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Fighting Corruption with Con Tricks: Romania's Assault On
FIGHTING CORRUPTION WITH CON TRICKS: ROMANIA’S ASSAULT ON THE RULE OF LAW David Clark FIGHTING CORRUPTION WITH CON TRICKS FIGHTING CORRUPTION WITH CON TRICKS: ROMANIA’S ASSAULT ON THE RULE OF LAW 2 FIGHTING CORRUPTION WITH CON TRICKS Executive Summary Democracy in Europe is facing its greatest challenge since the fall of the Berlin Wall. The threat comes not only from the rise of political movements that openly reject liberal democratic values, including the governing parties of Hungary and Poland, but also from the risk of creeping authoritarianism caused by a gradual decline in standards of governance and the weakening of important democratic underpinnings, such as the rule of law. Romania is a country of particular concern. Although it has earned international praise for its recent efforts to stamp out corruption, a detailed examination of Romania’s anti-corruption activities shows that they often provide convenient cover for acts of political score settling and serious human rights violations. The methods used show a considerable degree of continuity with the practices and attitudes of the communist era. The strong correlation between those targeted for prosecution and the interests of those in power is indicative of politicised justice. Cases have often been accompanied by campaigns of public vilification designed to maximise their political impact. Far from being above politics, Romania’s National Anti-corruption Directorate (DNA) is an active participant in its partisan struggles. Although the rule of law requires the justice system to work independently of government, there is clear evidence of collusion between prosecutors and the executive in Romania. -
Revolution and Democracy: Sociopolitical Systems in the Context of Modernisation Leonid E
preview version Revolution and Democracy: Sociopolitical Systems in the Context of Modernisation Leonid E. Grinin and Andrey V. Korotayev Abstract The stability of socio-political systems and the risks of destabi- lisation in the process of political transformation are among the most im- portant issues of social development; the transition to democracy may pose a serious threat to the stability of a respective socio-political system. This article studies the issue of democratisation. It highlights the high economic and social costs of a rapid transition to democracy for countries unpre- pared for it—democracy resulting from revolutions or similar large-scale events. The authors believe that in a number of cases authoritarian regimes turn out to be more effective in economic and social terms than emerging democracies, especially those of a revolutionary type, which are often inca- pable of ensuring social order and may have a swing to authoritarianism. Effective authoritarian regimes can also be a suitable form of transition to an efficient and stable democracy. Using historical and contemporary examples, particularly the recent events in Egypt, the article investigates various correlations between revolutionary events and the possibility of es- tablishing democracy in a society. Keywords: democracy, revolution, extremists, counterrevolution, Isla- mists, authoritarianism, military takeover, economic efficiency, globali- sation, Egypt Introduction It is not surprising that in five years none of the revolutions of the Arab Spring has solved any urgent issues. Unfortunately, this was probably never a possibility. Various studies suggest a link between 110 preview version revolutions and the degree of modernisation of a society.1 Our research reveals that the very processes of modernisation, regardless of the level of consumption and the rate of population growth, is closely and organically linked to the risk of social and political upheaval, which can Leonid E. -
Egypt Nets Billions in Investment
www.amcham.org.eg/bmonthly NOT FOR SALE APRIL 2015 ALSO INSIDE L L AFFORDABLE HOUSING HEATS UP L L WHAT THE VAT MEANS FOR YOU L L WEARABLE ART Landslide Egypt nets billions in investment APRIL 2015 VOLUME 32 | ISSUE 4 36 Cleaning up The March economic summit in Sharm el-Sheikh netted Egypt around $38.2 billion in deals as well as another $12.5 billion in aid from the Gulf. Officials successfully marketed the country to the international media as a business-friendly destination on the rise, despite ongoing economic challenges. Cover Design: Nessim N. Hanna Inside 28 20 Editor’s Note 22 Viewpoint The Newsroom 24 In Brief The news in a nutshell 28 Region Notes News from around the region © Copyright Business Monthly 2015. All rights reserved. No part of this magazine may be reproduced without the prior written consent of the editor. The opinions expressed in Business Monthly do not necessarily reflect the views of the American Chamber of Commerce in Egypt. Business Monthly – 16 I April 2015 APRIL 2015 VOLUME 32 | ISSUE 4 33 52 56 Market Watch Executive Life 44 52 Stock Analysis Dining Out Market pulls back in run-up to Genghis Khan serves up authentic economic summit Chinese food 45 Capital Markets 54 A glance at stocks & bonds Fashion Art & Sole 47 Money & Banking Forex and deposits 48 Key Indicators The economy at a glance The Chamber In Depth 49 Egypt-U.S. Trade Imports and exports 30 58 Affordable housing megaprojects Corporate Clinic Events may not be affordable for most Developers eye “middle-income” 50 62 Six degrees Member News market Cairo tech map shows that success 66 33 depends on connections Announcements Mulling the pros and cons of the VAT 67 How the tax switch could affect SMEs Classifieds 68 Media Lite An irreverent glance at the press Business Monthly – 18 I April 2015 Editor’s Note Director of Publications & Research Khaled F. -
U.S.-Egyptian Relations Since the 2011 Revolution: the Limits of Leverage
U.S.-Egyptian Relations Since the 2011 Revolution: The Limits of Leverage An Honors Thesis Submitted to the Department of Politics in partial fulfillment of the Honors Program by Benjamin Wolkov April 29, 2015 Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter 1. A History of U.S.-Egyptian Relations 7 Chapter 2. Foreign Policy Framework 33 Chapter 3. The Fall of Mubarak, the Rise of the SCAF 53 Chapter 4. Morsi’s Presidency 82 Chapter 5. Relations Under Sisi 115 Conclusion 145 Bibliography 160 1 Introduction Over the past several decades, the United States and Egypt have had a special relationship built around military cooperation and the pursuit of mutual interests in the Middle East. At one point, Egypt was the primary nemesis of American interests in the region as it sought to spread its own form of Arab socialism in cooperation with the Soviet Union. However, since President Anwar Sadat’s decision to sign the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty in 1979, Egypt has proven a bulwark of the United States interests it once opposed. Specifically, those interests are peace with Israel, the continued flow of oil, American control of the region, and stability within the Middle East. In addition to ensuring these interests, the special friendship has given the United States privileges with Egypt, including the use of Egyptian airspace, expedited transit through the Suez Canal for American warships, and the basing of an extraordinary rendition program on Egyptian territory. Noticeably, the United States has developed its relationship with Egypt on military grounds, concentrating on national security rather than issues such as the economy or human rights. -
Romania - Adopted on 22 June 2017 Published on 16 February 2018
ADVISORY COMMITTEE ON THE FRAMEWORK CONVENTION FOR THE PROTECTION OF NATIONAL MINORITIES ACFC/OP/IV(2017)005 Fourth Opinion on Romania - adopted on 22 June 2017 Published on 16 February 2018 Summary The authorities in Romania promote respect and understanding in society and representatives of most national minorities report an overall embracing attitude prevailing between the majority and the minorities. The authorities have made efforts to promote minority cultures and education, and particular steps which have been taken to facilitate representation of national minorities in parliament are widely recognised and appreciated. The Law on Education remains the main legislative basis for teaching in and of national minority languages. A consolidated and coherent legal framework related to the protection of minority rights is lacking and the draft Law on the Status of National Minorities, proposed in parliament in 2006, has still not been adopted. Existing legislation regulating different aspects of national minority protection is disjointed, piecemeal, full of grey zones and open to contradictory interpretation. A coherent policy to guarantee access to minority rights is still lacking and respect of rights of persons belonging to national minorities varies according to local conditions and the goodwill of the municipal or regional authorities. Persistence of negative attitudes and prejudice against the Roma and anti-Hungarian sentiment is of considerable concern. Despite the resolute stance of the National Council for Combating Discrimination, court rulings and statements from the authorities, racist incidents continue to be reported. The revised Strategy for the Inclusion of Romanian Citizens Belonging to the Roma Minority – 2012-2020, adopted in 2015, sets targets in the key areas of education, employment, health and housing and addresses also promotion and protection of Roma culture and participation in public and political life. -
When Abortion Is Banned the Politics of Reproduction in Ceaucescu's
THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H : When Abortion is Banned: TITLE The Politics of Reproduction in Ceausescu's Romania, and After AUTHOR: Gail Kligman CONTRACTOR : University of California, Berkeley PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Gail Kligman COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 805-1 4 DATE : May 26, 199 2 The work leading to this report was supported by contract funds provided by the National Council for Soviet an d East European Research . The analysis and interpretations contained in the report are those of the author. COPYRIGHT INFORMATION Individual researchers retain the copyright on work products derived from research funded by Council Contract . The Council and the U.S. Government have the right to duplicate written reports and other materials submitted under Council Contract and to distribute such copies within the Council and U.S. Government for their own use , and to draw upon such reports and materials for their own studies ; but the Council and U.S. Government do not have the right to distribute, or make such reports and materials available, outside the Council or U .S. Government without the written consent of the authors, except as may be required under the provisions of the Freedom o f Information Act 5 U.S. C. 552, or other applicable law. Table of Contents Executive Summary i I . Gender Equality, "Homogenization" and the New Socialist Person 3 II . Political Demography 8 A. The Pronatalist Policies 8 B. Policing the Body 1 8 III . The Politics of Reproduction in Post-Ceausescu Romania 29 A. Liberating Bodies : Abortion, AIDS, International Adoption 32 B. Protecting Citizens' Rights 42 C. -
Anuarul Institutului De Cercetări Socio-Umane „C.S. Nicolăescu-Plopşor” “C.S
ACADEMIA ROMÂNĂ ANUARUL INSTITUTULUI DE CERCETĂRI SOCIO-UMANE „C.S. NICOLĂESCU-PLOPŞOR” “C.S. NICOLĂESCU-PLOPŞOR” INSTITUTE FOR RESEARCH IN SOCIAL STUDIES AND HUMANITIES YEARBOOK XVIII/2017 FOUNDING EDITOR: EDITORIAL BOARD: Vladimir OSIAC (University of Craiova, Acad. Dan BERINDEI (Romanian Academy, Romania) Romania); Acad. Dinu C. GIURESCU (Romanian Academy, EDITOR IN CHIEF: Romania); Cezar Gabriel AVRAM (C.S. Nicolăescu- Acad. Victor SPINEI (Romanian Academy, Plopşor Institute for Research in Social Studies Romania); and Humanities, Craiova, Romania) Nicolae PANEA (University of Craiova, DEPUTY EDITOR IN CHIEF: Romania); Mihaela BĂRBIERU (C.S. Nicolăescu-Plopşor Lucian DINDIRICĂ (The Alexandru and Aristia Institute for Research in Social Studies and Aman County Library, Romania); Humanities, Craiova, Romania) Simona LAZĂR (C.S. Nicolăescu-Plopşor Institute for Research in Social Studies and INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY BOARD: Humanities, Craiova, Romania); Patrick CHARLOT (University of Bourgogne, Nicolae MIHAI (C.S. Nicolăescu-Plopşor France); Institute for Research in Social Studies and Shpakovskaya Marina ANATOLIEVNA Humanities, Craiova, Romania); (People’s Friendship University of Russia); Ion MILITARU (C.S. Nicolăescu-Plopşor Karina Paulina MARCZUK (University of Institute for Research in Social Studies and Warsaw, Poland); Humanities, Craiova, Romania); Teodora KALEYNSKA (Sf. Cyril and Sf. Şerban PĂTRAŞCU (C.S. Nicolăescu-Plopşor Methodius University of VelikoTurnovo, Institute for Research in Social Studies and Bulgaria); Humanities, Craiova, Romania); Anatol PETRENCU (Moldova State University, Roxana RADU (University of Craiova, Romania) Chişinău, Moldova); Virgiliu BÎRLĂDEANU (Institute of Social ROMANIAN ACADEMY PUBLISHING History, Chişinău, Moldova) HOUSE EDITORS: Mihaela IAMANDEI Monica STANCIU ACADEMIA ROMÂNĂ ANUARUL INSTITUTULUI DE CERCETĂRI SOCIO-UMANE „C. S. NICOLĂESCU-PLOPŞOR” “C.S. NICOLĂESCU-PLOPŞOR” INSTITUTE FOR RESEARCH IN SOCIAL STUDIES AND HUMANITIES YEARBOOK XVIII/2017 EDITURA ACADEMIEI ROMÂNE Bucharest, 2017 Editura Academiei Române, 2017. -
Between Majority Power and Minority Resistance Kurdish Linguistic Rights in Turkey Ucarlar, Nesrin
Between Majority Power and Minority Resistance Kurdish Linguistic Rights in Turkey Ucarlar, Nesrin 2009 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Ucarlar, N. (2009). Between Majority Power and Minority Resistance: Kurdish Linguistic Rights in Turkey. Lund University. Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 BETWEEN MAJORITY POWER AND MINORITY RESISTANCE: KURDISH LINGUISTIC RIGHTS IN TURKEY Between Majority Power and Minority Resistance: Kurdish Linguistic Rights in Turkey Nesrin Uçarlar Lund Political Studies Department of Political Science -
Introduction
Notes Introduction 1. Maye Kassem. 1999. In the Guise of Democracy: Governance in Contem- porary Egypt (London: Ithaca Press); Eberhard Kienle. 2001. A Grand Delusion: Democracy and Economic Reform in Egypt (London: I. B. Tau- ris); Eva Bellin. 2002. Stalled Democracy: Capital, Labor, and the Paradox of State- Sponsored Development (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press); Jason Brownlee. 2007. Authoritarianism in an Age of Democratization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press); Lisa Blaydes. 2011. Elections and Distributive Politics in Mubarak’s Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press); Ellen Lust-Okar. 2004. “Divided They Rule: The Manage- ment and Manipulation of Political Opposition,” Journal of Democracy 36(2): 139– 56. 2. Barrington Moore. 1966. Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon); Charles Moraz. 1968. The Triumph of the Middle Class (New York: Anchor); Eric Hobsbawm. 1969. Industry and Empire (Har- mondsworth: Penguin). 3. Bellin. 2002. 4. Nazih Ayubi. 1995. Over-Stating the Arab State: Politics and Society in the Middle East (London: I. B. Tauris). 5. Samuel Huntington. 1991. The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press), p. 67. 6. Ray Bush. 2012. “Marginality or Abjection? The Political Economy of Pov- erty Production in Egypt,” in Marginality and Exclusion in Egypt, ed. Ray Bush and Habib Ayeb (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press), p. 66. 7. Bellin. 2002. 8. Amr Adly. 2009. “Politically- Embedded Cronyism: The Case of Egypt,” Busi- ness and Politics 11(4): 1– 28. 9. Bellin. 2002. 10. Adly. 2009. 11. The only Policies Secretariat meeting that Gamal Mubarak missed since the establishment of the Secretariat in 2002 was in March 2010 when he was accompanying his father in Germany for treatment. -
ALI KEMAL and the SABAH / PEYAM-I SABAH NEWSPAPER By
LIBERAL CRITICISM TOWARD THE UNIONIST POLICIES DURING THE GREAT WAR: ALI KEMAL AND THE SABAH / PEYAM-I SABAH NEWSPAPER by ONUR ÇAKMUR Submitted to the Institute of Social Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Sabancı University July 2018 © Onur Çakmur 2018 All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT LIBERAL CRITICISM TOWARD THE UNIONIST POLICIES DURING THE GREAT WAR: ALİ KEMAL AND THE SABAH / PEYAM-I SABAH NEWSPAPER ONUR ÇAKMUR Master of Arts in Turkish Studies, July 2018 Thesis Advisor: Assoc. Prof. Selçuk Akşin Somel Keywords: Ali Kemal; Armistice press; First World War; Liberal opposition; Sabah newspaper The First World War that lasted from 1914 to 1918 occupies an important place in Turkish History. However, in comparison with the Turkish War of Independence, Ottoman experience of the Great War remains a relatively under-researched area. The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), which ruled the Ottoman Empire during the War, constituted a dictatorship and kept the opposition under strict censorship. During the armistice period, political pressure was lifted and the press became a platform for criticism about the wartime policies of the Unionists and its consequences. Therefore, this study primarily aims to analyze Sabah (from January 1920 onwards published as Peyam-ı Sabah), a leading newspaper of the opposition, with regard to its perspective on the War during the armistice period. The emphasis of the study will be on the editor-in- chief of the paper, Ali Kemal, an iconic figure of the period, who had been very influential especially in Sabah’s analyses regarding the War and the figures who were responsible in this debacle. -
Political Mobilization and the Institutional Origins of National Developmentalist States: the Cases of Turkey, Mexico, Argentina, and Egypt
Political Mobilization and the Institutional Origins of National Developmentalist States: the Cases of Turkey, Mexico, Argentina, and Egypt A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Berk Esen January 2015 © 2015 Berk Esen Political Mobilization and the Institutional Origins of National Developmentalist States: the Cases of Turkey, Mexico, Argentina, and Egypt Berk Esen, Ph.D. Cornell University 2015 My dissertation examines why the common challenge of late development has generated starkly different responses in the Global South. I focus in particular on a cluster of cases that reacted to trade imbalances and political turmoil at the international stage with a combined agenda of economic nationalism, social progress and state-led industrialization, establishing what I term national developmentalist states. Why then, despite facing similar adaptive pressures, did these regimes markedly differ in terms of their durability and socio-economic policies? Through a careful study of such regimes in Turkey, Mexico, Argentina and Egypt during the middle third of the twentieth century, the dissertation specifies four variants of the national-developmentalist state and articulates how each type produced a distinct policy set with varying redistributive implications and political outcomes. I argue that where leaders invested heavily in building cohesive ruling-party and/or state organizations, regimes proved durable even with only moderate levels of economic redistribution. Where such institutions were weak, leaders could expand their popularity through excessive redistribution and risk elite polarization or establish a limited base but remain vulnerable to elite defections and popular opposition. -
Militär-Kampfgas Gegen De Monstranten?
kultur magazin Nr. 5 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- kultur magazin Nr. 5 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- kultur magazin Nr. 5 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 2011/2013..........................................15 Die Beiträge im EinzelnenVon den Parlaments- zu den Präsidentschaftswahlen 2012.............15 Die Präsidentschaftswahlen vom Mai/Juni 2012....................................16 Was ist die größere Gefahr? ..............17 Mohammed Mursis Präsidentschaft Der arabische Frühling vor dem Ende (22.8.2013) 4 (21.8.2013)..................................................18 Zwei Elemente Mursi´s Präsidentschaft Das Drama der syrischen Revolution (21.8.2013) ...........................................................7 18 Hier eine Zusammenfassung der Das Blutbad der Putschisten (17.8.2013) Ereignisse: .........................................11 18 Probleme des syrischen Widerstandes (10.6.2012)..................................................20 Tahrir 3.0 (3.7.2013) Egypt: Revolution and Conterrevolution12 Table of Contents (14.12.2012)................................................21 Zwischenkultur magazin Mubarak nr. 3 und ...................................... Mursi (21.8.2013)2 Economic growth rate and wealth13 per capita / Die Beiträge im Einzelnen ...........................2 employed (7.3.2012)...................................22