The Bitterlemons Guide to the Arab Peace Initiative
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Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace
Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 12 | 16 – May 2012 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Andrea Dessì Abstract While spared from internal turmoil, Israel and the Palestinian Territories have nonetheless been affected by the region’s political transformation brought about by the Arab Spring. Reflecting what can be described as Israel’s “bunker” mentality, the Israeli government has characterized the Arab revolutionary wave as a security challenge, notably given its concern about the rise of Islamist forces. Prime Minister Netanyahu has capitalized on this sense of insecurity to justify his government’s lack of significant action when it comes to the peace process. On the Palestinian side, both Hamas and Fatah have lost long-standing regional backers in Egypt and Syria and have had to contend with their increasingly shaky popular legitimacy. This has spurred renewed efforts for reconciliation, which however have so far produced no significant results. Against this backdrop, the chances for a resumption of serious Israeli-Palestinian peace talks appear increasingly dim. An effort by the international community is needed to break the current deadlock and establish an atmosphere more conducive for talks. In this context, the EU carries special responsibility as the only external actor that still enjoys some credibility as a balanced mediator between the sides. Keywords : Israel / Israeli foreign policy / Arab revolts / Egypt / Muslim Brotherhood / Palestine / Gaza / Hamas / Fatah / Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations / European Union © 2012 IAI IAI Working Papers 1216 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace by Andrea Dessì ∗ Introduction The outbreak of popular protests throughout the Middle East and North Africa in early 2011 came as a shock to the world. -
Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North the Role of the Arab States Africa Programme
Briefing Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North The Role of the Arab States Africa Programme Yossi Mekelberg Summary and Greg Shapland • The positions of several Arab states towards Israel have evolved greatly in the past 50 years. Four of these states in particular – Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and (to a lesser extent) Jordan – could be influential in shaping the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. • In addition to Egypt and Jordan (which have signed peace treaties with Israel), Saudi Arabia and the UAE, among other Gulf states, now have extensive – albeit discreet – dealings with Israel. • This evolution has created a new situation in the region, with these Arab states now having considerable potential influence over the Israelis and Palestinians. It also has implications for US positions and policy. So far, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and Jordan have chosen not to test what this influence could achieve. • One reason for the inactivity to date may be disenchantment with the Palestinians and their cause, including the inability of Palestinian leaders to unite to promote it. However, ignoring Palestinian concerns will not bring about a resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which will continue to add to instability in the region. If Arab leaders see regional stability as being in their countries’ interests, they should be trying to shape any eventual peace plan advanced by the administration of US President Donald Trump in such a way that it forms a framework for negotiations that both Israeli and Palestinian leaderships can accept. Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking: The Role of the Arab States Introduction This briefing forms part of the Chatham House project, ‘Israel–Palestine: Beyond the Stalemate’. -
Normalization Can Inject New Life Into the Arab Peace Initiative by Ghaith Al-Omari
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3373 Normalization Can Inject New Life into the Arab Peace Initiative by Ghaith al-Omari Aug 31, 2020 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Ghaith al-Omari Ghaith al-Omari is a senior fellow in The Washington Institute's Irwin Levy Family Program on the U.S.-Israel Strategic Relationship. Brief Analysis With careful diplomacy, blunt discussion of national interests, and reciprocal steps on the ground, a group of like-minded Arab states could advance Palestinian-Israeli peacemaking while still preserving the API’s core. ne of the criticisms leveled against the normalization deal between Israel and the United Arab Emirates is O that it contravenes the Saudi-drafted Arab Peace Initiative (API) adopted in 2002. In some respects this is true—the new deal departs from the all-or-nothing approach of pursuing full normalization between Israel and Arab states only after the resolution of all outstanding Palestinian (and Syrian and Lebanese) issues with Israel. Yet by tying the deal to the suspension of Israel’s West Bank annexation plans, the UAE still reaffirmed the API’s premise of linking normalization to Palestinian issues. And given the steady convergence of interests between Israel and some Arab states, the agreement offers an opportunity to update the API—namely, by abandoning the all-or-nothing approach in favor of a gradual, reciprocal one that accounts for Arab states’ legitimate national interests while at the same time advancing Palestinian-Israeli relations. TECTONIC SHIFTS SINCE 2002 P roposed by Crown Prince (later King) Abdullah of Saudi Arabia and adopted at the 2002 Arab League summit in Beirut, the API promises Israel the “the establishment of normal relations” with all Arab states in exchange for “full withdrawal from all the Arab territories occupied since June 1967,” and a “just” and “agreed upon” solution to the Palestinian refugee problem. -
An Israeli-Palestinian Confederation: a Viable Alternative for the “Two States Solution”?
An Israeli-Palestinian Confederation: A viable alternative for the “two states solution”? Friedrich Naumann STIFTUNG FÜR DIE FREIHEIT HKS 92 (grau) CMYK 10, 0, 5, 65 HKS 44 (blau) CMYK 100, 50, 0, 0 An Israeli-Palestinian Confederation: A viable alternative for the “two states solution”? Table of Contents Introductory Note Yair Hirschfeld .............................................................................................................................................................. 2 An Israeli-Palestinian Confederation: A viable alternative for the “two states solution”? Eran Etzion ........................................................................................................................................................................ 4 Israel and Palestine: For and Against the Idea of a Confederation Yair Hirschfeld .............................................................................................................................................................. 20 About the writers ................................................................................................................................................. 31 The repeated failure of Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations during the last decades, regional unrest and destabilization throughout the Middle East have contributed to a diminished public belief and confidence in the viability of a peaceful Israel-Palestine two state solution. Through the encouragement and support of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Liberty, the S. -
The Gulf States and the Middle East Peace Process: Considerations, Stakes, and Options
ISSUE BRIEF 08.25.20 The Gulf States and the Middle East Peace Process: Considerations, Stakes, and Options Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, Ph.D, Fellow for the Middle East conflict, the Gulf states complied with and INTRODUCTION enforced the Arab League boycott of Israel This issue brief examines where the six until at least 1994 and participated in the nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council— oil embargo of countries that supported 1 Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Israel in the Yom Kippur War of 1973. In Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates 1973, for example, the president of the (UAE)—currently stand in their outlook and UAE, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, approaches toward the Israeli-Palestinian claimed that “No Arab country is safe from issue. The first section of this brief begins by the perils of the battle with Zionism unless outlining how positions among the six Gulf it plays its role and bears its responsibilities, 2 states have evolved over the three decades in confronting the Israeli enemy.” In since the Madrid Conference of 1991. Section Kuwait, Sheikh Fahd al-Ahmad Al Sabah, a two analyzes the degree to which the six brother of two future Emirs, was wounded Gulf states’ relations with Israel are based while fighting with Fatah in Jordan in 3 on interests, values, or a combination of 1968, while in 1981 the Saudi government both, and how these differ from state to offered to finance the reconstruction of state. Section three details the Gulf states’ Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor after it was 4 responses to the peace plan unveiled by destroyed by an Israeli airstrike. -
Isratin: the One-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian
Isratin: The One-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Ken-Ben Chao War in the 20th Century Mr. John Bickel January 6, 2011 An anxious crowd of two hundred and fifty people gathered and waited outside the Tel Aviv Museum on May 14, 1948. Within the next thirty-two minutes, the State of Israel was formally established. After nearly two millennia in exile, the Jewish homeland was reborn. The next day, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq attacked Israel, prompting the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. Within the next sixty years, several other wars would be fought over the Israeli-Palestinian question. Today, the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, or Arab-Israeli Conflict, remains a critical obstacle to world peace and stability in the Middle East. Though peace talks have been in progress for decades, numerous issues continue to obstruct success in the negotiations. If a viable solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict is not created and implemented, the conflict will continue to plague the region with terrorism and war. Despite many proposed solutions, obstacles such as Jerusalem, the Israeli settlements, and Palestinian terrorism impede significant progress in the peace talks. With the numerous issues regarding the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, the best solution is a gradual reintegration of Palestinians into the Holy Land, a relaxation of tensions between the various factions, and the beginning of serious negotiations towards an eventual one-state solution. History In order to fully comprehend the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, an understanding of the region’s bloody history must first be attained. The origin of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict goes as far back as the Biblical era. -
The Arab Peace Initiative: a Primer and Future Prospects
Joshua Teitelbaum The Arab Peace Initiative: A Primer and Future Prospects המרכז הירושלמי לענייני ציבור ומדינה Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs Joshua Teitelbaum The Arab Peace Initiative: A Primer and Future Prospects המרכז הירושלמי לענייני ציבור ומדינה Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs © 2009 Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs 13 Tel-Hai St., Jerusalem, Israel Tel. 972-2-561-9281 | Fax. 972-2-561-9112 Email: [email protected] | www.jcpa.org ISBN 978-965-218-071-1 Producon Coordinator: Odelia Zaguri Graphic Design: Gama Design Pictures Credits: AP Photo Cover photo: Arab leaders pose at the Arab League Summit in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, March 28, 2007. All photos are from AP and used with permission. The Arab Peace Initiative: A Primer and Future Prospects Joshua Teitelbaum • In the wake of the terrorist aacks on September 11, 2001, Saudi Arabia was under intense scruny since fi een of the nineteen 9/11 hijackers had proved to be Saudis. In February 2002, Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia gave an interview to New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman in which he proposed to Israel “full withdrawal from all the occupied territories, in accord with UN resoluons, including in Jerusalem, for full normalizaon of relaons.” • In a flash, Abdullah had transformed the discourse: Instead of focusing on Saudi involvement in terrorism, the Western press was now talking about Saudi peacemaking. However, by the me the Abdullah trial balloon reached the Arab summit in Beirut in March 2002, the iniave had been modified and its terms hardened. • “Full normalizaon” became “normal relaons” (which sll marks significant progress over the Arab League formulaon in Khartoum of 1967: “no peace, no recognion, no negoaons”). -
Understanding the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
Understanding the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Global Classroom Workshops made possible by: THE Photo Courtesy of Bill Taylor NORCLIFFE FOUNDATION A Resource Packet for Educators Compiled by Kristin Jensen, Jillian Foote, and Tese Wintz Neighbor And World May 12, 2009 Affairs Council Members HOW TO USE THIS RESOURCE GUIDE Please note: many descriptions were excerpted directly from the websites. Packet published: 5/11/2009; Websites checked: 5/11/2009 Recommended Resources Links that include… Lesson Plans & Charts & Graphs Teacher Resources Audio Video Photos & Slideshows Maps TABLE OF CONTENTS MAPS 1 FACT SHEET 3 TIMELINES OF THE CONFLICT 4 GENERAL RESOURCES ON THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT 5 TOPICS OF INTEREST 7 CURRENT ARTICLES/EDITORIALS ON THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT 8 (Focus on International Policy and Peace-Making) THE CRISIS IN GAZA 9 RIPPED FROM THE HEADLINES: WEEK OF MAY 4TH 10 RELATED REGIONAL ISSUES 11 PROPOSED SOLUTIONS 13 ONE-STATE SOLUTION 14 TWO-STATE SOLUTION 14 THE OVERLAPPING CONUNDRUM – THE SETTLEMENTS 15 CONFLICT RESOLUTION TEACHER RESOURCES 15 MEDIA LITERACY 17 NEWS SOURCES FROM THE MIDEAST 18 NGOS INVOLVED IN ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN RELATIONS 20 LOCAL ORGANIZATIONS & RESOURCES 22 DOCUMENTARIES & FILMS 24 BOOKS 29 MAPS http://johomaps.com/as/mideast.html & www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/is.html Other excellent sources for maps: From the Jewish Virtual Library - http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/History/maptoc.html Foundation for Middle East Peace - http://www.fmep.org/maps/ -
Palestine, Israel and Lebanon: Politics and Peace Prospects
Palestine, Israel and Lebanon: Politics and Peace Prospects International Peace Institute with Charney Research 8 December 2010 Summary Key findings from polls of 1,019 Palestinians, 1,020 Israelis, and 1,000 Lebanese and eight focus groups in Israel in August and September 2010 include: • Palestinian mood much better than in 2009, especially on the West Bank. • Israelis anxious despite prosperity and security. • Lebanese unhappy about economy and security. • President and Prime Minister popular in all three governments. • Israel’s right-wing government and Fatah would lead in elections today, Lebanon’s March 14 government could face problems. • Lebanese favor a truce with Israel. • Phased two-state solution appeals to Israelis and Palestinians. • Israelis are fearful and ignorant about Arab politics. • Palestinians, Arab states and West can all encourage Israeli acceptance of a two-state plan. 2 Palestinian mood has improved markedly, particularly in the West Bank, thanks to a better economy and security. Would you say things in Palestine are headed in the right direction or wrong direction? (Percent saying right direction) Economic situation good • West Bank 47% (2009: 35%) • Gaza 34% (2009: 12%) Rarely/never fear for safety or security • West Bank 63% (2009: 42%) • Gaza 38% (2009: 65%) 2009 2010 2009 2010 2009 2010 All West Bank Gaza 3 Israelis are pessimistic and fearful about long-term security despite a strong economy and calm at present. Would you say things in Israel are headed in the right direction or wrong direction? Economic situation good • 68% Rarely/never fear for safety or security • 53% 4 Lebanese mood darker than in 2008, though economy and security somewhat better. -
Isolation of Hamas Prevents Middle East Peace
December 2010 Noref Report Israel’s troubled relationship with Turkey and Iran: the “periphery” dimension Yossi Alpher Summary Israel’s approach to Turkey and Iran must be Turkey and Iran. It sees Turkey as having betrayed understood against the backdrop of its “periphery the old alliance formed between the two countries in doctrine” of forming alliances with non-Arab and the face of a hostile Arab world and has thus been non-Muslim regional actors and its search for a reluctant to respond positively to Turkey’s offers Middle Eastern identity. The “periphery strategy” to mediate in Israel’s disputes with Islamists and it pursued in the 1950s led to alliances with, among Syria. Tentative efforts to do so were scuppered by others, Turkey and Iran, who were viewed as the Israeli attack on Gaza in December 2009 and natural allies against the hostile and powerful Arab relations with Turkey have seriously deteriorated “centre” spearheaded by Nasserism. In Israel’s since the flotilla incident in May 2010. eyes, “periphery” peoples also seemed to have broadly accepted the legitimacy of having a Jewish If Israel is to change its approach to Turkey and state in the heart of the Middle East. discover the possible advantages of dealing with a regional power whose foreign policy departures Though the Arab core may have begun to have increased its commerce and influence in Asia, accommodate Israel, it has not become fully Europe and the Middle East, it will have to abandon reconciled to the idea of Jewish self-determination. its “periphery thinking”. As for Iran, Israel needs The current fragility of a number of states in the to separate its calculations in dealing with Tehran’s Arab world, and the loss of influence of Egypt and hostility from over-optimistic assessments of the Saudi Arabia, leave Israel increasingly fearful of fragility of the Iranian regime. -
APN Special Rosh Hashanah Q & a With
What are the consequences of the current decline in peace prospects and the growth of Israeli ultra-nationalism and orthodox religiosity for the United States and the American Jewish community? A. The Israeli right-wing mainstream looks increasingly foreign in the eyes of the liberal American Jewish mainstream. Here we confront a new-style Jewish culture war. Settlement-spread and opposition to pluralist conversion and pluralist prayer at the Wall are only part of the problem. The Israeli right is increasingly defining Zionism and loyalty in terms of Orthodox “values” that alienate both a large portion of Israelis and a majority Qof American Jews. Some American Jewish supporters of a democratic and Jewish Israel who are fervent, lifelong Zionists have been denied entry to Israel, the Jewish homeland, because of their opposition to policies that hurt Israel’s chances of remaining democratic and Jewish. The Trump administration, whose Jewish supporters and peace-process emissaries seem to be mainly Orthodox and pro-settlement, is effectively also taking its distance from the American Jewish mainstream. It is not clear where its isolationist inclinations might lead. Factor in growing global anti-Semitism and American confusion over the BDS movement. The upshot is damage to what I call the “strategic triangle”: Israel, the US, and American Jewry. The big losers are Israel and the American Jewish mainstream. Traditionally, they have been reliable allies. As their alliance threatens to erode, both are weakened in terms of identity and solidarity. This is a gathering storm of strategic consequences for Jews everywhere. Q You paint a somber picture. -
The Israeli–Palestinian Peace Process: the Role of the Council of Europe
http://assembly.coe.int Doc. 14484 23 January 2018 The Israeli–Palestinian peace process: the role of the Council of Europe Report1 Committee on Political Affairs and Democracy Rapporteur: Mr Titus CORLĂŢEAN, Romania, Socialists, Democrats and Greens Group Summary The Committee on Political Affairs and Democracy reiterates its support for a two-State solution to the Israeli- Palestinian conflict, based on the 1967 borders, which could be accompanied by limited land swap, as has been accepted by the Arab countries. Regretting the declaration of the President of the United States of America on 6 December 2017 on Jerusalem, the committee continues to take an interest in the progress of the peace process and hopes that Europe will be able to play a meaningful role. The committee stresses once again its support for two equally legitimate aspirations: Israel’s right to be recognised and live in security, and the Palestinians’ right to have an independent, viable and contiguous State, and it calls on the Israeli authorities and on all Palestinian forces to take the appropriate measures to fulfil these aspirations. Finally the committee proposes that the Assembly continues to promote dialogue and confidence building between representatives of the Knesset and of the Palestinian National Council, in particular in the framework of its Sub-Committee on the Middle East and the Arab World. 1. Reference to committee: Bureau decision, Reference 4359 of 22 January 2018. F - 67075 Strasbourg Cedex | [email protected] | Tel: +33 3 88 41 2000 | Fax: +33 3 88 41 2733 Doc. 14484 Report Contents Page A. Draft resolution........................................................................................................................................