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AMERICAN INDIVIDUALISM How a New Generation of Conservatives Can Save the REPUBLICAN PARTY

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AMERICAN INDIVIDUALISM How a New Generation of Conservatives Can Save the REPUBLICAN PARTY AMERICAN INDIVIDUALISM How a New Generation of Conservatives Can Save the REPUBLICAN PARTY Margaret Hoover Hoov_9780307718150_5p_fm_r1.s.indd iii 6/6/11 3:44 PM Copyright © 2011 by Margaret Hoover All rights reserved. Published in the United States by Crown Forum, an imprint of the Crown Publishing Group, a division of Random House, Inc., New York. www.crownpublishing.com CROWN FORUM with colophon is a registered trademark of Random House, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Hoover, Margaret. American individualism : how a new generation of conservatives can save the Republican Party / Margaret Hoover. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. 1. Republican Party (U.S.: 1854– ) 2. Conservatism— United States. 3. Generation Y— United States. I. Title. JK2356.H66 2011 324.2734—dc22 2011008362 ISBN 978- 0- 307- 71815- 0 eISBN 978- 0- 307- 71817- 4 Printed in the United States of America Book design by Leonard W. Henderson Jacket design by Jean Traina Jacket photograph by Deborah Feingold 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 First Edition Hoov_9780307718150_5p_fm_r1.s.indd iv 6/6/11 3:44 PM INTRODUCTION This book has its origins in a lightning- strike moment I experienced during the presidential campaign of 2004. At the time I was just another bubbly young junior staffer, still savoring my good fortune at having secured a position with the Bush- Cheney 2004 reelection campaign. I bounded through the halls of the redbrick offi ce build- ing in Arlington, Virginia, that housed President George W. Bush’s campaign headquarters. After a morning staff meeting, I decided to swing by my offi ce- mate’s desk, tucked in a corner facing south toward the Potomac River, with a clear view of Georgetown and the rest of Washington, D.C. She was a coordinator in the political department, and that morning she seemed troubled. “Look,” she said, pointing to supporting documents that spelled out what became known as the anti- same- sex- marriage strategy. The regional political directors of President Bush’s campaign had been tasked with ensuring that battleground states sponsored bal- lot initiatives defi ning marriage exclusively as a union of one man and one woman, thus prohibiting same- sex marriage. As an addi- tional measure to boost political enthusiasm, President Bush would ask Congress to pass an amendment to the Constitution that would federally defi ne all marriages as being between a man and a woman. President Bush’s plan was to campaign in these battleground states in support of the Federal Marriage Amendment, in a joint effort with statewide candidates to energize social conservatives, who, it was feared, might otherwise not come out to vote. While they were ix Hoov_9780307718150_5p_fm_r1.s.indd ix 6/6/11 3:44 PM x Introduction in the voting booth casting a ballot against same- sex marriage, the thinking went, they would also pull the lever for candidate George W. Bush, the man for whom I worked. That moment remains vivid in my memory. After an instant of confusion, I felt a wave of disappointment crash over me. A series of questions raced through my mind: Why on earth did the campaign care about defi ning marriage as being between a man and a woman? Did President Bush really believe it was important to make laws that discriminate against gays and lesbians? Was this strategy necessary to ensure the president’s reelection? Did President Bush think that mo- bilizing people against gay rights was a good thing? I looked up from the papers on my offi ce- mate’s desk and stared out through the win- dow over the treetops toward the nation’s capital, feeling sick to my stomach. That was my Ms.- Hoover- Goes- to- Washington moment. I suddenly realized as never before that the Republican Party—my party—was falling seriously out of step with a rising generation of Americans. These up- and- coming young voters value the ideal of individual freedom when it comes to gay rights, as they value some degree of reproductive freedom. And they do not support conserva- tive activists’ hard-line positions on immigration and environmental- ism. It was on these questions, I felt, that the Republican Party was turning young voters away. In the years since 2004, the problem has only worsened. Unless the party can connect with a younger genera- tion and, at the same time, offer solutions to meet the challenges of modern America, it is destined to remain at best a minority party— or worse, to fade into irrelevance. That would be tragic, because a modern brand of American conservatism is more urgently needed now than ever before. Today, the United States faces a daunting array of challenges that threaten to imperil the American dream. Skyrocketing defi cits and debt that amount to generational theft are staking a claim to Hoov_9780307718150_5p_fm_r1.s.indd x 6/6/11 3:44 PM Introduction xi the future prosperity of the youngest Americans. Our economy has lost its vibrancy, a quality that is increasingly associated with our less democratic trading partners in foreign markets. America’s status as a world leader has diminished at a time when the world’s most vola- tile region, the Middle East, is in a state of upheaval and the threat of Islamic supremacy looms. A failure to reconcile our twin needs for secure borders and new immigrants has led us into a protracted and divisive immigration crisis. Our schools, rather than facilitating equality of opportunity, increasingly constrict the upward mobility of young people. America’s challenges all have one thing in common: They will likely be with us for a long time, and the next generation of Americans will have to solve them, or face American decline. I believe that the next generation of Americans—the fi rst to come of age in the new millennium—understands our situation well. The “millennials,” born roughly between the years 1980 and 1999, perceive our political system at an impasse. They fear that as a nation we are incapable of addressing our problems. From every cor- ner, they hear exhausted ideological rhetoric and see political games- manship at the expense of practical solutions. Millennials thought they had found a candidate to break through the rhetorical divisions and excuses for inaction when they voted overwhelmingly for Barack Obama in 2008. They believed they were electing a man who, as he had promised, would bring change to Washington. His rhetoric spoke to their desire to move beyond the partisan divide of red states and blue states, to unify the country in order to solve problems. They have been disappointed. As a result, millennials have yet to solidly commit to a politi- cal party. As a group, they are confi dent, open to change, globally oriented, techno- savvy, hyperconnected, and 50 million strong. By political orientation, the largest bloc are Independents, followed by Democrats, with Republicans a distant third. Though likely to call themselves liberal, millennials are not proponents of the big- Hoov_9780307718150_5p_fm_r1.s.indd xi 6/6/11 3:44 PM xii Introduction government orthodoxy of modern liberalism. And yet, they are socially liberal, adhering to the least traditional views of family, homo- sexuality, and gender roles. In this sense, they are passionate about expanding individual freedom. They also have idealistic expectations about what government can and should do, and are optimistic about the competence of their elected leaders. Yet the millennials also demonstrate decidedly conservative ten- dencies, even though relatively few call themselves Republicans. They show signs of fi scal conservatism and cherish individual freedom, self- expression, and the ability to choose their own way in life. They have favorable attitudes toward business and individual entrepreneur- ship and are less likely than their parents to say that the government should take on more debt in order to help those in need. Some might call them “fi scally conservative but socially liberal.” They are ripe for a political party to come along and make the case for maximum freedom, fi scal responsibility, equality of opportunity, social mobility, individual responsibility, and service to community and country. They are likely to frustrate the ambitions of old- line political purists, because they do not fi t neatly into the traditional partisan or ideological boxes. Neither party, in my view, has secured a connection with mil- lennial sensibilities. While Barack Obama succeeded in appealing to them in the 2008 election campaign, his party failed to do so dur- ing the 2010 midterms. Republicans, meanwhile, have never man- aged to connect. Nor have they seriously tried. That’s the purpose of this book: to make the case to millennials that they should give the Republican Party a fair hearing and to make the case to my fellow Republicans that millennials are not a lost cause. Republicans have generated some of the best ideas for tackling the most pressing problems facing millennials—the debt and the defi cit, education reform, immigration reform, market-based health- care reform, and practical approaches to environmental conservation. Hoov_9780307718150_5p_fm_r1.s.indd xii 6/6/11 3:44 PM Introduction xiii And when it comes to protecting individual freedom, the Republi- can Party has always prided itself on taking the lead. But let’s face facts: The Republican Party’s brand is damaged. The perception that the Religious Right and social conservatives dominate the party apparatus is part of what has caused millennials to tune us out. Increasingly disconcerted by this widening gap between the perception of the Republican Party and the expectations of mil- lennials, I undertook a journey in search of a fresh way for my party to appeal to the millennial generation.
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