation points up the immense gulf be- tween his endless pieties and the harsh reality of his tragically flawed career. In all apparent sincerity, Nixon could preach law and order even as he and his aides were breaking the law. He could boast that his Cabinet was free of yes- men and then reduce the Cabinet to unprecedented impotence. In the midst of the Watergate cover-up, he could righteously declare: "What really hurts in matters of this sort is not the fact that they occur ... What really hurts is if you try to cover it up." In a moment Welly McNamee—Newsweek of unintended irony, Nixon's first Attor- A last hurrah, 1973: Mistrustful even of his own success ney General, John Mitchell, once ad- vised: "Don't watch what we say; Magruder at the Ervin committee hear- misunderstood. -
Embedded Reporters: What Are Americans Getting?
Embedded Reporters: What Are Americans Getting? For More Information Contact: Tom Rosenstiel, Director, Project for Excellence in Journalism Amy Mitchell, Associate Director Matt Carlson, Wally Dean, Dante Chinni, Atiba Pertilla, Research Nancy Anderson, Tom Avila, Staff Embedded Reporters: What Are Americans Getting? Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld has suggested we are getting only “slices” of the war. Other observers have likened the media coverage to seeing the battlefield through “a soda straw.” The battle for Iraq is war as we’ve never it seen before. It is the first full-scale American military engagement in the age of the Internet, multiple cable channels and a mixed media culture that has stretched the definition of journalism. The most noted characteristic of the media coverage so far, however, is the new system of “embedding” some 600 journalists with American and British troops. What are Americans getting on television from this “embedded” reporting? How close to the action are the “embeds” getting? Who are they talking to? What are they talking about? To provide some framework for the discussion, the Project for Excellence in Journalism conducted a content analysis of the embedded reports on television during three of the first six days of the war. The Project is affiliated with Columbia University and funded by the Pew Charitable Trusts. The embedded coverage, the research found, is largely anecdotal. It’s both exciting and dull, combat focused, and mostly live and unedited. Much of it lacks context but it is usually rich in detail. It has all the virtues and vices of reporting only what you can see. -
The Rise of Nixon by Megan Kimbrell
The Rise of Nixon by Megan Kimbrell Richard Milhous Nixon is one of the most central political figures in American history. Therefore, an analysis of how he rose to national prominence, and so quickly at that, is a worthwhile discussion. For example, Nixon entered the United States House of Representatives in 1946 by defeating the popular Democratic incumbent, Jerry Voorhis. Without previous political experience, Nixon was thrown into Congress where he was promptly placed on the infamous House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC). There he gained national fame in the case of Alger Hiss, an accused communist spy. He followed this with a stunning victory in the 1950 senatorial race against Helen Gahagan Douglas. Soon after, Nixon was nominated as the vice presidential candidate in 1952. At the young age of forty, and just six years after his first political campaign, Nixon entered the White House as Dwight D. Eisenhower's vice president. Nixon's meteoric rise to power begs the question of just how exactly he accomplished this feat. The answer to this question is quite simple: Nixon used the issue of communist subversion to further his political career. In fact, the perceived communist threat of the post-World War II era was the chief catalyst in Nixon's rise to the forefront of American politics. His career gained momentum alongside the Red Scare of this era with his public battles against accused communist sympathizers. Following World War II, Americans became obsessed with the fears of communist subversion. The Cold War produced unstable relations with the Soviet Union and other pro-communist countries, which made for a frightening future. -
UCLA HISTORICAL JOURNAL Vol
''Cocktail Picket Party" The Hollywood Citizen—News Strike, The Newspaper Guild, and the Popularization of the "Democratic Front" in Los Angeles Michael Furmanovsky The ten-week strike of Hollywood Citizen-News editorial workers in the spring and summer of 1938 left an indelible mark on the history of Los Angeles labor. Almost unmatched in the city's history for the large size and glamorous composition of its picket lines, the strike's transformation into a local "cause celebre" owed much to the input of the Communist Party of Los Angeles (CPLA) and its widely diffused allies. While the Communists were not responsible for calling the walkout in May 1938, the subsequent development of the strike into a small-scale symbol of the potential inherent in liberal-labor-left unity was largely attributable to the CPLA's carefully planned strategy, which attempted to fulfill the goals set by the American Communist Party during the "Democratic Front" period (1938-39); namely, to mobilize the broadest possible network of pro- Roosevelt groups and individuals, integrated with the full complement of Party-led organizations. These would range during the Citizen-News strike from CIO unions and liberal assemblymen, to fellow-travelling Holly- wood celebrities and Communist affiliated anti-fascist organizations.' The Hollywood Citizen-News strike was far from an unqualified success either for the strikers or for the broader political movement envisaged by the Communist Party in 1938-39, nevertheless it became a rallying point for those on the Communist and non-Communist left who looked to the New Deal and the CIO as the twin vehicles for a real political transforma- tion and realignment in the United States. -
John Ahouse-Upton Sinclair Collection, 1895-2014
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/c8cn764d No online items INVENTORY OF THE JOHN AHOUSE-UPTON SINCLAIR COLLECTION, 1895-2014, Finding aid prepared by Greg Williams California State University, Dominguez Hills Archives & Special Collections University Library, Room 5039 1000 E. Victoria Street Carson, California 90747 Phone: (310) 243-3895 URL: http://www.csudh.edu/archives/csudh/index.html ©2014 INVENTORY OF THE JOHN "Consult repository." 1 AHOUSE-UPTON SINCLAIR COLLECTION, 1895-2014, Descriptive Summary Title: John Ahouse-Upton Sinclair Collection Dates: 1895-2014 Collection Number: "Consult repository." Collector: Ahouse, John B. Extent: 12 linear feet, 400 books Repository: California State University, Dominguez Hills Archives and Special Collections Archives & Special Collection University Library, Room 5039 1000 E. Victoria Street Carson, California 90747 Phone: (310) 243-3013 URL: http://www.csudh.edu/archives/csudh/index.html Abstract: This collection consists of 400 books, 12 linear feet of archival items and resource material about Upton Sinclair collected by bibliographer John Ahouse, author of Upton Sinclair, A Descriptive Annotated Bibliography . Included are Upton Sinclair books, pamphlets, newspaper articles, publications, circular letters, manuscripts, and a few personal letters. Also included are a wide variety of subject files, scholarly or popular articles about Sinclair, videos, recordings, and manuscripts for Sinclair biographies. Included are Upton Sinclair’s A Monthly Magazine, EPIC Newspapers and the Upton Sinclair Quarterly Newsletters. Language: Collection material is primarily in English Access There are no access restrictions on this collection. Publication Rights All requests for permission to publish or quote from manuscripts must be submitted in writing to the Director of Archives and Special Collections. -
The Pink Lady and Tricky Dick: Communism's Role in the 1950 Senatorial Election” Was Written for Dr
The Pink Lady and Tricky Dick: Communism’s Role in the 1950 Senatorial Election Michael Bird The shock had set in and the damage had been done. “I failed to take his attacks seriously enough.” That tricky man had struck quite low. What happened to “no name-calling, no smears, no misrepresentations in this campaign?” Is this politics? alifornia Republican Congressman Richard Nixon needed a C stage to stand on if he were to take the next step in politics during the 1950s. World War II left behind a world that was opportune for this next step. In the early days after the war, most Americans hoped for a continuation of cooperation between Americans and Soviets. However, that would change as a handful of individuals took to fighting Communism as one of their political weapons. Author Richard M. Fried suggests Communism “was the focal point of the careers of Wisconsin Senator Joseph R. McCarthy; of Richard Nixon during his tenure as Congressman, Senator” and “of several of Nixon’s colleagues on the House Committee on Un-American Activities.”1 The careers of these men,, both successful and unsuccessful, had roots in anticommunism. Characteristic of previous campaigns were the accomplishments and failures of each candidate. What appeared during the 1950 senatorial campaign in California was a politics largely focused on whether a candidate could be called soft on Michael Bird, who earned his BA in history in spring 2014, is from Villa Grove, Illinois. “The Pink Lady and Tricky Dick: Communism's Role in the 1950 Senatorial Election” was written for Dr. -
Introduction Rick Perlstein
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. Introduction Rick Perlstein I In the fall of 1967 Richard Nixon, reintroducing himself to the public for his second run for the presidency of the United States, published two magazine articles simultaneously. The first ran in the distinguished quarterly Foreign Affairs, the re- view of the Council of Foreign Relations. “Asia after Viet Nam” was sweeping, scholarly, and high-minded, couched in the chessboard abstrac- tions of strategic studies. The intended audience, in whose language it spoke, was the nation’s elite, and liberal-leaning, opinion-makers. It argued for the diplomatic “long view” toward the nation, China, that he had spoken of only in terms of red- baiting demagoguery in the past: “we simply can- not afford to leave China forever outside the fam- ily of nations,” he wrote. This was the height of foreign policy sophistication, the kind of thing one heard in Ivy League faculty lounges and Brookings Institution seminars. For Nixon, the conclusion was the product of years of quiet travel, study, and reflection that his long stretch in the political wil- derness, since losing the California governor’s race in 1962, had liberated him to carry out. It bore no relation to the kind of rip-roaring, elite- baiting things he usually said about Communists For general queries, contact [email protected] © Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. -
The Mystery of Richard Nixon
• The President welcomed the Nixons back from their harrowing South American "good will- tour last May. The Mystery of Richard Nixon A Post editor's penetrating examination of one of the most disputed figures in America— the man who at the moment probably has the best chance of becoming the next U. S. President. By STEWART ALSOP Reception committee at Caracas. Even Nixon's enemies admitted that he faced the mobs courageously. 11111 There is at least one point about that much disputed figure, Richard Milhous Nixon, which no sensible person can now dispute. De- spite a surface blandness which sometimes makes him seem quite ordinary, Vice Presi- dent Nixon is a most extraordinary man. Con- sider one measure of just how extraordinary he is. Since 1836, when Martin Van Buren in- herited the crown from crusty old Andrew Jackson, no Vice President has been nomi- nated as his party's Presidential candidate. Yet already, two years in advance, Vice President Nixon has the 1960 Republican Presidential nomination sewed up in a nearly puncture- proof bag. And even allowing for the current low state of Republican fortunes, he unques- tionably has a better chance than any other 2g After one of the most successful RICHARD years the college has ever witnessed, NIXON we stop to reminisce, and come to the PRESIDENT realization that much of the success A. S. W. C. was due to the efforts of this very gentleman. Always progressive, and with a liberal attitude, he has led us through the year with flying colors. J The young Nixon (right) with his parents, and brothers Harold (left) and Nixon became student-body president of Whittier College by advocating on-campus dances. -
P. T. Anderson‟S Dilemma: the Limits of Surrogate Paternity
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by The University of Sydney: Sydney eScholarship Journals online Sydney Studies P.T. Anderson's Dilemma P. T. Anderson‟s Dilemma: the Limits of Surrogate Paternity JULIAN MURPHET A while ago now, Fredric Jameson located the Utopian dimension of Coppola‟s first Godfather film (1972) in „the fantasy message projected by the title of this film, that is, in the family itself, seen as a figure of collectivity and as the object of a Utopian longing‟.1 In a late-capitalist America beset by an irreversible „deterioration of the family, the growth of permissiveness, and the loss of authority of the father‟, Coppola‟s Sicilians „project an image of social reintegration by way of the patriarchal and authoritarian family of the past‟. (33) To be sure, the ethnic group may preserve within its anachronistic familial webs a relatively untarnished „Name of the Father‟, that can be trotted out for nostalgic wish-fulfilment on celluloid; but it goes without saying that commercial American cinema has always turned on the institution of the family, to the extent that „in a typical Hollywood product, everything, from the fate of the Knights of the Round Table through the October Revolution up to asteroids hitting the earth, is transposed into an Oedipal narrative‟. 2 Jameson‟s Utopian account of the „ineradicable drive towards collectivity‟ (34) betokened by the family drama in American mass culture surely overlooks that most stubborn obstacle to its realization, both within any given plot, and more practically in everyday life: namely, the father himself.