MONTHLY ATMOSPHERIC REPORT: June 2019 Contract Number

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

MONTHLY ATMOSPHERIC REPORT: June 2019 Contract Number USAID/BURMA USAID/BURMA MONTHLY ATMOSPHERIC REPORT: MONTHLY ATMOSPHERIC REPORT: June 2019 June 2019 Contract Number: 72048218C00004 Contract Number: 72048218C00004 Myanmar Analytical Activity Myanmar Analytical Activity Acknowledgement This report has been written by Kimetrica LLC (www.kimetrica.com) and Mekong Economics (www.mekongeconomics.com) as part of the Myanmar Analytical Activity, and is therefore the exclusive property of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Melissa Earl (Kimetrica) is the author of this report and reachable at [email protected] or at Kimetrica LLC, 80 Garden Center, Suite A-368, Broomfield, CO 80020. The author’s views in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. USAID.GOV JUNE 2019 MONTHLY ATMOSPHERIC REPORT | 1 JUNE 2019 AT A GLANCE A meeting between ethnic armed organizations was blocked by the Thai military at the request of the Myanmar military, which objected to the presence of non- signatories of the nationwide ceasefire agreement at the meeting. State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint announced their intentions to run in the 2020 elections. The National League for Democracy candidate for a contested by-election in Seikkan Township in Yangon Region was declared the winner by the Union Election Commission. The USDP candidate who originally won was accused of lending money to voters and not submitting adequate campaign expenditure documents. The Tatmadaw ceasefire in Kachin and Shan states was extended for a second time. It is now set to expire at the end of August. The Government of Myanmar shut down the Internet in areas affected by fighting in Chin and Rakhine states. The Rakhine State government, local organizations, and international organizations protested the move. Fighting between the Tatmadaw and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army resumed this month in Shan State despite the Tatmadaw’s ceasefire. The seven soldiers who killed 10 Rohingya villagers in 2017 were pardoned by the military and released in November 2018. The soldiers served less than a year of their 10-year sentences. The case was originally investigated by two recently pardoned Reuters journalists, Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo. Government authorities are cracking down on ultranationalist monks: Ashin Wirathu, a leader of the anti-Muslim movement, is to be tried in absentia for sedition charges; nine monks and laypersons in Yangon were arrested after organizing a rally in support of Wirathu; and nationalist monk Pyinya Wuntha was arrested after two years as a fugitive and sent to prison for public mischief. The Government announced a new electricity tariffs scheme. The increase in prices will lower the Government’s spending on subsidies and hopefully attract investment into the electricity sector. Export requirements on timber, rice and other commodities were eased this month, raising concerns that looser export regulations will encourage illegal harvesting of timber and teak. USAID.GOV JUNE 2019 MONTHLY ATMOSPHERIC REPORT | 2 POLITICS diplomatic channels to stop EAOs and critics of the Tatmadaw. In July 2017, he canceled a Committee for Shan State Unity meeting, and ● At the request of the Myanmar military, last April interfered with the launch event of a the Thai military blocked a meeting report on the humanitarian crisis and human between ethnic armed organizations rights abuses committed by the Myanmar military (EAOs) to discuss the future of the in Karen State.iii Peace Process Steering Team. ● The Karen National Union (KNU) The Thai authorities’ blocking of the meeting skipped an informal meeting attended by highlights the Thai government’s willingness to all National Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) follow the Burmese military’s requests. EAOs signatories to discuss the future of the have long used Thailand as a base for political peace process. operations, and the incident underscores the ● The Union Election Commission (UEC) fragility of this dynamic vis-à-vis the improving dismissed an open letter authored by 26 relationships between the two governments. political parties last month that accused the UEC of being biased in favor of the Interference in EAOs’ meetings fuels distrust NLD. between the military and the EAOs, and indicate ● The UEC declared a National League for to stakeholders in the peace process that the Democracy (NLD) candidate the winner Tatmadaw is not really interested in including of the Seikkan Township elections; the non-NCA signatories. An ethnic alliance member USDP candidate was accused of lending and spokesperson who has participated in peace money and not submitting adequate process negotiations told Kimetrica researchers, campaign expenditure documents. that the Tatmadaw informed NCA signatories they could hold their meeting on June 20 and 21 only if non-signatory EAOs–including the Arakan PEACE PROCESS Army (AA) and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA)–did not attend. Military BLOCKED PEACE PROCESS STEERING TEAM spokesperson Brigadier-General Zaw Min Tun MEETING said that the level of trust between the military The Thai military blocked a meeting of NCA and the EAOs would not be damaged by the signatories and non-signatories to be held in situation.iv Chiang Mai, Thailand, on June 8 and 9.i A letter addressed to the Royal Thai Army Headquarters KAREN NATIONAL UNION SKIPS from the Burmese Embassy in Bangkok was INFORMAL PEACE PROCESS DISCUSSION leaked on social media. In the letter, the The KNU did not attend an informal meeting of Brigadier-General objected specifically to the NCA signatories on June 13 and 14. The meeting possible attendance of two non-signatory focused on how best to use the remaining time members, the Kachin Independence Army and before the 2020 elections, and what shape peace Karenni National Progressive Party. The negotiations will take under the next meeting’s aim was to discuss the KNU’s proposal government. to transform the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST) into the Peace Process Consultative At the time, one attendee hypothesized that Meeting, which would also include armed groups KNU’s absence was probably due to a scheduling that did not sign the NCA.ii conflict or misunderstanding between the Government and the KNU.v The KNU later Critics argue the Government’s request directly confirmed the former.vi In light of these reports, violated the right of EAOs’ to gather, and ignored the KNU’s absence may not have been in protest Article 24 of the NCA because it was an attempt of the peace talks. However, the ethnic alliance to limit contact between the parties concerned. member and spokesperson told Kimetrica This is not the first time Khin Zaw used researchers that because the Restoration USAID.GOV JUNE 2019 MONTHLY ATMOSPHERIC REPORT | 1 Council of Shan State (RCSS) did attend the talks, ELECTIONS KNU’s absence “was a significant gesture of disunity between the KNU and RCSS.” Both AUNG SAN SUU KYI AND PRESIDENT WIN EAOs suspended ongoing peace and political MYINT TO RUN IN 2020 ELECTION dialogues with the Government. A NLD spokesperson confirmed on June 8 that State Counselor Aung Sang Suu Kyi and the Given recent informal discussions between the incumbent President Win Myint will run in the Government and the KNU and the importance upcoming 2020 general election. The of KNU in the peace process, a lot of attention announcement sparked a debate about Article 64 in the peace process is focused on the KNU. The of the Constitution, which forbids state leaders KNU remains committed to peace negotiations from participating in the party’s activities.viii but in June proposed that the current EAO Although Aung San Suu Kyi and Win Myint are support mechanism, the PPST, reform itself to allowed to campaign in their own constituencies, include non-signatories. The KNU continues to they are forbidden to conduct nationwide complain that the Tatmadaw and Government canvassing until they step down from their official repeatedly violate provisions of the NCA and positions.ix However, during an interview remains concerned the peace process has made conducted for the MAA project, Nandar Thin, little progress on issues of political substance. A CEO of the New Myanmar Foundation, said that Karen leader explained that the KNU wants to Aung San Suu Kyi can circumvent campaign “present a unified front” of all EAOs in order to restrictions by visiting different states and not cede all control to the Tatmadaw. KNU’s regions in her position as State Counselor. Aung commitment to the peace process remains an San Suu Kyi’s travel in June, however, was largely important measure of its progress. outside of Myanmar, so it is not yet clear if she is using her position to campaign nationally. WA PARTICIPATION IN NEXT PEACE CONFERENCE UEC RESPONDS TO CRITICISM Wa State authorities are currently drafting a The UEC raised campaign budget limits for proposal to submit to the Peace Commission to election candidates. The precise limit is to be negotiate Wa State’s involvement in the next confirmed, but candidates will be able to spend 21st Century Panglong Conference (UPC). The more than the current campaign budget limit of document was prepared with help from China. MMK 10 million (approximately $6,600) in the The UPC date depends on securing the 2020 general election.x The increase is seen as participation of the KNU and RCSS. A foreign particularly beneficial to the Amyotha Hluttaw advisor on pro-democracy and human rights (Upper House) candidates who incur greater movements in Myanmar said that because “the costs due to campaigning over a larger Wa are effectively China’s proxies,” a more geographical area. favorable position for the Wa in the peace process “gives China considerable leverage over Despite this change, it can be argued that further the Tatmadaw.” reform is needed because of limitations on who can contribute to campaign financing and the The proposal comes on the heels of the United difficulties in tracking campaign spending.
Recommended publications
  • Identity Crisis: Ethnicity and Conflict in Myanmar
    Identity Crisis: Ethnicity and Conflict in Myanmar Asia Report N°312 | 28 August 2020 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 235 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. A Legacy of Division ......................................................................................................... 4 A. Who Lives in Myanmar? ............................................................................................ 4 B. Those Who Belong and Those Who Don’t ................................................................. 5 C. Contemporary Ramifications..................................................................................... 7 III. Liberalisation and Ethno-nationalism ............................................................................. 9 IV. The Militarisation of Ethnicity ......................................................................................... 13 A. The Rise and Fall of the Kaungkha Militia ................................................................ 14 B. The Shanni: A New Ethnic Armed Group ................................................................. 18 C. An Uncertain Fate for Upland People in Rakhine
    [Show full text]
  • “Pre-Election Monitoring Study in Rakhine State”
    “Pre-Election Monitoring Study in Rakhine State” Table of Contents KEY FINDINGS ............................................................................................................................................... 2 1. BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................ 5 1.1. POLITICAL PARTY LANDSCAPE IN RAKHINE STATE............................................................................ 7 1.2. INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS ON FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS .............................................................. 8 1.3. ELECTORAL SYSTEM IN MYANMAR ................................................................................................. 10 2. OBJECTIVE AND SCOPE OF THE STUDY ..................................................................................... 11 1. METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................................................ 11 1.1. SAMPLING ...................................................................................................................................... 11 1.2. RESEARCH PROCESS ........................................................................................................................ 12 1.3. LIMITATION OF STUDY .................................................................................................................... 12 2. FINDINGS ............................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Burma 2018 International Religious Freedom Report
    BURMA 2018 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The constitution guarantees every citizen “the right to freely profess and practice religion subject to public order, morality or health and to the other provisions of this Constitution.” The law prohibits speech or acts insulting or defaming any religion or religious beliefs; authorities used these laws to limit freedom of expression and press. Local and international experts said deeply woven prejudices led to abuses and discrimination against religious minorities by government and societal actors. It was sometimes difficult to categorize incidents as based solely on religious identity due to the close linkage between religion and ethnicity in the country. Violence, discrimination, and harassment against ethnic Rohingya in Rakhine State, who are nearly all Muslim, and other minority populations continued. Following the ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya that took place in 2017 and resulted in the displacement of more than 700,000 refugees to Bangladesh, Rohingya who remained in Burma continued to face an environment of particularly severe repression and restrictions on freedom of movement and access to education, healthcare, and livelihoods based on their ethnicity, religion, and citizenship status, according to the United Nations and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). In March the UN special rapporteur for human rights in Myanmar reported that the government appeared to be using starvation tactics against remaining Rohingya. On September 17, the UN Fact- Finding Mission, established by the UN Human Rights Council, published its final report on the country, which detailed atrocities committed by the military in Rakhine, Kachin, and Shan States, as well as other areas, and characterized the “genocidal intent” of the military’s 2017 operations in Rakhine State.
    [Show full text]
  • Trends in Southeast Asia
    ISSN 0219-3213 2016 no. 1 Trends in Southeast Asia MAKING SENSE OF THE ELECTION RESULTS IN MYANMAR’S RAKHINE AND SHAN STATES SU-ANN OH TRS1/16s ISBN 978-981-4695-89-3 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 7 8 9 8 1 4 6 9 5 8 9 3 Trends in Southeast Asia 16-0180 01 Trends_2016-01.indd 1 22/1/16 8:34 am The ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) was established in 1968. It is an autonomous regional research centre for scholars and specialists concerned with modern Southeast Asia. The Institute’s research is structured under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS) and Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and through country- based programmes. It also houses the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), Singapore’s APEC Study Centre, as well as the Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre (NSC) and its Archaeology Unit. 16-0180 01 Trends_2016-01.indd 2 22/1/16 8:34 am 2016 no. 1 Trends in Southeast Asia MAKING SENSE OF THE ELECTION RESULTS IN MYANMAR’S RAKHINE AND SHAN STATES SU-ANN OH 16-0180 01 Trends_2016-01.indd 3 22/1/16 8:34 am Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2016 ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission.
    [Show full text]
  • Myanmar: Ethnic Politics and the 2020 General Election
    MYANMAR POLICY BRIEFING | 23 | September 2020 Myanmar: Ethnic Politics and the 2020 General Election KEY POINTS • The 2020 general election is scheduled to take place at a critical moment in Myanmar’s transition from half a century under military rule. The advent of the National League for Democracy to government office in March 2016 was greeted by all the country’s peoples as the opportunity to bring about real change. But since this time, the ethnic peace process has faltered, constitutional reform has not started, and conflict has escalated in several parts of the country, becoming emergencies of grave international concern. • Covid-19 represents a new – and serious – challenge to the conduct of free and fair elections. Postponements cannot be ruled out. But the spread of the pandemic is not expected to have a significant impact on the election outcome as long as it goes ahead within constitutionally-appointed times. The NLD is still widely predicted to win, albeit on reduced scale. Questions, however, will remain about the credibility of the polls during a time of unprecedented restrictions and health crisis. • There are three main reasons to expect NLD victory. Under the country’s complex political system, the mainstream party among the ethnic Bamar majority always win the polls. In the population at large, a victory for the NLD is regarded as the most likely way to prevent a return to military government. The Covid-19 crisis and campaign restrictions hand all the political advantages to the NLD and incumbent authorities. ideas into movement • To improve election performance, ethnic nationality parties are introducing a number of new measures, including “party mergers” and “no-compete” agreements.
    [Show full text]
  • State-And-Region-Gov
    About the Authors Hamish Nixon is an independent governance specialist focusing on the areas of decentralization, peace and conflict, and public service delivery. Cindy Joelene, Kyi Pyar Chit Saw, and Thet Aung Lynn are MDRI-CESD researchers. Matthew Arnold is Assistant Director at The Asia Foundation. MDRI-CESD The Centre for Economic and Social Development (CESD) is a think-tank dedicated to the economic and social transformation of Myanmar. It is one of three specialized centres under the Myanmar Development Resource Institute (MDRI), an independent research organization that mobilizes development resources, both domestic and international, to bring Myanmar to its rightful place in the region and the world. The CESD undertakes participatory policy research studies related to economic reform, poverty reduction and good governance in Myanmar and regularly publishes policy briefs and research papers. It also provides training and education services for all key institutions and organizations that contribute to the process of reform. The Asia Foundation The Asia Foundation is a nonprofit, nongovernmental organization committed to the development of a peaceful, prosperous, just, and open Asia-Pacific region. The Foundation supports Asian initiatives to improve governance and law; women’s empowerment; economic development; the environment; and regional cooperation. Drawing on nearly 60 years of experience in Asia, the Foundation collaborates with private and public partners to support leadership and institutional development, exchanges, and policy research. The viewpoints expressed in this report do not necessarily represent those of The Asia Foundation or MDRI-CESD. 1 Table of Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ………………………………….………………………….………..……….... i A NOTE ON NAMES ………………………………….………………………….…......……..……….... i GLOSSARY ………………………………….………………………….………..……....................….... ii ACRONYMS ………………………………….………………………….………..…..................…….... iii FOREWORD - MARCH 2015 ………………………………….………………………....………...
    [Show full text]
  • 5. How Can Participation in Future
    Table of Contents Acknowledgements 1 Executive Summary 2 Acronyms Used in This Report 5 1.Introduction 6 1.1 Myanmar’s 2015 Elections 6 1.2 Why Gender Inequality in Politics Matters 7 1.3 An Overview of Myanmar’s Parliamentary Systems 9 1.4 Women’s and Men’s Statistical Representation in Myanmar’s Hluttaws 10 1.5 Other Important Forms of Inequality and Difference to Consider 14 2. Data Used in This Report 17 3. Women and Men Candidates’ Political Priorities 20 3.1 Motivation for Becoming Candidates 20 3.2 Policy Priorities 21 3.3 Focus of Election Campaigns 22 3.4 Overall Trends 22 4. Factors and Processes That Shape Women’s and Men’s Opportunities to Become Parliamentarians 23 4.1. Cultural Norms and Biases 23 4.2. Education, Skills and Experience 25 4.3 Confidence and Ambition to Become Parliamentarians 30 4.4 Role Models 32 4.5 The Role of Families 32 4.6 Support and Opposition to Candidates from Within Their Parties 36 4.7 The Candidate Selection Process 38 4.8 Campaign Finance and Travel 40 4.9 Public Response to Candidates 41 4.10 Media Coverage 43 4.11 Harassment and Intimidation of Candidates by Rival Political Parties, EAOs, Militias, and 44 Local Government Officials 4.12 Interventions by Local Figures, LNGOs, INGOs and Government of Myanmar (GoM) 45 4.13 Institutional Factors 46 5. How Can Participation in Future Elections Be Made More Gender Equal? 47 5.1 Candidates’ Suggestions for Future Forms of Support 47 5.2 Which Organisations Should Provide Support? 49 5.3 Should There Be Support Specifically Targeted Towards Women? 50 5.4 Quotas 51 5.4.1: Awareness of Gender Quotas Among Candidates Interviewed for This Report 53 5.4.2 Support/Opposition to Gender Quotas 53 5.4.3 Candidates’ Perspectives on Ethnic and Religious Quotas 56 5.5 Changing Cultural Norms 58 5.6 Working with Political Parties 59 5.7 Promoting Women’s Participation in Local Governance 59 6.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Monitor No.36
    Euro-Burma Office 19 – 25 October 2013 Political Monitor 2013 POLITICAL MONITOR NO. 36 OFFICIAL MEDIA GOVERNMENT AND KARENNI GROUP HOLDS PEACE TALKS The government’s Union Peace-making Committee and the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) signed a 6-point agreement after holding a 3rd round of peace talks in Loikaw, the capital of Kayah State. The agreement includes formation of joint-monitoring groups, opening liaison offices as well as measures for the resettlement of IDPs and resumption of their livelihoods. During the 2-day peace talks from 22-23 October, the two sides discussed issues including land confiscation, compensation and returning land to famers, reclamation for high-land cultivation, regional development and military affairs. The talks were attended by Vice-Chairman of the Union Peace Committee Minister Aung Min and KNPP Vice-Chairman Khu Oo Yei.1 UNION PARLIAMENT ISSUES STATEMENT URGING PEACE The Union Parliament issued a statement on 24 October calling for nation-wide efforts to achieve genuine peace and stability in the country. The parliament stated that work is underway to enact a law to protect the rights of ethnic nationalities with the aim to assist the peace process and to review the Constitution to work for national reconciliation. The statement also stressed the that peace and stability and the rule of law are essential prerequisites for democratization and development of the country and it urged people to refrain from performing actions or using expressions that can disrupt the ongoing peace process which is paving the way for moving towards national unity and reconciliation, the rule of law and the development of the Union.
    [Show full text]
  • Identity Crisis: Ethnicity and Conflict in Myanmar
    Identity Crisis: Ethnicity and Conflict in Myanmar Asia Report N°312 | 28 August 2020 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 235 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. A Legacy of Division ......................................................................................................... 4 A. Who Lives in Myanmar? ............................................................................................ 4 B. Those Who Belong and Those Who Don’t ................................................................. 5 C. Contemporary Ramifications..................................................................................... 7 III. Liberalisation and Ethno-nationalism ............................................................................. 9 IV. The Militarisation of Ethnicity ......................................................................................... 13 A. The Rise and Fall of the Kaungkha Militia ................................................................ 14 B. The Shanni: A New Ethnic Armed Group ................................................................. 18 C. An Uncertain Fate for Upland People in Rakhine
    [Show full text]
  • Schedule Two of the 2008 Constitution Avenues for Reform and Decentralization and Steps Towards a Federal System
    SCHEDULE TWO OF THE 2008 CONSTITUTION AVENUES FOR REFORM AND DECENTRALIZATION AND STEPS TOWARDS A FEDERAL SYSTEM Tinzar Htun Mael Raynaud 3 Tinzar Htun is a freelance researcher specializing in natural resource management and decentralization. She is a consultant to the World Bank on Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) implementation support in Myanmar. She holds a Bachelor’s degree in Social Sciences (Sustainable Development) from Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University in Japan. Mael Raynaud is an independent analyst with 15 years of experience researching the politics, economy, society, conflict and humanitarian issues of Myanmar. 2018 © Copyright by Konrad-Adenauer Stiftung Ltd., Myanmar ISBN 978-99971-0-475-5 Edited by Geoffrey George Goddard and Katharina Münster Publisher: Konrad-Adenauer Stiftung Ltd. Myanmar Representative Office Yangon, Myanmar [email protected] www.kas.de/myanmar/en/ All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying or recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission from the publisher. The responsibility for facts and opinions in this publication rests exclusively with the authors and their interpretations do not necessarily represent those of the Konrad-Adenauer Stiftung Ltd., Myanmar. 4 Table of Contents Acknowledgments 7 Glossary 8 Executive Summary 11 Research Methodology and Focus 17 1. Introduction 19 1.1 Background 19 1.2 A Short Political History of Myanmar 25 2. Local Parliaments and the 2008 Constitution 29 2.1 Parliaments under the 2008 Constitution 29 2.2 Overview of the Second Sub-National Parliaments (2016-2021) 30 2.3 Overview of Schedule One, Schedule Two and Schedule Five 35 2.4 Constraints under Schedule Two 36 2.5 Constitutional Tribunal 38 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Myanmar's State and Region Governments
    STATE AND REGION GOVERNMENTS IN MYANMAR New Edition October 2018 1 © 2018 The Asia Foundation No. 11, Ko Min Ko Chin Yeik Thar Street All rights reserved. No part of this report West Ngar Htet Kyi Ward may be reproduced without written Bahan Township permission by The Asia Foundation Yangon, Myanmar ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author and the research team would like to thank everyone who contributed to this study including respondents from government, political parties, civil society, community based groups, donors, NGOs, and national and international experts, who took time to meet and share their experiences. The researchers would also like to acknowledge all of the additional contributors and those who reviewed the report for providing invaluable feedback and advice. Finally, a special thank you to Matthew Arnold and Kelsey Atwood of The Asia Founda- tion for their continued support and guidance throughout the research and writing. Any faults in substance or analysis rest with the author. LEAD RESEARCHER AND AUTHOR Richard Batcheler CORE RESEARCH TEAM AND LEAD CONTRIBUTORS Kyi Pyar Chit Saw Matthew Arnold Ildrim Valley Kelsey Atwood Thet Linn Wai CONTRIBUTORS Heesu Chung Su Phyo Win James Owen Stephanie Guo Alison Chan Aye Moh Moh Khaing Jane Sail Billy Ford Saw Hsar Gay Doh Elzemiek Zinkstok John Rieger Nicola Williams Ye Htut Oo Hein Aung Kyaw Hillary Yu Zin Htoon REVIEWERS Tin Maung Than Anki Dellnas Myat The Thitsar Susanne Kempel Roger Shotton Kim Jolliffe Hamish Nixon Jared Bissinger Mael Raynaud Lwin Lwin Aung Design and layout: Significant Science Communication 3 PREFACE Myanmar’s state and region governments matter, and their importance has only continued to grow since their creation.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Parties and Candidates of 2020 Election and Their Campaign Promises
    Political parties and candidates of 2020 election and their campaign promises A case study of Yangon Region About Another Development Another Development (AD) is a local Myanmar think-tank and a non-profit organization. AD’s work focuses on five main thematic areas: Human Rights; Multiculturalism; Decentralization and Federalism; Rural Economic Development and Social Enterprises; and, E-government and E-citizen. AD was set up in 2015 to be a part of the solution to the problems and conflicts prevailing in Myanmar by advocating for effective public policy change. AD has four functional departments: Strategic Communication; Policy and Research; Consulting and Professional Services; and, Operation Support Department. Publisher – ANOTHER DEVELOPMENT Date – NOVEMBER 1, 2020 Author – HTET WAI WAI KHAING Research Adviser – YAY CHANN AND MAI HLA AYE All rights reserved. Copyright © 2020 by Another Development Policy Think-Tank 62, 5th Floor, Nyaung Tone Street, Sanchaung Township, Yangon, Myanmar Tel : (+95) 09 264 883 421 E-mail : [email protected] www.anotherdevelopment.org A case study of Yangon Region C O N T E N T SuMMARy 2 IntRODuCtIOn 3 FInDIngS AnD AnAlySIS (PARt A) : CAnDIDAtES’ InFORMAtIOn 5 Political parties and candidates contesting in yangon Region 5 Political parties contesting in yangon Region 7 Yangon Hluttaw Ethnic Affairs Ministers candidates 9 Independent candidates 10 FInDIngS AnD AnAlySIS (PARt B) : ElECtIOn PROMISES 11 Election promises by political parties 11 Election promises for yangon Region 12 COnCluSIOn
    [Show full text]