Ambassadors of UAE and Bahrain on Their New Peace with Israel

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Ambassadors of UAE and Bahrain on Their New Peace with Israel WTH is going on with peace in the Middle East II? Ambassadors of UAE and Bahrain on their new peace with Israel Episode #72 | October 1, 2020 | Danielle Pletka, Marc Thiessen, Amb. Yousef Al Otaiba, and Amb. Shaikh Abdullah bin Rashid bin Abdullah Al Khalifa Danielle Pletka: Hi, I'm Danielle Pletka. Marc Thiessen: I'm Marc Thiessen. Danielle Pletka: going on? Marc Thiessen: Well, we've got part two of our podcast series this week on the historic peace deals with the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain and Israel and the United States. This is, as you've said, one of the most seismic events in the history of the Middle East. And maybe it's because of who brought it about and people who don't like him, or maybe it's because we've moved on to the fight over the Supreme Court, and we're in the middle of an election. But this deserves a lot more attention than it's gotten. We've got the ambassadors of the UAE and Bahrain here today. Can you ever have imagined, when we started this podcast, that we'd have the ambassadors of Israel, UAE and Bahrain with us on the podcast, talking about peace? Danielle Pletka: As I said in the interview with the Israeli ambassador as well, this is truly ... It's a watershed. And it is a mark of a change in the Middle East that I don't think anyone would have predicted. And that the professional class of Middle East peace processors has never managed to achieve. Marc Thiessen: But Jared Kushner did. Danielle Pletka: I know. Look, well I said this to you earlier ... I think I was among those who was just sort of gobsmacked, the president's son-in-law. Really? What is this, the Kennedy administration? I didn't have confidence in him, and I didn't have confidence in his team. And I was wrong. And you know what? Everybody else was wrong, too, on this one. This Bahrain/UAE peace deal with Israel is something incredible. It is a testament to how much the Middle East has changed. It is a testament to how scared everybody was by Barack Obama's favoritism towards Iran. It is a testament to how scared everybody in the region is of what's happening in Iran, and what is happening in Turkey. And it just opens all sorts of doors. It could be the beginning of a really great new era. Marc Thiessen: I think it's also a testament to the value of having outsiders, a team B take on a 2 challenge that has eluded the experts for a long time. Everyone talked about how Jared Kushner said he was reading 27 books on the Middle East, like learning about it. And people- Danielle Pletka: That didn't sound good. Marc Thiessen: And people made fun of him about that. But he and the president didn't come in attached to all the conventions that have governed how we do business in the Middle East, and how we pursue peace in the Middle East, both by Republicans and Democrats, for decades. And the conventions were that, "There's no separate peace. It has to go through Ramallah. That you can't move the US Embassy to Jerusalem because that'll upset everything. You can't actually put sanctions on Iran and push back on Iran, because that'll start a cataclysmic war." Marc Thiessen: And the Trump administration came in, and they were like, "We didn't sign up to all these conventions. I understand that's how it was done, but we're going to do things differently." And they started breaking china, and everybody set their hair on fire, that this was going to inflame the region. And it did the exact opposite. Certain things just in government happen because that's always how it's been done. And sometimes it takes an outsider to come in and say, "Well, that's not how I'm doing it." And that's what happened here. Danielle Pletka: I said exactly what you just said when the US moved the embassy to Jerusalem. If we can just go back in the way-back machine, when the United States and the Trump administration finally decided to move the US Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem ... not to East Jerusalem, disputed, but to West Jerusalem ... There was an absolute outcry. Not so much from the Arab world, but from American aficionados of the peace process and of the left. And the predictions about what would happen, and the Arab street would rise up ... None of that was true. So, you are right. A lot of the truisms, a lot of the conventions, a lot of the frozen thinking of people who are in my business, the Middle East people, has really been upended. Danielle Pletka: Not only that, but another thing worth discussing is just the gross partisanship that this has, again, revealed. You know what? I couldn't stand Barack Obama. But when he made some hard decisions on Afghanistan, I applauded him. And I applauded him because I thought it took courage to stand up to the people in his own party and to do the right thing. No one, almost no one, is standing up courageously on the left, and saying, "This was an unbelievable accomplishment." Danielle Pletka: Instead, I got asked, "Isn't the United States really just bargaining away Israel's qualitative military edge, and just buying the Emiratis by selling them F-35s?" I'm sorry, what? There's just so much garbage out there. Attacks on Israel, as I mentioned in the Dermer interview, attacks on Israel for not caring about democracy in the Arab world, and making peace with these two autocratic regimes, number one. And then, number two, that the US doesn't care about Israel's qualitative military edge because we're selling these advanced aircraft to the Emirates. This is just grasping at straws, trying to deny Trump and Jared Kushner, the credit that they deserve for this. AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE | 1789 Massachusetts Ave, NW, Washington, DC 20036 | 202.862.5800 | aei.org 3 Marc Thiessen: Well, good for you for not denying them credit. But again, the partisanship, Nancy Pelosi called this a distraction. You know, seriously? Literally Donald Trump could nothing right, including ... It would have been a joke two years ago, if Trump had come out and said, "I could come out and have peace in the Middle East and they'd attack me." And we'd all laugh, "Ha, ha, ha, ha." He did come out and have peace in the Middle East and they still attack him. Marc Thiessen: And here's the other thing I want to get into with you, and I want to get into with our guests, is that unlike the previous peace deals, there are two previous peace deals. One with Egypt in 1979, one with Jordan in 1994. In both of those cases, there really wasn't a huge deepening of relations between the country, huge exchanges, true peace between the peoples. This strikes me as something that's going to be a lot more substantive and a lot more real. That there really is a desire on the part of these two Arab countries to deepen their relations and deepen people-to-people relations with the countries. Deepen economic relations between the countries with Israel which is something that was absent in previous accords. Marc Thiessen: You said to me at one point that the 1979 deal was really a fake deal. Talk about that. Danielle Pletka: It was a deal that created peace between Israel and a country with which it had gone to war multiple times. And so, in that sense it was a breakthrough in the sense it took a lot of courage for Sadat. Don't forget Sadat not only signed the Camp David Accords, he then went to Israel. I mean, that was just something else. That's something even our friends in the UAE and Bahrain have not done. It was remarkable for its time. I don't want to take credit away from that, either. But it involved a real quid pro quo, right? Israel gave back territory, now let's all note that Egypt didn't want Gaza back even though... Danielle Pletka: But at the end of the day, it wasn't a real peace. And it was also a peace that has caused the United States in too many ways to look away at how the Egyptian government has behaved towards its own people. Our measure of a government shouldn't just be whether they make peace with Israel. It should also be the kind of government they are. We've given hundreds of billions of dollars to the Egyptian government and they're an okay ally, they're in a very cold peace with Israel, but damn. These are not good, these are not democratic leaders. Marc Thiessen: Amen. Well let's turn to our guests, because we have the ambassadors of the UAE and Bahrain with us today. Danielle Pletka: Ambassador Yousef Al Otaiba is the ambassador of the United Arab Emirates to the United States. He's been in that job for 12 years now and I know he's extremely well regarded in the diplomatic community. Prior to that, he was an advisor to Mohammed bin Zayed al Nahyan, the Crown Prince in the UAE.
Recommended publications
  • Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace
    Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 12 | 16 – May 2012 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Andrea Dessì Abstract While spared from internal turmoil, Israel and the Palestinian Territories have nonetheless been affected by the region’s political transformation brought about by the Arab Spring. Reflecting what can be described as Israel’s “bunker” mentality, the Israeli government has characterized the Arab revolutionary wave as a security challenge, notably given its concern about the rise of Islamist forces. Prime Minister Netanyahu has capitalized on this sense of insecurity to justify his government’s lack of significant action when it comes to the peace process. On the Palestinian side, both Hamas and Fatah have lost long-standing regional backers in Egypt and Syria and have had to contend with their increasingly shaky popular legitimacy. This has spurred renewed efforts for reconciliation, which however have so far produced no significant results. Against this backdrop, the chances for a resumption of serious Israeli-Palestinian peace talks appear increasingly dim. An effort by the international community is needed to break the current deadlock and establish an atmosphere more conducive for talks. In this context, the EU carries special responsibility as the only external actor that still enjoys some credibility as a balanced mediator between the sides. Keywords : Israel / Israeli foreign policy / Arab revolts / Egypt / Muslim Brotherhood / Palestine / Gaza / Hamas / Fatah / Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations / European Union © 2012 IAI IAI Working Papers 1216 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace by Andrea Dessì ∗ Introduction The outbreak of popular protests throughout the Middle East and North Africa in early 2011 came as a shock to the world.
    [Show full text]
  • Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North the Role of the Arab States Africa Programme
    Briefing Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North The Role of the Arab States Africa Programme Yossi Mekelberg Summary and Greg Shapland • The positions of several Arab states towards Israel have evolved greatly in the past 50 years. Four of these states in particular – Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and (to a lesser extent) Jordan – could be influential in shaping the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. • In addition to Egypt and Jordan (which have signed peace treaties with Israel), Saudi Arabia and the UAE, among other Gulf states, now have extensive – albeit discreet – dealings with Israel. • This evolution has created a new situation in the region, with these Arab states now having considerable potential influence over the Israelis and Palestinians. It also has implications for US positions and policy. So far, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and Jordan have chosen not to test what this influence could achieve. • One reason for the inactivity to date may be disenchantment with the Palestinians and their cause, including the inability of Palestinian leaders to unite to promote it. However, ignoring Palestinian concerns will not bring about a resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which will continue to add to instability in the region. If Arab leaders see regional stability as being in their countries’ interests, they should be trying to shape any eventual peace plan advanced by the administration of US President Donald Trump in such a way that it forms a framework for negotiations that both Israeli and Palestinian leaderships can accept. Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking: The Role of the Arab States Introduction This briefing forms part of the Chatham House project, ‘Israel–Palestine: Beyond the Stalemate’.
    [Show full text]
  • The US Shale Revolution and the Arab Gulf States. the Economic and Political Impact of Changing Energy Markets
    SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Kirsten Westphal, Marco Overhaus and Guido Steinberg The US Shale Revolution and the Arab Gulf States The Economic and Political Impact of Changing Energy Markets RP 11 November 2014 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2014 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They express exclusively the personal views of the author(s). SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3­4 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 Translation by Meredith Dale (English version of SWP-Studie 15/2014) Table of Contents 5 Problems and Conclusions 7 The US Shale Revolution and the Dynamics of the Global Energy Markets 7 The US Shale Revolution and Its Geo-economic Consequences 12 The New Energy Map 13 US-Exports: Strategic Considerations and Commercial Rationale 14 US Strategic Interests 14 US Engagement in the Persian Gulf 16 The Debate in the United States 18 The Economic Impact of the Shale Revolution on the Gulf States 18 The Position of the Gulf States in the Inter- national Energy Markets 19 The Gulf States and the Changing International Energy Markets 23 Socio-economic Developments in the Gulf 24 Growing Domestic Demand, Home-grown Crises and Political Quandaries 25 Gas Crisis amidst Rich Reserves 27 Political Consequences for Gulf States 27 The Economic Elites and the Shale Revolution 28 Risks to Internal Security 29 Foreign Policy Consequences 31 Conclusions and Recommendations 33 Abbreviations 33 Further Reading Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • A Field Trip to the Front Lines of the Qatar-Saudi Cold War by Simon Henderson
    MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds A Field Trip to the Front Lines of the Qatar-Saudi Cold War by Simon Henderson Sep 28, 2017 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Simon Henderson Simon Henderson is the Baker fellow and director of the Bernstein Program on Gulf and Energy Policy at The Washington Institute, specializing in energy matters and the conservative Arab states of the Persian Gulf. Articles & Testimony The ongoing Gulf crisis is seen as an almost childish indulgence in Washington and Europe, but diplomacy and PR campaigns have made little progress in bringing it to an end. he diplomatic row between Qatar and its erstwhile Arab allies -- Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, T Bahrain, and Egypt (the self-described Anti-Terror Quartet) -- does not seem to be on the road to resolution. At least that is my sense gained during a lightning trip over the past week to London, Bahrain, Abu Dhabi, and Dubai. Instead, positions are hardening with a blithe disregard for the advantage this gives Iran, the common enemy of all the parties, including Qatar, and the possible impact that will have in Washington, where U.S. policy on the Persian Gulf is predicated on the notion that our Gulf allies, despite historic differences, will preserve at least the veneer of unity. Confusing the diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis have been mixed messages coming out of Washington. U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson has worked hard on mediation efforts, supported by Defense Secretary James Mattis. President Donald Trump, at least until recently, was happy to be seen as backing the position of Saudi Arabia and the UAE but may have been irritated when his bid to organize a peacemaking telephone call between Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman and Qatari Emir Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani only resulted in further bad blood.
    [Show full text]
  • Meet the Two Princes Reshaping the Middle East | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Meet the Two Princes Reshaping the Middle East by Simon Henderson Jun 13, 2017 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Simon Henderson Simon Henderson is the Baker fellow and director of the Bernstein Program on Gulf and Energy Policy at The Washington Institute, specializing in energy matters and the conservative Arab states of the Persian Gulf. Articles & Testimony The de facto leaders of Saudi Arabia and the UAE know how to change positions as pressures demand, but getting it wrong in Qatar, Yemen, and other regional hotspots could have dreadful consequences. he dramatic and sudden effort to isolate Qatar, like the fateful intervention before it in Yemen, sprang from the T shared vision of two princes. Depending on your point of view, they may be the harbingers of a new and better Middle East -- or reckless architects of disaster. Indeed, the region's most important relationship may be the dynamic duo of Muhammad bin Salman, the 31-year- old deputy crown prince of Saudi Arabia, and Muhammad bin Zayed, the 56-year-old crown prince of Abu Dhabi, the lead sheikhdom of the United Arab Emirates. They share not only a desire to wage twin battles against Iran and Islamic radicalism, but also a deep appreciation for their conservative Gulf countries' reliance on the United States. Together, they have shrewdly cultivated President Donald Trump, who is eager to show that he has a new strategy for defeating terrorism and confronting Tehran. The reasons for the princes' evident mutual regard can only be guessed at -- Gulf monarchies are maddeningly opaque.
    [Show full text]
  • Normalization Can Inject New Life Into the Arab Peace Initiative by Ghaith Al-Omari
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3373 Normalization Can Inject New Life into the Arab Peace Initiative by Ghaith al-Omari Aug 31, 2020 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Ghaith al-Omari Ghaith al-Omari is a senior fellow in The Washington Institute's Irwin Levy Family Program on the U.S.-Israel Strategic Relationship. Brief Analysis With careful diplomacy, blunt discussion of national interests, and reciprocal steps on the ground, a group of like-minded Arab states could advance Palestinian-Israeli peacemaking while still preserving the API’s core. ne of the criticisms leveled against the normalization deal between Israel and the United Arab Emirates is O that it contravenes the Saudi-drafted Arab Peace Initiative (API) adopted in 2002. In some respects this is true—the new deal departs from the all-or-nothing approach of pursuing full normalization between Israel and Arab states only after the resolution of all outstanding Palestinian (and Syrian and Lebanese) issues with Israel. Yet by tying the deal to the suspension of Israel’s West Bank annexation plans, the UAE still reaffirmed the API’s premise of linking normalization to Palestinian issues. And given the steady convergence of interests between Israel and some Arab states, the agreement offers an opportunity to update the API—namely, by abandoning the all-or-nothing approach in favor of a gradual, reciprocal one that accounts for Arab states’ legitimate national interests while at the same time advancing Palestinian-Israeli relations. TECTONIC SHIFTS SINCE 2002 P roposed by Crown Prince (later King) Abdullah of Saudi Arabia and adopted at the 2002 Arab League summit in Beirut, the API promises Israel the “the establishment of normal relations” with all Arab states in exchange for “full withdrawal from all the Arab territories occupied since June 1967,” and a “just” and “agreed upon” solution to the Palestinian refugee problem.
    [Show full text]
  • Geopolitics of the Iranian Nuclear Energy Program
    Geopolitics of the Iranian Nuclear Energy Program But Oil and Gas Still Matter CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES A Report of the CSIS Energy and National Security Program 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 author Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Robert E. Ebel E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org March 2010 ISBN 978-0-89206-600-1 CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & Ë|xHSKITCy066001zv*:+:!:+:! CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES Geopolitics of the Iranian Nuclear Energy Program But Oil and Gas Still Matter A Report of the CSIS Energy and National Security Program author Robert E. Ebel March 2010 About CSIS In an era of ever-changing global opportunities and challenges, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) provides strategic insights and practical policy solutions to decision- makers. CSIS conducts research and analysis and develops policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke at the height of the Cold War, CSIS was dedicated to the simple but urgent goal of finding ways for America to survive as a nation and prosper as a people. Since 1962, CSIS has grown to become one of the world’s preeminent public policy institutions. Today, CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. More than 220 full-time staff and a large network of affiliated scholars focus their expertise on defense and security; on the world’s regions and the unique challenges inherent to them; and on the issues that know no boundary in an increasingly connected world.
    [Show full text]
  • Women Behind the Scenes How Modernity Is Catching on Before Law in the United Arab Emirates
    GLOBAL WOMEN’S GLOBAL WOMEN’S LEADERSHIPLEADERSHIP INITIATIVE INITIATIVE The Women in Public Service Project Women Behind the Scenes How Modernity is Catching on Before Law in the United Arab Emirates institutions has increased to 62 percent.1 There is something fitting that one Although literacy rates of both wom- of the most progressive and rapidly en and men in the UAE are close to 95 modernizing countries in the Middle percent, more women than men complete secondary education and enroll in univer- East was given many of its most sity and post-graduate education.2 significant mandates by a woman. Emirati women, in their federal absolute monarchy, are also outshining their male Long before oil was discovered in this counterparts in secondary school and small but highly influential, elegant coun- university. Ten percent of male students try perched on the Gulf coast of Saudi drop out, but only two percent of female Arabia, between Qatar and Oman, Her students leave school prematurely.3 While Highness Sheikha Fatima bint Mubarak there is room for improvement, the UAE Al Ketbi, wife of the founding President enjoys one of the highest rates of female His Highness Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al workforce participation in the Gulf at 47 Nahyan, insisted that women attend the percent, after Qatar (51 percent) and be- two-room school in the village of Al Ain, fore Kuwait (43 percent).4 Two thirds (66 where her husband was governor in 1971. Dr. Kent percent) of the public sector workforce “Sheikha Fatima,” as she is called by Emi- Davis-Packard in the UAE is made up of women (the ratis, went from family to family, giving average global rate is only 48 percent), Adjunct Professor, Middle out food rations to convince them to send with 30 percent of those women in senior East Studies and American their daughters to the school.
    [Show full text]
  • Corporate and Foreign Interests Behind White House Push to Transfer U.S
    Corporate and Foreign Interests Behind White House Push to Transfer U.S. Nuclear Technology to Saudi Arabia Prepared for Chairman Elijah E. Cummings Second Interim Staff Report Committee on Oversight and Reform U.S. House of Representatives July 2019 oversight.house.gov EXECUTIVE SUMMARY On February 19, 2019, the Committee on Oversight and Reform issued an interim staff report prepared for Chairman Elijah E. Cummings after multiple whistleblowers came forward to warn about efforts inside the White House to rush the transfer of U.S. nuclear technology to Saudi Arabia. As explained in the first interim staff report, under Section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act, the United States may not transfer nuclear technology to a foreign country without the approval of Congress in order to ensure that the agreement meets nine nonproliferation requirements to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. These agreements, commonly known as “123 Agreements,” are typically negotiated with career experts at the National Security Council (NSC) and the Departments of State, Defense, and Energy. The “Gold Standard” for 123 Agreements is a commitment by the foreign country not to enrich or re-process nuclear fuel and not to engage in activities linked to the risk of nuclear proliferation. During the Obama Administration, Saudi Arabia refused to agree to the Gold Standard. During the Trump Administration, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) went further, proclaiming: “Without a doubt, if Iran developed a nuclear bomb, we will follow suit as soon as possible.” There is strong bipartisan opposition to abandoning the “Gold Standard” for Saudi Arabia in any future 123 Agreement.
    [Show full text]
  • An Israeli-Palestinian Confederation: a Viable Alternative for the “Two States Solution”?
    An Israeli-Palestinian Confederation: A viable alternative for the “two states solution”? Friedrich Naumann STIFTUNG FÜR DIE FREIHEIT HKS 92 (grau) CMYK 10, 0, 5, 65 HKS 44 (blau) CMYK 100, 50, 0, 0 An Israeli-Palestinian Confederation: A viable alternative for the “two states solution”? Table of Contents Introductory Note Yair Hirschfeld .............................................................................................................................................................. 2 An Israeli-Palestinian Confederation: A viable alternative for the “two states solution”? Eran Etzion ........................................................................................................................................................................ 4 Israel and Palestine: For and Against the Idea of a Confederation Yair Hirschfeld .............................................................................................................................................................. 20 About the writers ................................................................................................................................................. 31 The repeated failure of Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations during the last decades, regional unrest and destabilization throughout the Middle East have contributed to a diminished public belief and confidence in the viability of a peaceful Israel-Palestine two state solution. Through the encouragement and support of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Liberty, the S.
    [Show full text]
  • Ms. Danielle Pletka Danielle Pletka Is Senior Vice President for Foreign And
    Ms. Danielle Pletka Danielle Pletka is senior vice president for foreign and defense policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), where she oversees the Institute’s work on foreign and defense issues. Ms. Pletka writes regularly on national security matters with a special focus on Iran, the Middle East (Syria, Israel, ISIS), and South Asia. She is also an adjunct professor at Georgetown University’s Walsh School of Foreign Service. Before joining AEI, Ms. Pletka was a longtime senior professional staff member for the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, where she specialized in the Near East and South Asia as the point person on Middle East, Pakistan, India, and Afghanistan. Ms. Pletka has authored, coauthored, and coedited a variety of studies, monographs, and book chapters, including the report “Tehran Stands Atop the Syria-Iran Alliance” (Atlantic Council, 2017); the chapter “America in Decline” in “Debating the Obama Presidency” (Rowman & Littlefield, 2016); “America vs. Iran: The Competition for the Future of the Middle East” (AEI, 2014); “Iranian Influence in the Levant, Egypt, Iraq, and Afghanistan” (AEI, 2012); “Containing and Deterring a Nuclear Iran” (AEI, 2011); and “Dissent and Reform in the Arab World: Empowering Democrats” (AEI, 2008). A regular guest on television, Ms. Pletka appears frequently on NBC News’ “Meet the Press.” Her broadcast appearances also include CBS News, CNN, C-SPAN, and MSNBC. She has been published in The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, The New York Times, The Hill, and Politico, among other outlets. She has an M.A. from the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University and a B.A.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gulf States and the Middle East Peace Process: Considerations, Stakes, and Options
    ISSUE BRIEF 08.25.20 The Gulf States and the Middle East Peace Process: Considerations, Stakes, and Options Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, Ph.D, Fellow for the Middle East conflict, the Gulf states complied with and INTRODUCTION enforced the Arab League boycott of Israel This issue brief examines where the six until at least 1994 and participated in the nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council— oil embargo of countries that supported 1 Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Israel in the Yom Kippur War of 1973. In Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates 1973, for example, the president of the (UAE)—currently stand in their outlook and UAE, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, approaches toward the Israeli-Palestinian claimed that “No Arab country is safe from issue. The first section of this brief begins by the perils of the battle with Zionism unless outlining how positions among the six Gulf it plays its role and bears its responsibilities, 2 states have evolved over the three decades in confronting the Israeli enemy.” In since the Madrid Conference of 1991. Section Kuwait, Sheikh Fahd al-Ahmad Al Sabah, a two analyzes the degree to which the six brother of two future Emirs, was wounded Gulf states’ relations with Israel are based while fighting with Fatah in Jordan in 3 on interests, values, or a combination of 1968, while in 1981 the Saudi government both, and how these differ from state to offered to finance the reconstruction of state. Section three details the Gulf states’ Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor after it was 4 responses to the peace plan unveiled by destroyed by an Israeli airstrike.
    [Show full text]