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DEMOCRACY and NIGERIAN JOURNALISM of the 90S

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DEMOCRACY and NIGERIAN JOURNALISM of the 90S DEMOCRACY AND NIGERIAN JOURNALISM OF THE 90s Elo Ibagere Abstract That democracy has become the fashionable political system in the world is indubitable. The enthronement of democracy in Nigeria has been a perennial struggle which some people and some professions have been fully involving. One of the most significant professions involved in this struggle is journalism. Members of this profession have been lost to the struggle. It is the bitter struggle for democracy, including the adverse consequences of the struggle that this paper focuses upon. It is concluded that journalism having won the struggle, has come of age and can, therefore lead the nation into the new millennium. The paper, however, admonished journalists not to feel complacent for the evolution of the current nascent democracy, as the system can only be consolidated with the sincerity of purpose of the government of the day as well as the desire of a succeeding one to build on the little gains we have made. Introduction Nigerian journalism, like that of other African countries, has a history characterized by an unending struggle for freedom. The fight for freedom has been without prejudice to the fact that successive regimes have consistently proclaimed the press as one of the freest in the world. Right from its humble beginning with the establishment of Iwe Irohin in 1859, journalism in Nigeria has had to battle with press laws which have sought to mulct the power of the press, muzzle journalist into subservience and reduce the practice of journalism into mere purveyance of government policies and announcements. The dogged fight for press freedom has claimed many casualties, as journalists have remained steadfast in the hope that there are better days ahead during which journalism would regain its pride of place as a true fourth estate of the realm. Thus we have seen journalists becoming even more recalcitrant despite the massive repression that characterizes every military regime. Many of them have been subjected to dehumanising humiliation. A few have died. Yet successive regimes continue to claim that journalism in Nigeria is one of the most edified in the world. It becomes more disturbing of one considers the fact that though the military had been in power for more than twenty-eight years of the country’s forty years of independence there has always been the clamour for democracy. This a makes mockery of the slogan that military regimes are corrective. Each military regime forces its way to power purportedly to correct the misadministration of the one before it and stop the country from disintegrating into several inconsequential fragments. One, therefore, would have expected that the purported efforts of the military to midwife a sound democracy would include freedom of speech, which is an essential ingredient of democracy. But the military rules by decrees, which are arbitrarily enacted, mostly to perpetrate its authoritarian and despotic characteristics. The fight therefore by Nigerian journalism had constantly been for freedom of speech. At no time has this fight been as intense as in the 1990s. This essay examines the fight by Nigerian journalism for freedom in this last decade of the twentieth century. This fight has become quite significant in view of the socio-political changes pervading the entire globe in which journalism enjoys a new lease of life. It is also important to examine this fight against the perspective of the effort by the entire Nigerian society to install a lasting democracy, which should usher the country into a new millennium of peace and progress. The essay assumes that the country has never operated a true democracy at anytime. Thus it has been a perennial struggle for the enthronement of a true democratic system. The consequences of this fight for freedom on journalism and journalists, therefore, constitute the crux of this paper. This is expatiated upon with solutions proffered for a smooth practices of journalism in this new century. The Nigerian Academic Forum Vol. 1 No. 4 November, 2001 161 Elo Ibagere Antecedents The fight for freedom of speech, as has been noted, became most intense during the last decade for the twentieth century. Several events led to it. Prior to this intense concern for freedom, there had been cases oT harassment and even incarceration of journalists who have had to suffer untold humiliation to atone for the diligent performance of their duty as ifdiligence was a grievous sin. Although journalism was practiced with relative peace in the 1960’s and 1970’s a few cases of harassment were recorded. The most celebrated case was that of Minere Amakiri, the Nigerian Observer corespondent in Port Harcourt Rivers State. He had written Governor, Alfred Diette-Spiff that they would go on strike if their demands were not met. The Governor’s Aide de camp (ADC) obviously acting on instructions, got Amakiri arrested, flogged and locked up in a disused toilet after shaving his head. This celebrated case were eventually put to rest after a High Court of Justice awarded Mr. Amakiri the sum of N 10,000.00 for his unlawful treatment. Amakiri also toured the country and was received in each state by his colleagues who expressed their solidarity for him. Freedom of speech became a little sacrosanct thereafter. But Mr. Tony Momoh, then editor of the Daily Times was harassed by the legislature of the Second Republic, as noted by Bello-Imam (1985 :543) A resolution was passed in 1980 summoning him to appear before the Senate for daring to write about the moral laxity of some senators. The two incidents were mere precursors of a worse era for journalism. When the military came to power again on December 31,1983, the press fell under its severe hammer, as the new regime of General Mohammed Buhari and Tunde Idiagbon became ruthless with anybody expressing any opinion contrary to the regime’s thinking. The regime promulgated the Public Officers (Protection Against False Accusation) Decree, also known as Decree 4 of 1984. Although general Buhari claimed the decree was to check the excesses of the press, the major covert reason for the promulgation of the decree “was to gag the press and muzzle public opinion form questioning the source for the military’s power to rule, its policies and actions” (Ogbondah, 1992:11). The Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ) protested the enactment of this decree and having failed to convince the government to abrogate it took its case before the court, seeking a perpetual injunction restraining the government from enforcing it. It lost the case as the military government had also usurped the power of the judiciary. Before long, the decree claimed its first victims - Messrs Nduka Irabor and Tunde Thompson, both of The Guardian who were jailed one year each in July, 1984 for publishing what the government felt was inaccurate. Another decree of the period was the Detention of Person’s Decree (Decree 2 of 1984), which conferred on the government the power to detain anybody without trial for six months and is renewable for another term. This was an indirect gag as any journalist could be picked up and detained under the decree. The overthrow of the Buhari regime in August 1985 was thought to usher in a more benevolent era, as General Babagangida abrogated Decree 4 immediately. But the oppression continued (more so when decree 2 was retained). One of the most tragic events of Nigerian journalism happened during the period. Dele Giwa, who was about the most prolific journalist, was assassinated with a letter bomb on October 19,1986. Then in April 1987, Newswatch, which Dele Giwa had co-founded, was closed down for six months for publishing the report of the Political Bureau before the government issued a white paper on it. This closure was backed with a Decree 6 of 1987. But then, Newswatch was merely involved in what could be regarded as “democratic journalism”. Before 1990 then, the battle for press freedom and freedom of speech had been well entrenched into the political system, as the General Babangida regime had, through subtle dictatorship repressed journalism which had concerned itself with the entrenchment of democratic ideals, especially since Babangida was in the frenzied moments of his deceptive transition programme. It was quite incompatible with the ideals of the sociopolitical atmosphere then for there to be press gags and absence of freedom of speech when the return to democracy was the most topical issue of the period. General Babangida had started his fruitless transition programme in 1887 with local government elections. The process was to culminate in presidential elections in 1990 the year he was to hand over power to an elected government. But with self-perpetuation as the subterranean motive, he reneged on The Nigerian Academic Forum Vol. 1 No. 4 November, 2001 162 Democracy And Nigerian Journalism Of The 90s that date and shifted it to 1992 which was shifted again to January 1993 and finally to Augu£’JHl|jip$ transition eventually ended in a fiasco as he annulled the elections of June 12, 1993 to finally transition programme on which he had expended over forty billion Naira. The political transgressloKttf Babangida were definitely enough to bring the fearless Nigeria press into collision with the fedMd Government. The scenario was therefore set for the bloodiest fight for democracy by Nigerian joumalisil in the nation’s mass media history. June 12 and its Aftermath The climax of journalism’s fight for democracy was realized with the June 12 1993 presidential elections between Bashir Othman Tofa of the National Republican Convention and Chief M.K.O. Abiola of the Social Democratic Party. Unofficial results showed that Chief Abiola won the election, which was globally acclaimed to be the freest and fairest election ever conducted in the country.
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