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Social and Economie Change in a Tswana Village

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Social and Economie Change in a Tswana Village social and economie change in a tswana village k. f. m. kooi j ma n SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANCE IN A TSWANA VILLAGE Kunnie Kooijman AFRIKA - STUDIECENTRUM LEIDEN 11 ABSTRACT This dissertation is a descriptive study of Bokaa, a village of 1976 inhabitants situated in the Kgatleng district of Botswana. Bokaa was selected for an analysis and description of social and economie change since relatively much is known of the Kgatleng of thirty to forty years ago through the justly famous writings of Isaac Schapera and since the village has had relatively much contact with modernizing influences. It was not intended to present' a static picture of a 'before' and an 'after' but rather to isolate the processes of change which have led to the present social structure. By means of historical records, oral tradition and lifehistories it was possible to analyse the major historical processes which have taken place since 1892, the date the village was founded. The social and economie structure of Bokaa today was studied by means of participant observation, a questionnaire, interviewing, the collection of case-studies and genealogies, and the consultation of the relevant literature. The major conclusions of the study are that the corporate groups of the traditional social structure are breaking down and that the growth of individualism has become a significant feature of the society. In economie activities this is apparent because kinship co-operation has largely diappeared and individuals make their own arrangements with the aim of realising the greatest benefit to themselves. In the kinship realm it is noticeable since the coporate unity of the ward, family- group and lineage segment has weakened considerably and since individuals increasingly seek to manipulate their kinship bonds and duties to their own advantage. But by no means all of the traditional structure has disintegrated and another theme of the study is to point out where tradition or remnants of the tradition have held out against the forces of modernization. This is particularly noticeable in the political sphere where the chieïtairiship continües to be a major force to be reckoned with. Another major finding is that there is a change taking place in the settlement pattern. Traditionally the village was the focus of tribal life and though people lived at the agricultural areas during the agricultural season they had to return immediately after the harvest to the village and all social, political and religieus activities took place there. Today, a large proportion of the population has begun to live semi-permanently or even permantly at the agricultural areas and this has widespread consequences on social and political life. 111 Though it is of course not possible to make reliable genera- lizations about Tswana society at large from the study of one village, it is hoped that this in-depth analysis will make a contribution to- wards this end by isolating certain factors which can then be tested elsewhere or compared with other findings. Bokaa in some respects is a unique village but in many others it is part of a wider society and subject to the tensions and processes within that larger system. IV PREFACE During the various stages of this study my life has taken a few dramatically new directions and the'emotional and intellectual up- heavals which accompanied these did not facilitate the writing of this book. It is to a large extent due to the encouragement, support and challenge of several people that this objective was ultimately realised, and therefore this customary word of thanks has much added meaning to me. A grant from the University of Witwatersrand enabled me to live in Bokaa from May 1971 until December 1971 and from June 1972 until December 1972. In 1973 a grant from the Institute of Race Relations supported me for a few months while I was analyzing and writing up my fieldwork notes. For the guidance in the phase of fieldwork and the earlier phase of preparation I am most indepted to my supervisor, professor D. Hammond-Tooke of the Dept. of Social Anthropology of the University of Witwatersrand. As a 23 yeai^ old girl about to live in the bush I was in need of advice which extended beyond purely academie supervision and he also provided this with warmth and patience. Later when I had moved to Holland our contact out of necessity had to be limited but hè continued to encourage me and to comment on my work by mail. For a large part of the time while I lived in Bokaa I stayed with a family whose members have becoine my second parents, brothers and sisters. The love and friendship which Jeza and Angelina Rampa and their children have given me, I will never forget. Also invaluable was the highly intelligent and skilied assistance which I was given mr. John Mosweu, my Interpreter, assistant and friend. For shorter periods of time miss Gadifele Molefe and mrs. Rachel Mphelele have assisted me ably and diligently. I can extend my gratitude to virtually all the people of Bokaa because everyone I met has treated me with courtesy and kindness. It has been an unforgettable experience for me to see how the people of Bokaa were willing and able to lay aside their suspicions of 'whites' and treat me as an individual who was welcome in their community. Chief Linchwe of the Kgatla has given me warm support and advice. Likewise Simon Gillett as District Commissioner of Kgatleng helped me with hi,s comments and his friendship. My visits to Gaborone were made pleasurable through the hospitality of David and Sarah Crowley. It was at their house that I met dr. Michael Young whose interest in my work and kind encouragement have meant a great deal to me. After completing my fieldwork I stayed for nine months in Johannes- burg and then left to live in Holland. I was temporarily employed by the Afrika-Studiecentrum at Leiden and am most indebted to the general secretary mr. G.Grootenhuis for the understanding hè showed me in those difficult years. I also want to express my deepest gratitute to dr. M. Schlemper who helped to bring me back to health after a serious illness and con- tinued to encourage me to finish this study. Prof. Adam Kuper came to Leiden in 1976 and from that moment on- wards helped me with his support, constructive criticism and vital enthusiasm. He has been an invaluable source of Inspiration. In 1977 I returned to Botswana and Bokaa for a period of four months in the employment of the Botswana Extension College. While I decided not to fundamentally alter or add to what I had written, this visit helped me to clarify some points, check some of my assumptions and correct them if necessary. The administrative staff of the Afrika-Studiecentrum ably did the typing and stencilling of the completed version and my friend Coen van de Ende was so kind to draw the maps. Finally, I would like to deeply thank my parents who have given me constant support throughout these years. Despite the f act that my mother has been-seriously ill, they have always been ready to assist me when necessary and always willing to give without expecting a return. Kunnie Kooijman Leiden June 1978 VI CONTENTS ABSTRACT page 11 PREFACE iv LIST OF TABLES viii LIST OF MAPS ix LIST OF DIAGRAMS ix I HISTORY AND SOCIAL CHANGË l Early history 2 The Kaa under Kgatla rule 9 The twentieth century 15 II THE CHIEFTAINCY IN CHANGË 28 The traditional chieftainship 29 The decline 36 Politics in Bokaa today 40 The chieftaincy today ,. 50 III ECONOMIC CHANGË, SETTLEMENT AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE 62 - l The village in traditional society 62 Phase I 1892-1920 68 Phase II 1920-1952 71 Phase III 1950-to the present 77 A changing settlement pattern and its effect on the social structure 84 IV THE TRADITIONAL SOCIAL GROUPS IN BOKAA 94 Totemic category and lineage 95 The ward 101 The ward as a political unit 101 The ward as a social unit 111 The familygroup and lineagesegment 120 V THE KINDRED 128 Preferential marriage 128 Betrothal and marriage 132 engagement 133 peko 135 the delivery of bogadi 136 the wedding feast 138 the bogadi payment 142 Vil The relations between affines Pa9e 148 151 The kindred ,_ _, 157 The mothers brother 168 VI ECONOMIC ORGANISATION _-_ ,. 169 """^ The environment 177 Cattle 186 Small stock 188 Agriculture » 194 The agriculture extension services 200 Migrant labour 205 Other sources of income 206 Conclusion VII FROM COMMUNALISM TO INDIVIDUALISM • 211 Social values, economie co-operation and . 214 property relationn s 215 the household t O 1 P the sibling group 220 the familygroup , 220 the ward the village/tribe 221 The dynamics of co-operation 223 V111 TABLES I Kgatleng district population by sex and school attendance page 79 II Population who have left school by sex and education level 79 III The distribution of cattle-owning households according to type of cat;tleherd 81 IV Distribution of lineages according to generation depth .. 97 V The number of households and familygroups per ward 112 VI The number of households per familygroup 113 VII Distribution of marriages according to the kinrelation- ship between bride and bridegroom 130 VIII Bogadi and peko payments for 44 women 142 IX Bogadi payments in 58 marriages 143 X Contribution to 19 bogadi payments according to the relationship to the bridegroom ... l 144 XI Distribution of 24 bogadi payments according to relationship to bride 145 XII Cattle ownership of 110 households in 1971 183 XIII Distribution of households which had received mafisa cattle according to number of cattle owned 186 XIV The distribution of the ownership of goats and sheep ...
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