ATA102 Atatürk's Principles and Turkish Revolution History 1
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THE CYPRUS QUESTION in the MAKING and the ATTITUDE of the SOVIET UNION TOWARDS the CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) a Master's
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Bilkent University Institutional Repository THE CYPRUS QUESTION IN THE MAKING AND THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOVIET UNION TOWARDS THE CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) A Master’s Thesis by MUSTAFA ÇAĞATAY ASLAN DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS BILKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA September 2008 To my grandfathers Osman OYMAK and Mehmet Akif ASLAN, THE CYPRUS QUESTION IN THE MAKING AND THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOVIET UNION TOWARDS THE CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) The Institute of Economics and Social Sciences of Bilkent University by MUSTAFA ÇAĞATAY ASLAN In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS BILKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA September 2008 I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. --------------------------- Associate Prof. Hakan Kırımlı Supervisor I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. --------------------------- Assistant Prof. Dr. Nur Bilge Criss Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. --------------------------- Assistant Prof. Dr. Eugenia Kermeli Examining Committee Member Approval of the Institute of Economics and Social Sciences --------------------------- Prof. Dr. Erdal Erel Director ABSTRACT THE CYPRUS QUESTION IN THE MAKING AND THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOVIET UNION TOWARDS THE CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) Aslan, Mustafa Çağatay M.A., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Associate Prof. -
ARTISTIC AWAKENING in ANKARA (1953)1 Bülent Ecevit
DOCUMENT ARTISTIC AWAKENING IN ANKARA (1953)1 BÜLent ecevit Until very recently, we Ankara residents were as jealous of Istanbul’s artistic awareness as we were of its sea and its trees. Our trees have yet to reach maturity, and we are as distant from the sea as ever, but an artistic awakening has now begun in Ankara as well. Concert tickets have begun to sell out in the blink of an eye, as soon as they are available. Curiously enough, tickets to the opening night of the opera reportedly sometimes sell out even before they are released.2 I say “reportedly” because this is a story I heard from one of the people interested in opening nights at the opera. Our opera no longer admits people to the concert hall who are ungroomed or who lack a formal dinner jacket. There are frequent balls at the opera. You’d think you’re in 18th-century Vienna. Because, as far as we know, this kind of dandyism no longer exists in any 20th-century city. Even in the most traditional of cities, like London, people in dinner jackets sit side- by-side with those in sports coats. 1 First published in Turkish as “Ankara’da sanat uyanıs¸ı,” Dünya, April 2, 1953, n.p. 2 The Ankara Opera, designed in 1933 by Turkish architect S¸evki Balmumcu as a space for large-scale exhibitions, was converted for use as the Ankara State Opera by German archi- tect Paul Bonatz in 1948. It was a widely recognized symbol of Turkey’s—and especially Ankara’s—cultural sophistication. -
Turkish Language As a Politicized Element: the Case of Turkish Nation-Building
GeT MA Working Paper Series No. 15 2018 Turkish Language as a Politicized Element: The Case of Turkish Nation-Building TOLGA SEVIN GeT MA Working Paper Series Department of Social Sciences Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Unter den Linden 6, 10099 Berlin www.sowi.hu-berlin.de/getma [email protected] TOLGA SEVIN GET MA WP 15/2018 GeT MA Working Paper Series Published by the German Turkish Masters Program of Social Sciences (GeT MA), Department of Social Sciences at Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. Papers in this series are the final theses of GeT MA graduates. Publication in this series does not preclude a later publication elsewhere. The views expressed in the GeT MA Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the GeT MA Program or of Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. The copyright stays with the author(s). Copyright for this paper: Tolga Sevin Please cite in the following format: Sevin, Tolga (2018): Turkish Language as a Politicized Element: The Case of Turkish Nation-Building. GeT MA Working Paper No. 15, Department of Social Sciences, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. [online] Homepage: Edoc Server Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. URL: http://edoc.hu-berlin.de/series/getmaseries Corresponding authors: Tolga Sevin, Master of Social Science, German Turkish Masters Program, Institut für Sozialwissenschaften, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Unter den Linden 6, 10099 Berlin. Tolga Sevin, born in Ankara, studied at Bilkent University, Middle East Technical University, and Humboldt- Universität zu Berlin. He lives in Berlin. This thesis is dedicated to Müfit Kulen. -
Christians and Jews in Muslim Societies
Arabic and its Alternatives Christians and Jews in Muslim Societies Editorial Board Phillip Ackerman-Lieberman (Vanderbilt University, Nashville, USA) Bernard Heyberger (EHESS, Paris, France) VOLUME 5 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/cjms Arabic and its Alternatives Religious Minorities and Their Languages in the Emerging Nation States of the Middle East (1920–1950) Edited by Heleen Murre-van den Berg Karène Sanchez Summerer Tijmen C. Baarda LEIDEN | BOSTON Cover illustration: Assyrian School of Mosul, 1920s–1930s; courtesy Dr. Robin Beth Shamuel, Iraq. This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC 4.0 license, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided no alterations are made and the original author(s) and source are credited. Further information and the complete license text can be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ The terms of the CC license apply only to the original material. The use of material from other sources (indicated by a reference) such as diagrams, illustrations, photos and text samples may require further permission from the respective copyright holder. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Murre-van den Berg, H. L. (Hendrika Lena), 1964– illustrator. | Sanchez-Summerer, Karene, editor. | Baarda, Tijmen C., editor. Title: Arabic and its alternatives : religious minorities and their languages in the emerging nation states of the Middle East (1920–1950) / edited by Heleen Murre-van den Berg, Karène Sanchez, Tijmen C. Baarda. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2020. | Series: Christians and Jews in Muslim societies, 2212–5523 ; vol. -
Ankara University
Ankara University FOLLOW-UP EVALUATION REPORT July 2011 Team: Fuada Stankovic, chair Alina Gavra Andy Gibbs, coordinator Institutional Evaluation Programme/Ankara University/July 2011 Contents 1. Introduction .................................................................................................................... 3 1.1 Institutional Evaluation Programme and follow-up evaluation process ............................ 3 1.2 Ankara University and the national context ..................................................................... 4 1.3 The Self Evaluation Process ............................................................................................. 4 1.4. Description of the University ............................................................................................ 5 1.5. Changes that have been made since the original evaluation ............................................ 5 2. Internationalisation ......................................................................................................... 7 3. Science and society ....................................................................................................... 10 4. University / Industry Collaboration ................................................................................ 12 5. Quality Monitoring and Administration ......................................................................... 14 6. Conclusion ..................................................................................................................... 16 2 Institutional -
Neo-Kemalism Vs. Neo-Democrats?
' TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY BETWEEN 1960-1971: NEO-KEMALISM VS. NEO-DEMOCRATS? Sedat LAÇ 0NER ‘I hope you will understand that your NATO allies have not had a chance to consider whether they have an obligation to protect Turkey against the Soviet Union if Turkey takes a step which results in Soviet intervention without the full consent and understanding of its NATO allies.’ 1 Lyndon B. Johnson, US President, 1964 ‘Atatürk taught us realism and rationalism. He was not an ideologue.’ 2 Süleyman Demirel , Turkish Prime Minister Abstract In the post-coup years two main factors; the détente process, and as a result of the détente significant change in the United States’ policies towards Turkey, started a chain-reaction process in Turkish foreign policy. During the 1960s several factors forced Turkish policy makers towards a new foreign policy. On the one hand, the Western attitude undermined the Kemalist and other Westernist schools and caused an ideological transformation in Turkish foreign policy. On the other hand, the military coup and disintegration process that it triggered also played very important role in the foreign policy transformation process. Indeed, by undermining Westernism in Turkey, the West caused an ideological crisis in Kemalism and other foreign policy schools. The 1960s also witnessed the start of the disintegration process in Turkish politics that provided a suitable environment for the resurgence of the Ottoman schools of thought, such as Islamism and Turkism. 1 The Middle East Journal , Vol. 20, No. 3, Summer 1966, p. 387. 2 0hsan Sabri Ça /layangil, Anılarım, ( My Memoirs ), ( 0stanbul: Güne 2, 1990), p. -
Social Engineering’
European Journal of Turkish Studies Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey 7 | 2008 Demographic Engineering - Part I Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk ‘Social Engineering’ Uğur Ümit Üngör Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/ejts/2583 DOI: 10.4000/ejts.2583 ISSN: 1773-0546 Publisher EJTS Electronic reference Uğur Ümit Üngör, « Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk ‘Social Engineering’ », European Journal of Turkish Studies [Online], 7 | 2008, Online since 05 March 2015, connection on 16 February 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ejts/2583 ; DOI : 10.4000/ejts. 2583 © Some rights reserved / Creative Commons license Üngör, Uğur Ümit (2008) 'Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk ‘Social Engineering’', European Journal of Turkish Studies, Thematic Issue N° 7 , No. 7 | Demographic Engineering - part I, URL : http://www.ejts.org/document2583.html To quote a passage, use paragraph (§). Geographies of Nationalism and Violence: Rethinking Young Turk ‘Social Engineering’ Uğur Ümit Üngör Abstract. This article addresses population politics in the broader Young Turk era (1913-1950), which included genocide, deportation, and forced assimilation of various minority populations. The article opens with an account of the genesis of the concept ‘social engineering’ and provides a synopsis of the literature in the field of Young Turk population politics. It then focuses on the implementation of these nationalist population politics in the eastern provinces to exemplify these policies in detail. The article aims to clarify that the Armenian genocide cannot be understood in isolation from broader Young Turk population politics and argues that a generation of traumatized Young Turk politicians launched and perpetuated this violent project of societal transformation in order to secure the existence of a Turkish nation-state. -
Turkish President Turgut Özal's Impact on Nursultan
TURKISH PRESIDENT TURGUT ÖZAL’S IMPACT ON NURSULTAN NAZARBAYEV’S PERCEPTION OF TURKEY* Nursultan Nazarbayev'ın Türkiye Algısına Tugut Özal'ın Etkisi Din Muhammed AMETBEK** Abstract Nursultan Nazarbayev as the founding President of Kazakhstan played a determinant role in the formation of Kazakh foreign policy. In this respect, the article examines Nazarbayev’s perception of Turkey as a decision maker in foreign policy are based on observation rather than realities. Nazarbayev is aware of the fact that the national identity of Kazakhstan is divided between two competing poles; Russian and Kazakh, in a broader sense; Slavic and Turkic. From this perspective, Nazarbayev’s perception of Turkey is significant as it is not only related to foreign policy but at the same time the national identity of Kazakhstan. The study argues that the President of Republic of Turkey of early 1990s Turgut Özal with his active diplomacy towards Kazakhstan contributed to the positive image of Turkey. The research concludes that close and reliable relations between Nazarbayev and Özal became the basis of a strategic part- nership between Kazakhstan and Turkey. Keywords: Turgut Özal, Nursultan Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan, Turkey, Perception, National Identity Özet Kazakistan’ın kurucu Cumhurbaşkanı Nursultan Nazarbayev’in, Kazak dış politi- kasının oluşumunda belirleyici rol üstlendiği kesindir. Bu bağlamda, makale, Nazarba- yev’in Türkiye algısını ele almaktadır. Çünkü inşacı ekolün iddiasına dış politika kararları gerçeklere değil algı üzerine alınmaktadır. Nazarbayev Kazakistan’ın ulusal kimliğinin Rus ve Kazak olarak, daha geniş kapsamda Slav ve Türk olarak yarışan iki kutba ayrıldığının farkındadır. Buradan hareketle, Nazarbayev’in Türkiye algısı, yal- nızca dış politika açısından değil aynı zamanda Kazakistan’ın ulusal kimliği açısından da önemlidir. -
(PBN)- Encapsulated Chitosan and Pegylated Chitosan Nanoparticles
ORIGINAL ARTICLES Department of Pharmaceutical Technology1, Faculty of Pharmacy, Hacettepe University, Ankara; Department of Pharmaceu- tical Technology2, Faculty of Pharmacy, Ataturk University, Erzurum; Department of Neurology3, Institute of Neurological Sciences and Psychiatry, Faculty of Medicine, Hacettepe University, Ankara, Turkey; Laboratory of Pharmaceutical Technol- ogy and Biopharmacy4, UMR CNRS 8612, Faculty of Pharmacy, University of Paris-XI, Chatenay-Malabry, France; Depart- ment of Pharmaceutical Technology5, Faculty of Pharmacy, University of Santiago de Compostela; Departamento de Quı´mica Orga´nica6, Facultad de Quı´mica, and Unidad de RMN de Biomoleculas asociada al CSIC, Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Santiago de Compostela, Spain Preparation and evaluation of alpha-phenyl-n-tert-butyl nitrone (PBN)- encapsulated chitosan and PEGylated chitosan nanoparticles O. Pinarbasli1, Y. Aktas2, T. Dalkara3, K. Andrieux4, M. J. Alonso5, E. Fernandez-Megia6, R. Novoa-Carballal6, R. Riguera6, P. Couvreur4, Y. Capan1 Received December 19, 2008, accepted December 29, 2008 Yilmaz Capan, Ph. D., Department of Pharmaceutical Technology, Faculty of Pharmacy, Hacettepe University, 06100 Ankara, Turkey [email protected] Pharmazie 64: 436–439 (2009) doi: 10.1691/ph.2009.8374 Alpha-phenyl-n-tert-butyl nitrone (PBN) shows its major effect by scavenging free radicals formed in the ischemia and it has the ability to penetrate through the blood brain barrier easily. The in vivo stability of PBN is very low and when administered systemically, it has a mean plasma half life of about three hours. Therefore, formulations which are able to prolong the plasma residence time of PBN are of major interest, because oxygen radicals are usually continuously formed under pathologi- cal conditions. -
Kurdish Language Rights and Mother Tounge in Education
KURDISH LANGUAGE RIGHTS AND MOTHER TONGUE IN EDUCATION Esra Çevik Language In his 1985 work '' Anathemas and Admirations'', Emil Cioran, a Romanian philosopher and essayist, wrote that ''one does inhabit a country; one inhabits a language. That is our country, our fatherland and no other.'' For Kurds - as many other nations – language is one of the most important points for both individuals and society. Language plays a major role in the shaping of an individual’s identity and its social integration. Throughout history, languages have been used for political purposes, most often as a tool used to build identities and bring together a group of people. As language has both a symbolic and instrumental value, nation-states intervene [in its development] in order to ensure that [social integration] takes place along the desired path. Languages are managed, guided and even re-created. And a number of mechanisms are employed to ensure that the national language is spread. With this aim, tate activities are often held in a single language and the chosen language is imposed to the people of that country who speak different languages. When looking at languages, language policies and rights should be addressed together, because they interact with each other both on a national and international level and they also influence individuals’ language behaviour.1 1 Virtanen, Dil Politikalarının Milliyetçilik Hareketlerindeki Tarihsel Kökenleri, 18. Language policies can be defined as a totality of principles, decisions and practices concerning the languages used within a particular political unit, their areas and regions, their development and the rights to their use.2 Turkey was never an ethnically homogenous country, but leaderships developed definition for the nation that excluded multi-ethnicity. -
Appendix A: Soy Adi Kanunu (The Surname Law)
APPENDIX A: SOY ADı KaNUNU (THE SURNaME LaW) Republic of Turkey, Law 2525, 6.21.1934 I. Every Turk must carry his surname in addition to his proper name. II. The personal name comes first and the surname comes second in speaking, writing, and signing. III. It is forbidden to use surnames that are related to military rank and civil officialdom, to tribes and foreign races and ethnicities, as well as surnames which are not suited to general customs or which are disgusting or ridiculous. IV. The husband, who is the leader of the marital union, has the duty and right to choose the surname. In the case of the annulment of marriage or in cases of divorce, even if a child is under his moth- er’s custody, the child shall take the name that his father has cho- sen or will choose. This right and duty is the wife’s if the husband is dead and his wife is not married to somebody else, or if the husband is under protection because of mental illness or weak- ness, and the marriage is still continuing. If the wife has married after the husband’s death, or if the husband has been taken into protection because of the reasons in the previous article, and the marriage has also declined, this right and duty belongs to the closest male blood relation on the father’s side, and the oldest of these, and in their absence, to the guardian. © The Author(s) 2018 183 M. Türköz, Naming and Nation-building in Turkey, https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56656-0 184 APPENDIX A: SOY ADI KANUNU (THE SURNAME LAW) V. -
Turkey's Islamists: from Power-Sharing to Political
TURKEY’S ISLAMISTS: FROM POWER-SHARING TO POLITICAL INCUMBENCY The complex relationship between political Islam and the Turkish state – from political exclusion in the early Republican era, to power-sharing in the post-World War II multi-party era, to political incumbency in the 2000s – was crowned by AKP’s landslide electoral victory in 2002. The author debunks two myths regarding this relationship: first, that Kemalism enjoyed a monopoly of political power for decades and second, that Islamists achieved victory in 2002 after being the regime’s sole opposition. According to the author, Turkey’s failed Middle East policy can be attributed to AKP’s misconception that its Islamic counterparts would achieve power after the Arab uprisings just as they had done in Turkey in 2002. Behlül Özkan* Spring 2015 * Dr. Behlül Özkan is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science and International Relations at Marmara University, Istanbul. 71 VOLUME 14 NUMBER 1 BEHLÜL ÖZKAN he 1995 elections in Turkey, in which the Islamist Welfare Party (Refah Partisi) won the most votes, garnered much attention both in Turkey and abroad. Welfare Party leader Necmettin Erbakan took office as T prime minister the following year, the first time in the country’s histo- ry that an Islamist had occupied an executive position. Erbakan was subsequently forced out of office in the “post-modern coup” of 28 February 1997, widely inter- preted as a sign that achieving power by democratic means was still impossible for Islamists. Prominent Islamists such as current President and former Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan have often declared themselves to be the victims of the February 28 coup, which they cite as an instance of the perpetual repression faced by Islamists and their political constituencies since the founding of the Republic.